Racism in the United States

Racism in the United States comprises negative attitudes and views on race or ethnicity which are related to each other, are held by various people and groups in the United States and have been reflected in discriminatory laws, practices and actions at various times in the history of the United States (including violence) against racial or ethnic groups. Throughout American history, white Americans have generally enjoyed legally or socially sanctioned privileges and rights which have been denied to members of various ethnic or minority groups at various times. European Americans, particularly affluent white Anglo-Saxon Protestants, are said to have enjoyed advantages in matters of education, immigration, voting rights, citizenship, land acquisition, and criminal procedure.

Racism against various ethnic or minority groups has existed in the United States since the colonial era. African Americans in particular have faced restrictions on their political, social, and economic freedoms throughout much of United States history. Native Americans have suffered genocide, forced removals, and massacres, and they continue to face discrimination. Non-Protestant immigrants from Europe, particularly Jews, Poles, Italians, and the Irish were often subjected to xenophobic exclusion and other forms of ethnicity-based discrimination. In addition, Hispanics, Middle Eastern and Asian Americans along with Pacific Islanders have also been the victims of discrimination.

Racism in the U.S. has manifested itself in a variety of ways, including genocide, slavery, segregation, Native American reservations and boarding schools, racist immigration and naturalization laws, and internment camps.[a] Formal racial discrimination was largely banned by the mid-20th century and over time, coming to be perceived as being socially and morally unacceptable. Racial politics remains a major phenomenon, and racism continues to be reflected in socioeconomic inequality.[1][b] In recent years research has uncovered extensive evidence of racial discrimination in various sectors of modern U.S. society, including the criminal justice system, business, the economy, housing, health care, the media, and politics. In the view of the United Nations and the U.S. Human Rights Network, "discrimination in the United States permeates all aspects of life and extends to all communities of color."[3]

Citizenship and voting rightsEdit

The Naturalization Act of 1790 set the first uniform rules for the granting of United States citizenship by naturalization, which limited naturalisation to "free white person[s]", thus excluding from citizenship Native Americans, indentured servants, slaves, free blacks and later Asians. Citizenship and the lack of it had a special impact on various legal and political rights, most notably suffrage rights at both the federal and state level, as well as the right to hold certain government offices, jury duty, military service, and many other activities, besides access to government assistance and services. The second Militia Act of 1792 also provided for the conscription of every "free able-bodied white male citizen".[4] Tennessee's 1834 Constitution included a provision: “the free white men of this State have a right to Keep and bear arms for their common defense.”[5]

The Treaty of Dancing Rabbit Creek, made under the Indian Removal Act of 1830, allowed those Choctaw Indians who chose to remain in Mississippi to gain recognition as US citizens, the first major non-European ethnic group to become entitled to US citizenship.

The Naturalization Act of 1870 extended naturalization to black persons, but not to other non-white persons, but revoked the citizenship of naturalized Chinese Americans.[6] The law relied on coded language to exclude "aliens ineligible for citizenship" which primarily applied to Chinese and Japanese immigrants.

Native Americans were granted citizenship in a piece-meal manner until the Indian Citizenship Act of 1924, which unilaterally bestowed on them blanket citizenship status, whether they belonged to a federally recognized tribe or not, though by that date two-thirds of Native Americans had already become US citizens by various means. The Act was not retroactive, so that citizenship did not extend to Native Americans born before the effective date of the 1924 Act, or outside of the United States as an indigenous person. Even Native Americans who gained citizenship under the 1924 Act were not guaranteed voting rights until 1948. According to a survey by the Department of Interior, seven states still refused to grant Indians voting rights in 1938. Discrepancies between federal and state control provided loopholes in the Act's enforcement. States justified discrimination based on state statutes and constitutions. Three main arguments for Indian voting exclusion were Indian exemption from real estate taxes, maintenance of tribal affiliation and the notion that Indians were under guardianship, or lived on lands controlled by federal trusteeship.[7]: 121 By 1947, all states with large Indian populations, except Arizona and New Mexico, had extended voting rights to Native Americans who qualified under the 1924 Act. Finally, in 1948, a judicial decision forced the remaining states to withdraw their prohibition on Indian voting.[8]

Further changes to racial eligibility for citizenship by naturalization were made after 1940, when eligibility was extended to "descendants of races indigenous to the Western Hemisphere," "Filipino persons or persons of Filipino descent," "Chinese persons or persons of Chinese descent," and "persons of races indigenous to India."[9] The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952 prohibits racial and gender discrimination in naturalization.[10]

Citizenship, however, did not guarantee any particular rights, such as the right to vote. Black Americans, for example, who gained formal US citizenship by 1870, were soon disenfranchised. For example, after 1890, less than 9,000 of Mississippi's 147,000 eligible African-American voters were registered to vote, or about 6%. Louisiana went from 130,000 registered African-American voters in 1896 to 1,342 in 1904 (about a 99% decrease).[citation needed] They were also subjected to Black Codes and discriminated against in the Southern states by Jim Crow laws. Voter suppression efforts around the country, though mainly motivated by political considerations, often effectively disproportionately affect African Americans and other minorities. In 2016, one in 13 African-Americans of voting age was disenfranchised, more than four times greater than that of non-African-Americans. Over 7.4% of adult African-Americans were disenfranchised compared to 1.8% of non-African-Americans. Felony disenfranchisement in Florida disqualifies over 10% of its citizens for life and over 23% of its African-American citizens.[11] (See also Elections in North Dakota#Voting requirements, where voter identification requirements brought in in 2016 effectively disenfranchised a quarter of Native American voters in the state.)

Leland T. Saito, Associate Professor of Sociology and American Studies & Ethnicity at the University of Southern California, writes, "Political rights have been circumscribed by race, class and gender since the founding of the United States, when the right to vote was restricted to white men of property. Throughout the history of the United States race has been used by whites – a category that has also shifted through time – for legitimizing and creating difference and social, economic and political exclusion."[12]

African AmericansEdit

Antebellum periodEdit

 
Scars of a whipped slave, April 2, 1863, Baton Rouge, Louisiana

Between 1626 and 1860, the Atlantic slave trade brought more than 470,000 enslaved Africans to what is now the United States.[13][14] White European Americans who participated in the slave industry tried to justify their economic exploitation of black people by creating a "scientific" theory of white superiority and black inferiority.[15] One such slave owner was Thomas Jefferson, and it was his call for science to determine the obvious "inferiority" of blacks that is regarded as "an extremely important stage in the evolution of scientific racism."[16] He concluded that blacks were "inferior to the whites in the endowments of body and mind."[17]

After the importation of slaves into the United States was outlawed by federal law from 1808, the domestic slave trade expanded to replace it.[18] Maryland and Virginia, for example, would "export" their surplus slaves to the South. These sales of slaves broke up many families, with historian Ira Berlin writing that whether slaves were directly uprooted or lived in fear that they or their families would be involuntarily moved, "the massive deportation traumatized black people".[19]

During the 1820s and 1830s, the American Colonization Society established the colony of Liberia and persuaded thousands of free black Americans to move there because many members of the white elite both in the North and the South saw them as a problem to be got rid of.

During and immediately after the American Civil War, about four million enslaved African Americans were set free, major legal actions being President Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation which came into effect on January 1, 1863, and the Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution which finally abolished slavery in December 1865.[20]

Reconstruction Era to World War IIEdit

 
A group of white men pose for a 1919 photograph as they stand over the body of the black lynching victim Will Brown before they decide to mutilate and burn it during the Omaha race riot of 1919 in Omaha, Nebraska. Photographs and postcards of lynchings were popular souvenirs in the U.S.[21]

After the Civil War, the Reconstruction Era was characterized by federal legislation to protect the rights of the formerly enslaved people, including the Civil Rights Act of 1866 and the Civil Rights Act of 1875. The Fourteenth amendment granted full citizenship to African Americans and the 15th amendment guaranteed the voting rights of African-American men.

