United Kingdom general election, 1945
The 1945 United Kingdom general election was held on 5 July 1945, with polls in some constituencies delayed until 12 July and in Nelson and Colne until 19 July, because of local wakes weeks. The results were counted and declared on 26 July, to allow time to transport the votes of those serving overseas.
All 640 seats in the House of Commons
321 seats needed for a majority
Colours denote the winning party, as shown in the main table of results.
(Insert shows results in the Parliamentary County of London. Map excludes Northern Ireland)
The result was an unexpected landslide victory for Clement Attlee's Labour Party, over Winston Churchill's Conservatives. It was the first time the Conservatives had lost the popular vote since the 1906 election; they would not win it again until 1955. Labour won its first majority government, and a mandate to implement its postwar reforms. The 12.0% national swing from the Conservative Party to the Labour Party remains the largest ever achieved in a British general election.
Held less than two months after VE Day, it was the first general election since 1935, as general elections had been suspended during the Second World War. Clement Attlee, Leader of the Labour Party, refused Winston Churchill's offer of continuing the wartime coalition until the Allied defeat of Japan. Parliament was dissolved on 15 June.
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The Labour Party ran on promises to create full employment, a tax-funded universal National Health Service, the embracing of Keynesian economic policies and a cradle-to-grave welfare state, with the campaign message 'Let us face the future'.
The Conservative manifesto included the granting of Dominion Status to India, mass house building, rent tribunals, an expansion of social security benefits and a "comprehensive health service".
The caretaker government led by Churchill was heavily defeated; the Labour Party under Attlee's leadership won a landslide victory, gaining a majority of 145 seats.
The result of the election came as a major shock to the Conservatives, given the heroic status of Winston Churchill, but reflected the voters' belief that the Labour Party were better able to rebuild the country following the war than the Conservatives. Ralph Ingersoll reported in late 1940 that, "Everywhere I went in London people admired [Churchill's] energy, his courage, his singleness of purpose. People said they didn't know what Britain would do without him. He was obviously respected. But no one felt he would be Prime Minister after the war. He was simply the right man in the right job at the right time. The time being the time of a desperate war with Britain's enemies". Henry Pelling, noting that polls showed a steady Labour lead after 1942, explained the long-term forces that caused the Labour landslide. He pointed to the usual swing against the party in power; the Conservative loss of initiative; wide fears of a return to the high unemployment of the 1930s; the theme that socialist planning would be more efficient in operating the economy; and the mistaken belief that Churchill would continue as prime minister regardless of the result.
Though voters respected and liked Churchill's wartime record, they were more distrustful of the Conservative Party's domestic and foreign policy record in the late 1930s. Labour had also been given, during the war, the opportunity to display to the electorate their domestic competence in government, under men such as Attlee as Deputy Prime Minister, Herbert Morrison at the Home Office and Ernest Bevin at the Ministry of Labour. Churchill and the Conservatives are also generally considered to have run a poor campaign in comparison to Labour; Churchill's statement that Attlee's programme would require "some form of a Gestapo" to implement is considered to have been particularly poorly judged.
This was the first election in which Labour gained a majority of seats, and also the first time it won a plurality of votes. The election was a disaster for the Liberal Party; it lost all its urban seats, while its leader Archibald Sinclair lost his rural seat of Caithness and Sutherland. According to Baines, the defeat marked its transition from being a party of government to a party of the political fringe.