Despite this, white supremacists came to power in all Southern states, by intimidating black voters with the assistance of terrorist groups like the Ku Klux Klan, the Red Shirts and the White League. "Black Codes" and Jim Crow laws deprived African Americans of voting rights and other civil liberties by instituting systemic and discriminatory policies of unequal racial segregation.[22] Segregated facilities extended from white-only schools to white-only graveyards.[23] Anti-miscegenation laws forbade marriage and even sex between whites and non-whites.[24]

The new century saw a hardening of institutionalized racism and legal discrimination against citizens of African descent in the United States. Throughout the post Civil War period, racial stratification was informally and systemically enforced, to solidify the pre-existing social order. Although their vote was guaranteed by the 15th Amendment, poll taxes, pervasive acts of terrorism such as lynchings (often perpetrated by hate groups such as the Ku Klux Klan), and discriminatory laws such as grandfather clauses kept black Americans disenfranchised in most Southern states. In response to de jure racism, protest and lobbyist groups emerged, most notably, the NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People) in 1909.[25]

This era is sometimes referred to as the nadir of American race relations because racism, segregation, racial discrimination, and expressions of white supremacy all increased. So did anti-black violence, including race riots such as the Atlanta race riot of 1906, the Elaine massacre of 1919, the Tulsa race massacre of 1921, and the Rosewood massacre of 1923. The Atlanta riot was characterized as a "racial massacre of negroes" by the French newspaper Le Petit Journal.[26] The Charleston News and Courier wrote in response to the Atlanta riots: "Separation of the races is the only radical solution of the negro problem in this country. There is nothing new about it. It was the Almighty who established the bounds of the habitation of the races. The negroes were brought here by compulsion; they should be induced to leave here by persuasion."[27]

In addition, racism, which had been viewed as a problem which primarily existed in the Southern states, burst onto the nation's consciousness following the Great Migration, the relocation of millions of African Americans from their roots in the rural Southern states to the industrial centers of the North and West between 1910 and 1970.

 
White tenants seeking to prevent blacks from moving into the housing project erected this sign. Detroit, 1942.

Throughout this period, racial tensions exploded, most violently in Chicago, and lynchings—mob-directed hangings, usually racially motivated—increased dramatically in the 1920s. Urban riots—whites attacking blacks—became a northern and western problem.[28] Many whites defended their space with violence, intimidation, or legal tactics toward African Americans, while many other whites migrated to more racially homogeneous suburban or exurban regions, a process known as white flight.[29] Racially restrictive housing covenants were ruled unenforceable under the Fourteenth Amendment in the 1948 landmark Supreme Court case Shelley v. Kraemer.[30]

Elected in 1912, President Woodrow Wilson authorized the practice of racial segregation throughout the federal government's bureaucracy.[31] In World War I, blacks who served in the United States Armed Forces served in segregated units. Black soldiers were often poorly trained and equipped, and they were often put on the frontlines and forced to go on suicide missions. The U.S. military was still heavily segregated during World War II. In addition, no African-American was awarded the Medal of Honor during the war, and sometimes, black soldiers who traveled on trains had to give their seats up to Nazi prisoners of war.[32]

World War II to the Civil Rights MovementEdit

 
Due to threats and violence against her, U.S. Marshals escorted 6-year-old Ruby Bridges to and from the previously whites only William Frantz Elementary School in New Orleans, 1960. As soon as Bridges entered the school, white parents pulled their children out.

The Jim Crow Laws were state and local laws which were enacted in the Southern and border states of the United States and enforced between 1876 and 1965. They mandated "separate but equal" status for blacks. In reality, this led to treatment and accommodations that were almost always inferior to those which were provided to whites. The most important laws required that public schools, public places and public transportation, like trains and buses, have separate facilities for whites and blacks. State-sponsored school segregation was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of the United States in 1954 in Brown v. Board of Education. One of the first federal court cases which challenged segregation in schools was Mendez v. Westminster in 1946.

By the 1950s, the Civil Rights Movement was gaining momentum. Membership in the NAACP increased in states across the U.S. Notable acts of anti-black violence that sparked public outrage included the 1955 lynching of 14-year-old Emmett Till and the 1963 assassination of civil rights activist and NAACP member Medgar Evers by a member of the White Citizens' Council. In both cases the perpetrators were able to evade conviction with the help of all-white juries. In the 1963 16th Street Baptist Church bombing, Ku Klux Klansmen killed four black girls, aged 11 to 14.[33][34]

In response to heightening discrimination and violence, non-violent acts of protest began to occur. The Greensboro sit-ins, starting in February 1960, contributed to the formation of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. After many sit-ins and other non-violent protests, including marches and boycotts, places began to agree to desegregate.[35]

 
Rosa Parks being fingerprinted after being arrested for not giving up her seat on the bus to a white person
 
Bayard Rustin (left) and Cleveland Robinson (right), organizers of the March, on August 7, 1963

The March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom on August 28, 1963, with an estimated 250,000 black and white participants, at which Martin Luther King Jr. delivered his historic "I Have a Dream" speech, helped facilitate the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. In Loving v. Virginia (1967), the Supreme Court declared anti-miscegenation laws unconstitutional.[36]

Segregation continued even after the demise of the Jim Crow laws. Data on house prices and attitudes towards integration suggest that in the mid-20th century, segregation was a product of collective actions taken by whites to exclude blacks from their neighborhoods.[37] Segregation also took the form of redlining, the practice of denying or increasing the cost of services, such as banking, insurance, access to jobs,[38] access to health care,[39] or even supermarkets[40] to residents in certain, often racially determined,[41] areas. Although in the U.S. informal discrimination and segregation have always existed, redlining began with the National Housing Act of 1934, which established the Federal Housing Administration (FHA). The practice was fought first through passage of the Fair Housing Act of 1968 (which prevents redlining when the criteria for redlining are based on race, religion, gender, familial status, disability, or ethnic origin), and later through the Community Reinvestment Act of 1977, which requires banks to apply the same lending criteria in all communities.[42] Although redlining is illegal some argue that it continues to exist in other forms.

Up until the 1940s, the full revenue potential of what was called "the Negro market" was largely ignored by white-owned manufacturers in the U.S., with advertising focused on whites.[43] Blacks, including Olympic champion Jesse Owens,[44][45] were also denied commercial deals. Famous blacks like Owens and Hattie McDaniel had to suffer humiliating treatment even at events celebrating their achievements.[46][47]

As the civil rights movement and the dismantling of Jim Crow laws in the 1950s and 1960s deepened existing racial tensions in much of the Southern U.S., a Republican Party electoral strategy – the Southern strategy – was enacted to increase political support among white voters in the South by appealing to racism against African Americans.[48][49] Republican politicians such as presidential candidate Richard Nixon and Senator Barry Goldwater developed strategies that successfully contributed to the political realignment of many white, conservative voters in the South who had traditionally supported the Democratic Party rather than the Republican Party.[50]

1970s to the 2000sEdit

 
The Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church where nine black church-goers, including the pastor, were killed by a white man in the 2015 Charleston church shooting. The church, founded in 1817, is the oldest AME church in the South.

While substantial gains were made in the succeeding decades through middle class advancement and public employment, black poverty and lack of education continued in the context of de-industrialization.[51][52]

From 1981 to 1997, the United States Department of Agriculture discriminated against tens of thousands of black American farmers, denying loans that were provided to white farmers in similar circumstances. The discrimination was the subject of the Pigford v. Glickman lawsuit brought by members of the National Black Farmers Association, which resulted in two settlement agreements of $1.06 billion in 1999 and of $1.25 billion in 2009.[53]

Numerous authors, academics, and historians have asserted that the War on Drugs has been racially and politically motivated. Continuing the "tough on crime" policies and rhetoric of earlier politicians, President Ronald Reagan announced his administration's War on Drugs in October 1982.[54] A few years later, the crack epidemic spread across the country in the mid 1980s, leading Congress to pass the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986. Under these sentencing guidelines, five grams of crack cocaine, often sold by and to African-Americans, carried a mandatory five-year prison sentence. However, for powder cocaine, often sold by and to white Americans, it would take one hundred times that amount, or 500 grams, for the same sentence, leading many to criticize the law as discriminatory. The 100:1 sentencing disparity was reduced to 18:1 in 2010 by the Fair Sentencing Act.[55]

During the 1980s and '90s, a number of riots occurred that were related to longstanding racial tensions between police and minority communities. Khalil Gibran Muhammad, the Director of the Harlem-based Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture has identified more than 100 instances of mass racial violence in the United States since 1935 and has noted that almost every instance was precipitated by a police incident.[56]

Violence against black churches has continued – 145 fires were set to churches around the South in the 1990s,[57] and a mass shooting in Charleston, South Carolina was committed in 2015 at the historic Mother Emanuel Church.[58]

2008 to the presentEdit

 
Reverend Al Sharpton speaking at the Commitment March: Get Your Knee Off Our Necks in August 2020

Some Americans saw the presidential election of Barack Obama, who was the nation's first black president, as a sign that the nation had entered a new, post-racial era.[59][60] The election of President Donald Trump in 2016, who was a chief proponent of the racist birther movement and has a history of speech and actions that have been widely viewed as racist or racially charged, has been viewed by some commentators as a racist backlash against the election of Barack Obama.[61] During the mid-2010s, American society has seen a resurgence of high levels of racism and discrimination. One new phenomenon has been the rise of the "alt-right" movement: a white nationalist coalition which seeks the expulsion of sexual and racial minorities from the United States.[62] Since the mid-2010s, the Department of Homeland Security and the Federal Bureau of Investigation have identified white supremacist violence as the leading threat of domestic terrorism in the United States.[63][64]

Sociologist Russ Long stated in 2013 that there is now a more subtle racism that associates a specific race with a specific characteristic.[65] In a 1993 study conducted by Katz and Braly, it was presented that "blacks and whites hold a variety of stereotypes towards each other, often negative".[66] The Katz and Braley study also found that African-Americans and whites view the traits that they identify each other with as threatening, interracial communication between the two is likely to be "hesitant, reserved, and concealing".[66]

The Black Lives Matter movement started in 2013 after the acquittal of a white man who had killed the African-American teen Trayvon Martin.

In August 2017, the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination issued a rare warning to the US and its leadership to "unequivocally and unconditionally" condemn racist speech and crime, following violence in Charlottesville during a rally organized by white nationalists, white supremacists, Klansmen, neo-Nazis and various right-wing militias in August.[67][68]

On May 25, 2020, George Floyd, a 46-year-old black man, was murdered by a white Minneapolis Police Department officer, who forced his knee on Floyd's neck for a total of 9 minutes and 29 seconds.[69][70][c] Floyd's death sparked a wave of protests across the United States and worldwide.

Native AmericansEdit

 
Members of the Muscogee (Creek) Nation in Oklahoma around 1877.

Native Americans have inhabited the North American continent for roughly 10,000 years, and millions of Native Americans lived in the region composing the modern-day United States prior to European colonization.[76] During and after the colonial period of American history, white settlers waged a long series of conflicts with the aim of displacing Native Americans and colonizing their lands. Many Native Americans were enslaved as a result of these conflicts, while others were forcibly assimilated to the culture of the white settlers.[77]

During the 19th century, the idea of forcibly removing certain Native American nations gained momentum. However, some Native Americans chose to or were allowed to remain and avoided removal and thereafter were subjected to racism from the federal government. The Choctaws in Mississippi described their situation in 1849, "we have had our habitations torn down and burned, our fences destroyed, cattle turned into our fields and we ourselves have been scourged, manacled, fettered and otherwise personally abused, until by such treatment some of our best men have died."[78] Joseph B. Cobb, who moved to Mississippi from Georgia, described the Choctaws as having "no nobility or virtue at all," and in some respect he found blacks, especially native Africans, to be more interesting and admirable, the red man's superior in every way. The Choctaw and Chickasaw, the tribes he knew best, were beneath contempt; that is, even worse than black slaves.[79]

In the 1800s, ideologies such as manifest destiny, which held the view that the United States was destined to expand from coast to coast on the North American continent, fueled U.S. attacks against, and maltreatment of, Native Americans. In the years leading up to the Indian Removal Act of 1830 there were many armed conflicts between white settlers and Native Americans.[80] A justification for the conquest and subjugation of indigenous people emanated from the stereotyped perception that Native Americans were "merciless Indian savages" (as described in the United States Declaration of Independence).[81] Sam Wolfson in The Guardian writes, "The declaration’s passage has often been cited as an encapsulation of the dehumanizing attitude toward indigenous Americans that the US was founded on."[82] Simon Moya-Smith, culture editor at Indian Country Today, states, "Any holiday that would refer to my people in such a repugnant, racist manner is certainly not worth celebrating. [July Fourth] is a day when we celebrate our resiliency, our culture, our languages, our children and we mourn the millions – literally millions – of indigenous people who have died as a consequence of American imperialism."[83]

In Martin Luther King Jr.'s book Why We Can't Wait, he wrote, "Our nation was born in genocide when it embraced the doctrine that the original American, the Indian, was an inferior race."[84] In 1861, residents of Mankato, Minnesota, formed the Knights of the Forest, with the goal of 'eliminating all Indians from Minnesota.' An egregious attempt occurred with the California gold rush, the first two years of which saw the death of thousands of Native Americans. Under Mexican rule in California, Indians were subjected to de facto enslavement under a system of peonage by the white elite. While in 1850, California formally entered the Union as a free state, with respect to the issue of slavery, the practice of Indian indentured servitude was not outlawed by the California Legislature until 1863.[85] The 1864 deportation of the Navajos by the U.S. government occurred when 8,000 Navajos were forcibly relocated to an internment camp in Bosque Redondo,[86] where, under armed guards, more than 3,500 Navajo and Mescalero Apache men, women, and children died from starvation and disease.[86]

 
Mass grave for the dead Lakota following the Wounded Knee massacre. Eyewitness American Horse, chief of the Oglala Lakota, stated, "A people's dream died there. It was a beautiful dream ... the nation's hope is broken and scattered. There is no center any longer, and the sacred tree is dead."[87]

Native American nations on the plains in the west continued armed conflicts with the U.S. throughout the 19th century, through what were called generally Indian Wars.[88] Notable conflicts in this period include the Dakota War, Great Sioux War, Snake War and Colorado War. In the years leading up to the Wounded Knee massacre the U.S. government had continued to seize Lakota lands. A Ghost Dance ritual on the Northern Lakota reservation at Wounded Knee, South Dakota, led to the U.S. Army's attempt to subdue the Lakota. The dance was part of a religion founded by Wovoka that told of the return of the Messiah to relieve the suffering of Native Americans and promised that if they would live righteous lives and perform the Ghost Dance properly, the European American invaders would vanish, the bison would return, and the living and the dead would be reunited in an Edenic world.[89] On December 29, 1890, at Wounded Knee, gunfire erupted, and U.S. soldiers killed up to 300 Indians, mostly old men, women and children.[90]

During the period surrounding the 1890 Wounded Knee Massacre, author L. Frank Baum wrote two editorials about Native Americans. Five days after the killing of the Lakota Sioux holy man, Sitting Bull, Baum wrote, "The proud spirit of the original owners of these vast prairies inherited through centuries of fierce and bloody wars for their possession, lingered last in the bosom of Sitting Bull. With his fall the nobility of the Redskin is extinguished, and what few are left are a pack of whining curs who lick the hand that smites them. The Whites, by the law of conquest, by a justice of civilization, are masters of the American continent, and the best safety of the frontier settlements will be secured by the total annihilation of the few remaining Indians. Why not annihilation? Their glory has fled, their spirit broken, their manhood effaced; better that they die than live the miserable wretches that they are."[91] Following the December 29, 1890, massacre, Baum wrote, "The Pioneer has before declared that our only safety depends upon the total extermination [sic] of the Indians. Having wronged them for centuries we had better, in order to protect our civilization, follow it up by one more wrong and wipe these untamed and untamable creatures from the face of the earth. In this lies safety for our settlers and the soldiers who are under incompetent commands. Otherwise, we may expect future years to be as full of trouble with the redskins as those have been in the past."[91][92]

Reservation marginalizationEdit

Once their territories were incorporated into the United States, surviving Native Americans were denied equality before the law and often treated as wards of the state.[93]

Many Native Americans were moved to reservations—constituting 4% of U.S. territory. In a number of cases, treaties signed with Native Americans were violated. Tens of thousands of American Indians and Alaska Natives were forced to attend a residential school system which sought to reeducate them in white-settler American values, culture and economy.[94][95]