Future prominent figures who entered Parliament included Harold Wilson, James Callaghan, Barbara Castle, Michael Foot and Hugh Gaitskell. Future Conservative Prime Minister Harold Macmillan lost his seat, returning to Parliament at a by-election later in the year.
|Party||Leader||Stood||Elected||Gained||Unseated||Net||% of total||%||No.||Net %|
|Labour||Clement Attlee||603||393||242||3||+ 239||61.4||47.7||11,967,746||+ 11.7|
|Liberal National||Ernest Brown||49||11||0||22||−22||1.7||2.9||686,652||−0.8|
|Common Wealth||C. A. Smith||23||1||1||0||+1||0.2||0.5||110,634||N/A|
|Communist||Harry Pollitt||21||2||1||0||+ 1||0.3||0.4||97,945||+0.3|
|Independent Conservative||N/A||6||2||2||0||+ 2||0.3||0.2||57,823||+0.1|
|Ind. Labour Party||Bob Edwards||5||3||0||1||− 1||0.5||0.2||46,769||-0.5|
|Independent Progressive||N/A||7||1||1||0||+ 1||0.2||0.1||45,967||+0.1|
|Independent Liberal||N/A||3||2||2||0||+ 2||0.3||0.1||30,450||+0.1|
|Plaid Cymru||Abi Williams||7||0||0||0||0||—||0.0||16,017||—|
|Commonwealth Labour||Harry Midgley||1||0||0||0||0||—||0.0||14,096||N/A|
|Liverpool Protestant||H. D. Longbottom||1||0||0||0||0||—||0.0||2,601||—|
|United Socialist||Guy Aldred||1||0||0||0||0||—||0.0||300||N/A|
MPs who lost their seatsEdit
Seats changing hands between partiesEdit
- This differs from the above list in including seats where the incumbent was standing down and therefore there was no possibility of any one person being defeated. The aim is to provide a comparison with the previous election. All comparisons are with the 1935 election.
- In some cases the change is due to the MP defecting to the gaining party. Such circumstances are marked with a *.
- In other circumstances the change is due to the seat having been won by the gaining party in a by-election in the intervening years, and then retained in 1945. Such circumstances are marked with a †.
1seat had been won by National Labour in a by-election
2seat had been won by Independent Labour candidate in a by-election, who fought and won the 1945 election as a Labour candidate
3candidate had defected to the Common Wealth party
4candidate had moved to 'National' label
5seat had been won by Independent candidate in a by-election, who fought and won the 1945 election as a Labour candidate
6candidate had defected to National Liberal party
7seat had been won by Independent Conservative candidate in a by-election, who fought and won the 1945 election as a National Independent candidate
8seat had been won by Independent candidate in a by-election
Reasons for Labour victoryEdit
With the Second World War coming to an end in Europe, the Labour Party decided to pull out of the wartime national coalition government, precipitating an election which took place in July 1945. King George VI dissolved Parliament, which had been sitting for ten years without an election. What followed was perhaps one of the greatest swings of public confidence of the twentieth century. In May 1945, the month in which the war in Europe ended, Churchill's approval ratings stood at 83%, although the Labour Party held an 18% lead as of February 1945. Labour won overwhelming support while 'Churchill... was both surprised and stunned' by the crushing defeat suffered by the Conservatives.
The greatest factor in Labour's dramatic win appeared to be the policy of social reform. In one opinion poll, 41% of respondents considered housing to be the most important issue that faced the country, 15% stated the Labour policy of full employment, 7% mentioned social security, 6% nationalisation and just 5% international security, which was emphasised by the Conservatives. The Beveridge Report, published in 1942, proposed the creation of a welfare state. It called for a dramatic turn in British social policy, with provision for nationalised healthcare, expansion of state-funded education, National Insurance and a new housing policy. The report was extremely popular, and copies of its findings were widely purchased, turning it into a best-seller. The Labour Party adopted the report eagerly. The Conservatives accepted many of the principles of the report (Churchill did not regard the reforms as socialist), but claimed that they were not affordable. Labour offered a new comprehensive welfare policy, reflecting a consensus that social changes were needed. The Conservatives were not willing to make the same concessions that Labour proposed, and hence appeared out of step with public opinion.
As Churchill's personal popularity remained high, the Conservatives were confident of victory and based much of their election campaign on this, rather than proposing new programmes. However, people distinguished between Churchill and his party—a contrast which Labour repeatedly emphasised throughout the campaign. Voters also harboured doubts over Churchill's ability to lead the country on the domestic front.