Further dispossession of various kinds continues into the present, although these current dispossessions, especially in terms of land, rarely make major news headlines in the country (e.g., the Lenape people's recent fiscal troubles and subsequent land grab by the State of New Jersey), and sometimes even fail to make it to headlines in the localities in which they occur. Through concessions for industries such as oil, mining and timber and through division of land from the General Allotment Act forward, these concessions have raised problems of consent, exploitation of low royalty rates, environmental injustice, and gross mismanagement of funds held in trust, resulting in the loss of $10–40 billion.[96]

The Worldwatch Institute notes that 317 reservations are threatened by environmental hazards, while Western Shoshone land has been subjected to more than 1,000 nuclear explosions.[97] However, the last known nuclear explosion testing in the United States occurred in September 1992.[98]

American Indian boarding schoolsEdit

 
Richard Henry Pratt founded the first Native American boarding school in 1879. The goal of these schools was to teach Native American students White ways of being through education which emphasized European cultural values and the superiority of White American ways of life.[99]

American Indian boarding schools, were established in the United States during the 19th and lasted through the mid-20th centuries with the primary objective of assimilating Native Americans into the dominant White American culture. The effect of these schools has been described as forced assimilation against Native peoples.[100][101] In these schools, Native children were prohibited from participating in any of their cultures' traditions, including speaking their own languages. Instead, they were required to speak English at all times and learn geography, science, and history (among other disciplines) as white Americans saw fit.[100][101] This meant learning a version of history that upheld whites' superiority and rightful "inheritance" of the lands of the United States, while Natives were relegated to a position of having to assimilate to white culture without ever truly being considered equals.[100]

Current issuesEdit

While formal equality has been legally recognized, American Indians, Alaska Natives, Native Hawaiians, and Pacific Islanders remain among the most economically disadvantaged groups in the country, and according to national mental health studies, American Indians as a group tend to suffer from high levels of alcoholism, depression and suicide.[102]

Asian AmericansEdit

Asian Americans, including those of East Asian, South Asian, and Southeast Asian descent, have experienced racism since the first major groups of Chinese immigrants arrived in America. The Naturalization Act of 1790 made Asians ineligible for citizenship.[103] First-generation immigrants, children of immigrants, and Asians adopted by non-Asian families are still impacted by discrimination.[104]

During the Industrial Revolution in the United States, labor shortages in the mining and rail industries were prevalent. Chinese immigrant labor was often used to fill this gap, most notably with the construction of the First Transcontinental Railroad, leading to large-scale Chinese immigration.[104] These Chinese immigrants were seen as taking the jobs of whites for cheaper pay, and the phrase Yellow Peril, which predicted the demise of Western Civilization as a result of Chinese immigrants, gained popularity.[105]

19th centuryEdit

 
A political cartoon from 1882 ridiculing the Chinese Exclusion Act, showing a Chinese man, surrounded by benefits of Chinese immigration, being barred entry to the "Golden Gate of Liberty", while other groups, including Communists and "hoodlums", are allowed to enter. The caption reads sarcastically, "We must draw the line somewhere, you know."

In 1871, one of the largest lynchings in American history was committed against Chinese immigrants in Los Angeles, California. It would go on to become known as the Chinese massacre of 1871. The 1879 Constitution of the State of California prohibited the employment of Chinese people by state and local governments, as well as by businesses that were incorporated in California. Also, the 1879 constitution delegated power to local governments in California to enable them to remove Chinese people from the borders of their communities.[106][107] The federal Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 banned the immigration of Chinese labourers for ten years. The Geary Act of 1892 extended the Chinese Exclusion Act by requiring all Chinese citizens to carry their resident permit at all times or risk either deportation or a year of hard labor, and was upheld by the 1893 Supreme Court case Fong Yue Ting v. United States. Several mob attacks against Chinese people took place, including the Rock Springs massacre of 1885 in Wyoming in which at least 28 Chinese miners were killed and 15 other Chinese miners were injured, and the Hells Canyon massacre of 1887 in Oregon in which 34 Chinese miners were killed.[108] In 1888, the Scott Act prevented 20,000-30,000 Chinese abroad from returning to the United States and was later upheld in the 1889 Supreme Court case Chae Chan Ping v. United States.

 
Denver's anti-Chinese riot in 1880

Local discriminatory laws were also enacted to stifle Chinese business and job opportunities; for example, in the 1886 Supreme Court case of Yick Wo v. Hopkins, a San Francisco city ordinance requiring permits for laundries (which were mostly Chinese-owned) was struck down, as it was evident the law solely targeted Chinese Americans. When the law was in effect, the city issued permits to virtually all non-Chinese permit applicants, while only granting one permit out of two hundred applications from Chinese laundry owners. When the Chinese laundries continued to operate, the city tried to fine the owners. In 1913, California, home to many Chinese immigrants, enacted an Alien Land Law, which significantly restricted land ownership by Asian immigrants, and extended it in 1920, ultimately banning virtually all land ownership by Asians.[109]

Japanese immigrants, who were unaffected by the Chinese Exclusion Act, began to enter the United States in large numbers in 1907, filling jobs that were once filled by Chinese workers. This influx also led to discrimination and President Theodore Roosevelt restricted Japanese immigration. Theodore Roosevelt's Executive Order 589 specifically prevented Japanese and Korean laborers, who possessed valid passports to go to Mexico, Canada, or Hawaii, from entering the continental United States. Later, Japanese immigration was closed when Japan entered into the Gentlemen's Agreement of 1907 to stop issuing passports to Japanese workers intending to move to the U.S.[110]

The immigration of people from all Asian countries was banned by the sweeping Immigration Act of 1917, also known as the Asiatic Barred Zone Act, which also banned homosexuals, people with intellectual disability, and people with an anarchist worldview.[107]

World War II and PostwarEdit

During World War II, the Republic of China was an ally of the United States, and the federal government praised the resistance of the Chinese against Japan in the Second Sino-Japanese War, in an attempt to reduce anti-Chinese sentiment. In 1943, the Magnuson Act was passed by Congress, repealing the Chinese Exclusion Act and reopening Chinese immigration. However, at the time, the United States was actively fighting against the Empire of Japan, which was a member of the Axis powers. Anti-Japanese racism, which spiked after the attack on Pearl Harbor, was tacitly encouraged by the government, which used slurs such as "Jap" in propaganda posters. On February 19, 1942, President Franklin D. Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066 which cleared the way for internment of 120,000 Japanese Americans, citing possible security threats. American soldiers who fought in the Pacific theater frequently dehumanized their enemies, leading them to mutilate Japanese war dead.[111] The racist nature of this dehumanization is revealed by the different ways in which corpses were treated in the Pacific and European theaters. Apparently, some soldiers mailed Japanese skulls home as souvenirs, but none of them mailed German or Italian skulls home.[112] This prejudice continued to exist for some time after the end of the war, and anti-Asian racism also affected U.S. policy during the Korean and Vietnam Wars, even though Asians fought on both sides during both of those wars as well as during World War II. Some historians have alleged that a climate of racism, with unofficial rules like the "mere gook rule",[113][114] allowed a pattern to exist in which South Vietnamese civilians were treated as if they were less than human and war crimes were also common.[115] Despite poor treatment by the United States, thousands of Japanese Americans joined the US military during World War II, in the segregated 442nd Infantry Regiment and 100th Infantry Battalion. The 442nd suffered heavy losses during its fight against Nazi Germany while it was rescuing the Lost Battalion, and in recognition of these combat casualties, it was nicknamed "The Purple Heart Battalion."

On October 18, 1948, President Harry S. Truman issued Executive Order 10009 to revoke in part Executive Orders 589 from March 14, 1907, and Executive Order 1712 from February 24, 1913.[116]

Prior to 1965, Indian immigration to the U.S. was small and isolated, with fewer than 50,000 Indian immigrants in the country. The Bellingham riots in Bellingham, Washington, on September 5, 1907, epitomized the low tolerance in the U.S. for Indians and Hindus. While anti-Asian racism was embedded in U.S. politics and culture in the early 20th century, Indians were also racialized, with U.S. officials casting them as "Hindu menaces" and pushing for Western imperial expansion abroad.[117] In the 1923 case, United States v. Bhagat Singh Thind, the Supreme Court ruled that high caste Hindus were not "white persons" and were therefore racially ineligible for naturalized citizenship.[118] The Court argued that the racial difference between Indians and whites was so great that the "great body of our people" would reject assimilation with Indians.[118] It was after the Luce–Celler Act of 1946 that a quota of 100 Indians per year could immigrate to the U.S. and become citizens.[119]

The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 dramatically opened entry to the U.S. to immigrants other than traditional Northern European and Germanic groups, and as a result, it would significantly, and unintentionally, alter the demographic mix in the U.S.[120] On the U.S. immigration laws prior to 1965, sociologist Stephen Klineberg stated the law "declared that Northern Europeans are a superior subspecies of the white race."[120] In 1990, Asian immigration was encouraged when nonimmigrant temporary working visas were given to help with the shortage of skilled labor within the United States.[104]

 
Burned buildings in Los Angeles after 1992 Los Angeles riots. Civilians, mainly Korean American, non-Korean Asian Americans and some other communities, acting as vigilantes in combating rioters and looters

21st centuryEdit

Since the 20th century, Asians, particularly East Asians, have been cast as a "model minority". They are categorized as being more educated and successful, and they are also stereotyped as being intelligent and hard-working, but they are also stereotyped as being socially inept.[121] Asians may experience expectations of natural intelligence and excellence from whites as well as from members of other minority groups.[109][122] This has led to discrimination in the workplace, as Asian Americans may face unreasonable expectations because of this stereotype. According to the Journal of Organizational Behavior, in 2000, out of 1,218 adult Asian Americans, 92 percent of those who experienced personal discrimination believed that the unfair treatment was due to their ethnicity.[121] These stereotypes can also render invisible the experience of the large number of Asians experiencing poverty in the United States.

These stereotypes can also obstruct career paths; because Asians are seen as better skilled in engineering, computing, and mathematics, they are often encouraged to pursue technical careers. They are also discouraged from pursuing non-technical occupations or executive occupations which require more social interaction, since Asians are perceived as having poor social skills. In the 2000 study, forty percent of those surveyed who experienced discrimination believed that they had lost hiring or promotion opportunities. In 2007, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission reported that Asians make up 10 percent of professional jobs, while 3.7 percent of them held executive, senior level, or manager positions.[121]

Other forms of discrimination against Asian Americans include racial profiling and hate crimes. The FBI noted that in 2015, 3.2 percent of all hate crimes involved anti-Asian bias.[123] In 2016, the Seattle Police Department reported that there was a 40 percent increase in race-based crimes against Asian Americans, both criminal and non-criminal.[124]

Research shows that discrimination has led to more use of informal mental health services by Asian Americans. Asian Americans who feel discriminated against also tend to smoke more.[125]

There have been widespread incidents of xenophobia, racist bullying, and racist violence against Chinese Americans and other Asian Americans in response to the COVID-19 pandemic.[126][127]

Anti-Japanese sentiment and legislationEdit

Anti-Filipino sentiment and legislationEdit

In 1927, the four-day Yakima Valley riots in Washington state resulted in hundreds of Filipinos being forced to leave the valley under threat of death. In 1930, the Watsonville riots in California involved a mob of 500 white men and youths causing five days of violent attacks on Filipino farm workers, and the death of one worker who was shot through the heart. In 1934, the Tydings–McDuffie Act allowed the Philippines, then an American colony, to become an independent country after ten years. The act established a quota of 50 Filipino immigrants to the United States per year. The Filipino Repatriation Act of 1935 provided voluntary one-way passage for Filipinos in the United States to return to the Philippines. However, if they wanted to return to the United States, they would then be subject to the quota of 50 Filipino immigrants per year.

European AmericansEdit

Various European American immigrant groups have been subjected to discrimination on the basis of their religion (see Religious discrimination in the United States and Anti-Catholicism in the United States), immigrant status (which is known as "Nativism") or ethnicity (country of origin).

 
New York Times, 1854 ad, reading "No Irish need apply."

In the 19th century, this was particularly true because of anti-Irish prejudice, which was based on anti-Catholic sentiment, and prejudice against the Irish as an ethnicity. This was especially true for Irish Catholics who immigrated to the U.S. in the mid-19th century; the large number of Irish (both Catholics and Protestants) who settled in America in the 18th century had largely (but not entirely) escaped such discrimination and eventually blended into the white American population. During the 1830s in the U.S., riots over control of job sites broke out in rural areas among rival labor teams whose members were from different parts of Ireland, and riots also broke out between Irish and local American work teams which were competing for construction jobs.[128]

The Native American Party, commonly called the Know Nothing movement was a political party, whose membership was limited to Protestant men, that operated on a national basis during the mid-1850s and sought to limit the influence of Irish Catholics and other immigrants, thus reflecting nativism and anti-Catholic sentiment. There was widespread anti-Irish job discrimination in the United States and "No Irish need apply" signs were common.[129][130][131]

 
Ku Klux Klan members march down Pennsylvania Avenue in Washington, D.C. in 1928. The second era Klan was a large nationwide movement with between four and six million members.

The second era Ku Klux Klan was a very large nationwide organization in the 1920s, consisting of between four to six million members (15% of the nation's eligible population) that especially opposed Catholics.[132] The revival of the Klan was spurred by the release of the 1915 film The Birth of a Nation.[133] The second and third incarnations of the Ku Klux Klan made frequent references to America's "Anglo-Saxon" blood.[134] Anti-Catholic sentiment, which appeared in North America with the first Pilgrim and Puritan settlers in New England in the early 17th century, remained evident in the United States up to the presidential campaign of John F. Kennedy, who went on to become the first Catholic U.S. president in 1961.[135]

 
Italian immigrants Sacco and Vanzetti were wrongfully executed in 1927; anti-Italianism and anti-immigrant bias were suspected as having heavily influenced the verdict.

The 20th century saw discrimination against immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe (notably Italian Americans and Polish Americans), partially as a result of anti-Catholic sentiment (as well as discrimination against Irish Americans), partially as a result of Nordicism. The primary spokesman for Nordicism was the eugenicist Madison Grant. His 1916 book, The Passing of the Great Race, or the Racial Basis of European History about Nordicism was highly influential among racial thinkers and government policy makers in the U.S.[136]

Biological laws tell us that certain divergent people will not mix or blend. The Nordics propagate themselves successfully. With other races, the outcome shows deterioration on both sides.

— Future U.S. president Calvin Coolidge, 1921.[137]

An advocate of the U.S. immigration laws that favored Northern Europeans, the Klansman Lothrop Stoddard primarily wrote about the alleged dangers which "colored" peoples posed to white civilization, with his most famous book The Rising Tide of Color Against White World-Supremacy in 1920. Nordicism led to the reduction in Southern European, along with Slavic Eastern European and Russian immigrants in the National Origins Formula of the Emergency Quota Act of 1921 and the Immigration Act of 1924, whose goal was to maintain the status quo distribution of ethnicity by limiting immigration of non-Northern Europeans. According to the U.S. Department of State the purpose of the act was "to preserve the ideal of American homogeneity".[138] The racial term Untermensch originates from the title of Stoddard's 1922 book The Revolt Against Civilization: The Menace of the Under-man.[139] It was later adopted by the Nazis (and its chief racial theorist Alfred Rosenberg) from that book's German version Der Kulturumsturz: Die Drohung des Untermenschen (1925).[140]

Latino AmericansEdit

 
A rally is held for victims of Hurricane Maria in protest against the U.S. government's response to it and the Political status of Puerto Rico.

Americans of Latin American ancestry (often categorized as "Hispanic" or Hispanic and Latino Americans) come from a wide variety of racial and ethnic backgrounds. As a result, not all Latinos are distinguishable as members of a single racial minority.

After the Mexican–American War (1846–1848), the United States annexed much of the current Southwestern region from Mexico. Mexicans who resided in that territory were subjected to discrimination. According to conservative estimates, 597 Mexicans were lynched between 1848 and 1928, corresponding to a per capita lynching rate second only to that suffered by the African American community.[141][142]

Many public institutions, businesses, and homeowners associations officially excluded Mexican Americans as a matter of policy. School children of Mexican American descent were subjected to racial segregation in the public school system. In many counties, Mexican Americans were excluded from serving as jurors in court cases, especially in those that involved Mexican American defendants. In many areas across the Southwest, they lived in separate residential areas, due to laws and real estate company policies.[143][144][145][146]

 
Hispanic protest against California immigration policy. Todos somos ilegales – We are all Illegals.