In addition to the poor Conservative general election strategy, Churchill went so far as to accuse Attlee of seeking to behave as a dictator, in spite of Attlee's service as part of Churchill's war cabinet. In the most famous incident of the campaign, Churchill's first election broadcast on 4 June backfired dramatically and memorably. Denouncing his former coalition partners, he declared that Labour "would have to fall back on some form of a Gestapo" to impose socialism on Britain. Attlee responded the next night by ironically thanking the Prime Minister for demonstrating to people the difference between Churchill the great wartime leader and Churchill the peacetime politician, and argued the case for public control of industry.
Another blow to the Conservative campaign was the memory of the 1930s policy of appeasement, which had been conducted by Churchill's Conservative predecessors, Neville Chamberlain and Stanley Baldwin, and was at this stage widely discredited for allowing Adolf Hitler's Germany to become too powerful. Labour had strongly advocated appeasement until 1938. The inter-war period had been dominated by Conservatives. With the exception of two brief minority Labour governments in 1924 and 1929–1931, the Conservatives had been in power for its entirety. As a result, the Conservatives were generally blamed for the era's mistakes, not merely for appeasement but for the inflation and unemployment of the Great Depression. Many voters felt that while the war of 1914–1918 had been won, the peace that followed had been lost. Labour played to the concept of "winning the peace" that would follow the Second World War.
Possibly for this reason, there was especially strong support for Labour in the armed services, who feared the unemployment and homelessness to which the soldiers of the First World War had returned. It has been claimed that the pro left-wing bias of teachers in the armed services was a contributing factor, but this argument has generally not carried much weight, and the failure of the Conservative governments in the 1920s to deliver a "land fit for heroes" was likely more important. The role of propaganda films produced during the war, which were shown to both military and civilian audiences, is also seen as a contributory factor due to their general optimism about the future, which meshed with the Labour Party's campaigning in 1945 better than with that of the Conservatives. Writer and soldier Anthony Burgess remarked that Churchill – who often wore a colonel's uniform at this time – himself was not nearly as popular with soldiers at the front as with officers and civilians: he noted that Churchill often smoked cigars in front of soldiers who had not had a decent cigarette in days.
The differing strategies of the two parties during wartime also gave Labour an advantage. Labour continued to attack pre-war Conservative governments for their inactivity in tackling Hitler, reviving the economy, and re-arming Britain, while Churchill was less interested in furthering his party, much to the chagrin of many of its members and MPs.
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- Lynch 2008, p. 4
- Ingersoll, Ralph (1940). Report on England, November 1940. New York: Simon and Schuster. p. 127.
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- McCulloch, Gary. "Labour, the Left, and the British General Election of 1945." Journal of British Studies (1985) 24(4) pp: 465–489. JSTOR: 175476
- Nicholas, H. (1951). The British general election of 1950. London: Macmillan. ISBN 0-333-77865-0.
- Pelling, Henry. "The 1945 general election reconsidered." Historical Journal (1980) 23(2) pp: 399-414. JSTOR: 2638675
- Toye, Richard. "Winston Churchill's "Crazy Broadcast": Party, Nation, and the 1945 Gestapo Speech," Journal of British Studies (2010) 49(3) pp. 655–680 JSTOR: 23265382; online
|Wikimedia Commons has media related to 1945 UK general election.|
- Catalogue of general election ephemera held at LSE Archives
- Labour Wins – newspaper report from the Melbourne Argus, 27 July 1945
- United Kingdom election results – summary results 1885–1979
- Mr. Churchill's Declaration of Policy to the Electors – 1945 Conservative manifesto.
- Let Us Face the Future – 1945 Labour Party manifesto.
- 20 Point Manifesto of the Liberal Party – 1945 Liberal Party manifesto.