During the Great Depression, the U.S. government sponsored a Mexican Repatriation program which was intended to encourage Mexican immigrants to voluntarily return to Mexico, however, many were forcibly removed against their will. At least 355,000 persons of Mexican ancestry went to Mexico during the 1930s, 40 to 60 percent of those individuals were U.S. citizens - overwhelmingly children. Voluntary repatriation was more common than formal deportation. The government formally deported at least 82,000 people to Mexico between 1929 and 1935.[147]

The Zoot Suit riots were incidents of racial violence against Latinos in Los Angeles in 1943 which lasted several days.[148][149]

During the 1960s, young Mexican Americans formed the Chicano Civil Rights Movement.

Middle Eastern and South Asian AmericansEdit

 
An Assyrian church after it was vandalized in Detroit (2007). Although they are not Arabs and are mostly Christians, Assyrians often face a racist backlash in the US because of their Middle Eastern background.[150]

People of Middle Eastern and South Asian descent historically occupied an ambiguous racial status in the United States. Middle Eastern and South Asian immigrants were among those who sued in the late 19th and early 20th century to determine whether they were "white" immigrants as required by naturalization law. By 1923, courts had vindicated a "common-knowledge" standard, concluding that "scientific evidence", including the notion of a "Caucasian race" including Middle Easterners and many South Asians, was incoherent. Legal scholar John Tehranian argues that in reality this was a "performance-based" standard, relating to religious practices, education, intermarriage and a community's role in the United States.[151]

Arab AmericansEdit

Racism against Arab Americans[152] and racialized Islamophobia against Muslims have risen concomitantly with tensions between the American government and the Islamic world.[153] Following the September 11, 2001 attacks in the United States, discrimination and racialized violence has markedly increased against Arab Americans and many other religious and cultural groups.[154] Scholars, including Sunaina Maira and Evelyn Alsultany, argue that in the post-September 11 climate, the markers of the racialization of Muslim Americans are cultural, political, and religious rather than phenotypic.[155][156]

There have been attacks not only against Muslim Arabs, but also numerous Christian Arabs have been attacked based on their appearances.[157] Non-Arab and non-Muslim Middle Eastern people, as well as South Asians of different ethnic/religious backgrounds (Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs) have been stereotyped as "Arabs" and racialized in a similar manner. The case of Balbir Singh Sodhi, a Sikh who was murdered at a Mesa, Arizona gas station by a white supremacist for "looking like an Arab terrorist" (because of the turban, a requirement of Sikhism), as well as that of Hindus being attacked for "being Muslims" have achieved prominence and criticism following the September 11 attacks.[158][159]

Racial profiling is a growing problem for Arab Americans following the September 11 attacks. Particularly in airports, Arab Americans are often subject to heightened security screening, pre-boarding searches and interrogations, and are sometimes denied passage "based solely on the belief that ethnicity or national origin increases passengers' flight risk."[160]

On January 27, 2017, President Donald Trump signed Executive Order 13769, titled "Protecting the Nation from Foreign Terrorist Entry into the United States", otherwise known as the "Muslim Ban". Entry was suspended for persons coming from Iran, Iraq, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, and Yemen. More than 700 travelers were detained, and up to 60,000 visas were "provisionally revoked".

Iranian AmericansEdit

 
A man holding a sign that reads "deport all Iranians" and "get the hell out of my country" during a protest of the Iran hostage crisis in Washington, D.C. in 1979.

The November 1979 Iranian hostage crisis of the U.S. embassy in Tehran precipitated a wave of anti-Iranian sentiment in the United States, directed both against the new Islamic regime and Iranian nationals and immigrants. Even though such sentiments gradually declined after the release of the hostages at the start of 1981, they sometimes flare up. In response, some Iranian immigrants to the U.S. have distanced themselves from their nationality and instead identify primarily on the basis of their ethnic or religious affiliations.[161]

Since the 1980s and especially since the 1990s, it has been argued, Hollywood's depiction of Iranians has gradually shown signs of vilifying Iranians.[162]

Indian AmericansEdit

In the United States, Indian Americans have sometimes been mistaken for Arabs or Muslims, and thus, many of the same prejudices which have been experienced by Arab Americans have also been experienced by Indian Americans, regardless of their actual religious or ethnic background.

In the 1980s, a gang known as the Dotbusters specifically targeted Indian Americans in Jersey City, New Jersey with violence and harassment.[163] Studies of racial discrimination, as well as stereotyping and scapegoating of Indian Americans have been conducted in recent years.[164] In particular, racial discrimination against Indian Americans in the workplace has been correlated with Indophobia due to the rise in outsourcing/offshoring, whereby Indian Americans are blamed for US companies offshoring white-collar labor to India.[165][166] According to the offices of the Congressional Caucus on India, many Indian Americans are severely concerned of a backlash, though nothing serious has taken place yet.[166] Due to various socio-cultural reasons, implicit racial discrimination against Indian Americans largely go unreported by the Indian American community.[164]

Numerous cases of religious stereotyping of American Hindus (mainly of Indian origin) have also been documented.[167]

Since the September 11, 2001 attacks, there have been scattered incidents of Indian Americans becoming mistaken targets for hate crimes. In one example, a Sikh, Balbir Singh Sodhi, was murdered at a Phoenix gas station in a hate crime.[168] This happened after September 11, and the murderer claimed that his turban made him think that the victim was a Middle Eastern American.

Jewish AmericansEdit

Antisemitism has also played a role in the history of the United States. During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, hundreds of thousands of Jews escaped the pogroms in Europe.[169]

Beginning in the 1910s, Southern Jewish communities were attacked by the Ku Klux Klan, which objected to Jewish immigration, and often used "The Jewish Banker" caricature in its propaganda. In 1915, Leo Frank was lynched in Georgia while serving a life sentence after being convicted of murder.[170] This event was a catalyst in the re-formation of the Ku Klux Klan.[171]

Events in Nazi Germany also attracted attention in the United States. Jewish lobbying for intervention in Europe drew opposition from the isolationists, amongst whom was Father Charles Coughlin, a well known radio priest, who believed that the Jews were leading the United States into the war.[172] He preached weekly, overtly anti-Semitic sermons and, from 1936, he began the publication of a newspaper, Social Justice, in which he printed anti-Semitic accusations such as those which are contained in The Protocols of the Elders of Zion.[173]

A number of Jewish organizations, Christian organizations, Muslim organizations, and academics consider the Nation of Islam anti-Semitic. Specifically, they claim that the Nation of Islam has engaged in revisionist and antisemitic interpretations of the Holocaust and exaggerates the role of Jews in the African slave trade.[174] The Anti-Defamation League (ADL) alleged that the NOI's Health Minister, Dr. Abdul Alim Muhammad, accused Jewish doctors of injecting blacks with the AIDS virus,[175] an allegation that Muhammad and The Washington Post have refuted.[176]

Although Jews are often considered white by mainstream American society, the relationship between Jews and the concept of whiteness remains complex, with some of them preferring not to identify themselves as white.[177][178][179][180] Prominent activist and rabbi Michael Lerner argues, in a 1993 Village Voice article, that "in America, to be 'white' means to be the beneficiary of the past 500 years of European exploration and exploitation of the rest of the world" and that "Jews can only be deemed white if there is massive amnesia on the part of non-Jews about the monumental history of anti-Semitism".[180]

On October 27, 2018, Robert D. Bowers opened fire in a synagogue in Pittsburgh with an AR-15-style rifle while shouting anti-Semitic racial slurs. This attack resulted in 11 dead and 6 wounded, leaving the assailant charged with 29 criminal counts, one of which was the obstruction of free exercise of religious beliefs.[181]

Continuing antisemitism has remained an issue in the United States and the 2011 Survey of American Attitudes Toward Jews in America, which was released by the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), has found that the recent world economic recession increased the expression of some antisemitic viewpoints among Americans. Most of the people who were surveyed expressed pro-Jewish sentiments, with 64% of them agreeing that Jewish people have contributed much to U.S. social culture. Yet the polling also found that 19% of Americans answered "probably true" to the antisemitic canard that "Jews have too much control/influence on Wall Street" (see Economic antisemitism) while 15% of Americans concurred with the related statement that Jews seem "more willing to use shady practices" in business than other people do. Reflecting on the lingering antisemitism of about one in five Americans, Abraham H. Foxman, the ADL's national director, has argued, "It is disturbing that with all of the strides we have made in becoming a more tolerant society, anti-Semitic beliefs continue to hold a vice-grip on a small but not insubstantial segment of the American public."[182]

ConsequencesEdit

Historian Matthew White estimates that 3.3 million more non-white people died from 1900 up to the 1960s than they would have if they had died at the same rate as white people.[183]

DevelopmentalEdit

Using The Schedule of Racist Events (SRE), an 18-item self-report inventory which assesses the frequency of racist discrimination, Hope Landrine and Elizabeth A. Klonoff found that racist discrimination is rampant in the lives of African Americans and as a result, it is strongly related to psychiatric symptoms.[184] A study on racist events in the lives of African American women found that lifetime experiences of racism were positively related to lifetime histories of both physical disease and the frequency of recent common colds. These relationships were largely unaccounted for by other variables. Demographic variables such as income and educational inequality were not related to experiences of racism. The results suggest that racism can be detrimental to African Americans' well-being.[185] The physiological stress caused by racism has been documented in studies by Claude Steele, Joshua Aronson, and Steven Spencer on what they term "stereotype threat."[186]

Much research has been done on the effects of racism on adults, but racism and discrimination also affects children and teens.[187] From infancy to adolescence, studies document a children's growth in understanding of race from being aware of race to later understanding how race and prejudice affects their life, the lives of others’, and society as a whole.[188][189][190][191][187] The comprehensive literature review of 214 published articles with key words related to the topic, such as discrimination, racism, and prejudice for adolescents aged 10–20 years (Benner et al., 2008) highlighted a link between teens' experiences of racial and ethnic discrimination and "their socioemotional distress, academic success, and risky health behaviors". This study chose larger sample sized and peer reviewed studies, over smaller sampled and non-peer reviewed studies.[187]

In this review, researchers showed links between racial discrimination and lower socioemotional, academic, and behavioral outcomes. The socioemotional variable included depression, internalized symptoms, self-esteem, and positive well-being; academics included achievement, engagement, and motivation; and behavioral outcomes included externalized behaviors, substance abuse, deviant peer associations, and risky sexual behaviors.[187] Researchers examined the links between discrimination and other demographic variables such as race, age, and country of residence. When looking at the impact of race/ethnicity, results show that Asian and Latino youth show greater socioemotional distress and Latino youth show lower academic outcomes. Younger teens (10 to 13 years) experience more socioemotional distress than those in middle or late teens. Furthermore, when looking at county of residence, teens in the United States have a much stronger link to socioemotional distress than other countries included in the review.[187]

SocietalEdit

Schemas and stereotypesEdit

 
This racist postcard from the 1900s shows the casual denigration of black women. It states "I know you're not particular to a fault / Though I'm not sure you'll never be sued for assault / You're so fond of women that even a wench / Attracts your gross fancy despite her strong stench"

Media

Popular culture (songs, theater) for European American audiences in the 19th century created and perpetuated negative stereotypes of African Americans. One key symbol of racism against African Americans was the use of blackface. Directly related to this was the institution of minstrelsy. Other stereotypes of African Americans included the fat, dark-skinned "mammy" and the irrational, hypersexual male "buck".

Many of these stereotypes entered public media with an imprimatur from the highest levels of white society. In a 1943 speech on the floor of Congress quoted in both The Jewish News of Detroit[192] and the antisemitic magazine The Defender of Wichita[193] Mississippi Representative John E. Rankin stated that Jewish Communists were arranging for white women to be raped by Black American men.

In recent years increasing numbers of African-American activists have asserted that rap music videos commonly use scantily clothed African-American performers posing as thugs or pimps. The NAACP and the National Congress of Black Women also have called for the reform of images on videos and on television. Julian Bond said that in a segregated society, people get their impressions of other groups from what they see in videos and what they hear in music.[194][195][196][197]

 
In 1899 Uncle Sam balances his new possessions which are depicted as "savage" children. The figures are Puerto Rico, Hawaii, Cuba, Philippines and "Ladrone Is." (the Mariana Islands).

It is understood that representations of minorities in the media have the ability to reinforce or change stereotypes. For example, in one study, a collection of white subjects were primed by a comedy skit either showing a stereotypical or neutral portrayal of African-American characters. Participants were then required to read a vignette describing an incident of sexual violence, with the alleged offender either white or black, and assign a rating for perceived guilt. For those shown the stereotypical African-American character, there was a significantly higher guilt rating for black alleged offender in the subsequent vignette, in comparison to the other conditions.[198]

While schemas have an overt societal consequence, the strong development of them have lasting effect on recipients. Overall, it is found that strong in-group attitudes are correlated with academic and economic success. In a study analyzing the interaction of assimilation and racial-ethnic schemas for Hispanic youth found that strong schematic identities for Hispanic youth undermined academic achievement.[199]

Additional stereotypes attributed to minorities continue to influence societal interactions. For example, a 1993 Harvard Law Review article states that Asian Americans are commonly viewed as submissive, as a combination of relative physical stature and Western comparisons of cultural attitudes. Furthermore, Asian Americans are depicted as the model minority, unfair competitors, foreigners, and indistinguishable. These stereotypes can serve to dehumanize Asian Americans and catalyze hostility and violence.[200]

Minority-minority racismEdit

Minority racism is sometimes considered controversial because of theories of power in society. Some theories of racism insist that racism can only exist in the context of social power so it can be imposed upon others.[201] Yet discrimination and racism has also been noted between racially marginalized groups. For example, there has been ongoing violence between African American and Mexican American gangs, particularly in Southern California.[202][203][204][205]

Conflict has also been noted between recent immigrant groups and their established ethnic counterparts within the United States. Rapidly-growing communities of African and Caribbean immigrants have come into conflict with American blacks. The amount of interaction and cooperation between black immigrants and American blacks is, ironically, debatable. One can argue that racial discrimination and cooperation are not ordinarily based on skin color, but are instead based on shared or common, cultural experiences and beliefs.[206][207]

Interpersonal discriminationEdit

In a manner that defines interpersonal discrimination in the United States, Darryl Brown of the Virginia Law Review states that while "our society has established a consensus against blatant, intentional racism in the decades since Brown v Board of Education and it has also developed a sizeable set of legal remedies to address it", our legal system "ignores the possibility that 'race' is structural or interstitial, that it can be the root of injury even when it is not traceable to a specific intention or action".[208]

Unlike formal discrimination, interpersonal discrimination is often not an overt or deliberate act of racism. For example, in an incident regarding a racial remark which was made by a professor at Virginia Law, a rift was created by conflicting definitions of racism. For the students who defended the professor's innocence, "racism was defined as an act of intentional maliciousness". Yet for African Americans, racism was broadened to a detrimental influence on "the substantive dynamics of the classroom". As an effect, it is argued that the "daily repetition of subtle racism and subordination in the classroom can ultimately be, for African Americans, even more reductive of stress, anxiety and alienation than blatant racist acts can be." Moreover, the attention which is given to these acts of discrimination diverts energy from academics, becoming a distraction that white students do not generally face.[208]

Ethnic-racial socializationEdit

Ethnic-racial socialization refers to the transfer of knowledge about various aspects of race or ethnicity through generations.[209] Parents of color use ethnic-racial socialization to transfer cultural knowledge to their children to protect them from potential biases which they may face as a result of their ethnicity and/or race.[209] However, how parents choose to socialize their children regarding issues of ethnicity and race may affect children differently.[209] For example, when parent's socialization efforts focus on positive aspects of their race or ethnicity, children of color tend to report higher self-esteem.[209] On the other hand, if the focus of socialization mainly revolves around mistrust about interracial or inter-ethnic relations, children's self-concept, or how children view themselves might suffer.[209] Promotion of socialization that centers on mistrust is especially harmful when parents present it without also teaching positive coping skills.[209]

Wang et al. (2020)[209] conducted a meta-analytic review of 334 articles examining the effects of ethnic-racial socialization on children of color's psychosocial adjustment. Researchers evaluated the stage of children's development in which the effects of ethnic-racial socialization would be most prominent. Their findings using their systematic review process showed a positive relationship between parental ethnic-racial socialization and psychosocial well-being measures, including self-perception, confidence, and interpersonal relationships.

The effects of age varied based on the psychosocial well-being measure a study used. Results showed that the link between positive self-perception and ethnic-racial socialization was most effective when it occurred in childhood and early adolescence.[209] On the other hand, children who reported positive relationships between their interpersonal relationships and ethnic-racial socialization showed this paper in middle to late adolescence.[209] The effects of ethnic-racial socialization also varied based on children's race/ethnicity. Self-perception and ethnic-racial socialization are related more positively among African Americans,[209] suggesting that parents used ethnic-racial socialization to buffer against the deep-rooted stigma and biases African Americans face in the United States.[209] Contrary to the experiences of African Americans, ethnic-racial socialization was related to low self-perception among Asian Americans.[209] Extensive research is required to better understand the connection of ethnic-racial socialization for Asian American children's psychosocial well-being.[209]

To better understand the effects of ethnic-racial socialization and psychological development, research should take into account known moderating factors similar to stereotype threat.[209] It is important to note that the research findings were correlational and as such does not imply causality.

Institutional racismEdit

Institutional racism is the theory that aspects of the existing social structure, pervasive attitudes, and established institutions in society disadvantage some racial groups, but not with an overtly discriminatory mechanism.[210] There are several factors which play into institutional racism, including: accumulated wealth/benefits for racial groups which have benefited from past discrimination, educational and occupational disadvantages which are faced by non-native English speakers in the United States, ingrained stereotypical images which still exist in American society (e.g. black men are likely to be criminals).[211] Institutional racism impacts the lives of racial groups negatively as although legislations where passed in the mid 20th century to abolish any sort of segregation and discrimination it still does not change the fact that institutional racism is still able to occur to anyone. Peter Kaufman, a former sociology professor at the State University of New York[212] published an article in which Kaufman describes three instances in which institutional racism has contributed to current views of race.[213] These are:

  1. The mis- and Missing Education of Race, in which he describes problems which the educational system has in discussing "slavery, race, racism, and topics such as white privilege." He goes on to say that schools are still segregated based on class and race, which also contributes to the poor state of race relations[108]
  2. Residential Racial Segregation. According to Kaufman, schools are still segregated because towns and cities are still largely segregated.
  3. Media Monsters. This describes the role which the media plays in the portrayal of race. The mass media tends to play on "depictions of racialized stereotypes in the mass media [which are] ubiquitous, and such caricaturized images shape our perceptions of various racial groups." An example of this is the stereotyping of Blacks as criminals.[108][214]

Nazi Germany's inspiration from American racismEdit

The U.S. was a global leader in codified racism, and its race laws fascinated Hitler and other German Nazis,[215] who praised America's system of institutional racism, believing it to be a model to follow in their Reich. Hitler's book Mein Kampf praised America as the only contemporary example of a country with racist ("völkisch") citizenship statutes in the 1920s.[215] The National Socialist Handbook for Law and Legislation of 1934–35, edited by lawyer Hans Frank, contains a pivotal essay by Herbert Kier on the recommendations for race legislation which devoted a quarter of its pages to U.S. legislation—from segregation, race based citizenship, immigration regulations, and anti-miscegenation.[215] Nazi lawyers were inspired by American laws when they designed their own laws in Nazi Germany,[215] including racist citizenship laws, and anti-miscegenation laws which inspired the two principal Nuremberg Laws—the Citizenship Law and the Blood Law.[215]

Hitler and other Nazis were also inspired by America's 19th century westward expansion, believing it to be a model for the expansion of German territory into the territories of other nations and elimination of their indigenous inhabitants. In 1928, Hitler praised the United States for having "gunned down the millions of Redskins to a few hundred thousand, and now keep the modest remnant under observation in a cage".[216] On Nazi Germany's expansion eastward, in 1941 Hitler stated, "Our Mississippi [the line beyond which Thomas Jefferson wanted all Indians expelled] must be the Volga, and not the Niger."[217]

Sectors of American societyEdit

Criminal justice systemEdit

 
Racial disparities in the share of prisoners, police officers, people shot by police, and judges in the United States in the late 2010s

There are unique experiences and disparities in the United States in regard to the policing and prosecuting of various races and ethnicities. There have been different outcomes for different racial groups in convicting and sentencing felons in the United States criminal justice system.[218][219] Experts and analysts have debated the relative importance of different factors that have led to these disparities.[220][221]

Academic research indicates that the over-representation of some racial minorities in the criminal justice system can in part be explained by socioeconomic factors, such as poverty, exposure to poor neighborhoods, poor access to public education, poor access to early childhood education, and exposure to harmful chemicals (such as lead) and pollution.[222][223][224][225][226][227][228][229][230][231] Racial housing segregation has also been linked to racial disparities in crime rates, as blacks have historically and to the present been prevented from moving into prosperous low-crime areas through actions of the government (such as redlining) and private actors.[232][233][234] Various explanations within criminology have been proposed for racial disparities in crime rates, including conflict theory, strain theory, general strain theory, social disorganization theory, macrostructural opportunity theory, social control theory, and subcultural theory.

Research also indicates that there is extensive racial and ethnic discrimination by police and the judicial system.[235][236][237][238][239] A substantial academic literature has compared police searches (showing that contraband is found at higher rates in whites who are stopped), bail decisions (showing that whites with the same bail decision as blacks commit more pre-trial violations), and sentencing (showing that blacks are more harshly sentenced by juries and judges than whites when the underlying facts and circumstances of the cases are similar), providing valid causal inferences of racial discrimination.[240][241][242][243] Studies have documented patterns of racial discrimination, as well as patterns of police brutality and disregard for the constitutional rights of African-Americans, by police departments in various American cities, including Los Angeles, New York, Chicago and Philadelphia.[244][245][246][247][248]

EducationEdit

In 1954, Brown vs. the Board of Education ruled that integrated, equal schools be accessible to all children unbiased to skin color. Currently in the United States, not all state funded schools are equally funded.  Schools are funded by the "federal, state, and local governments" while "states play a large and increasing role in education funding."[249] "Property taxes support most of the funding that local government provides for education."[249] Schools located in lower income areas receive a lower level of funding and schools located in higher income areas receiving greater funding for education all based on property taxes.  The U.S. Department of Education reports that "many high-poverty schools receive less than their fair share of state and local funding, leaving students in high-poverty schools with fewer resources than schools attended by their wealthier peers."[250] The U.S. Department of Education also reports this fact affects "more than 40% of low-income schools."[250] Children of color are much more likely to suffer from poverty than white children.

The phrase "brown paper bag test," also known as a paper bag party, along with the "ruler test" refers to a ritual once practiced by certain African-American sororities and fraternities who would not let anyone into the group whose skin tone was darker than a paper bag.[251] Spike Lee's film School Daze satirized this practice at historically black colleges and universities.[252] Along with the "paper bag test," guidelines for acceptance among the lighter ranks included the "comb test" and "pencil test," which tested the coarseness of one's hair, and the "flashlight test," which tested a person's profile to make sure their features measured up or were close enough to those of the Caucasian race.[251]

CurriculumEdit

The curriculum in U.S. schools has also contained racism against non-white Americans, including Native Americans, black Americans, Mexican Americans, and Asian Americans.[253][100] Particularly during the 19th and early 20th centuries, school textbooks and other teaching materials emphasized the biological and social inferiority of black Americans, consistently portraying black people as simple, irresponsible, and oftentimes, in situations of suffering that were implied to be their fault (and not the effects of slavery and other oppression).[253][100] Black Americans were also depicted as expendable and their suffering as commonplace, as evidenced by a poem about "Ten Little Nigger Boys" dying off one by one that was circulated as a children's counting exercise from 1875 to the mid-1900s.[100] Historian Carter G. Woodson analyzed American curriculum as completely lacking any mention of black Americans' merits in the early 20th century. Based on his observations of the time, he wrote that American students, including black students, who went through U.S. schooling would come out believing that black people had no significant history and had contributed nothing to human civilization.[254]

School curriculum often implicitly and explicitly upheld white people as the superior race marginalized the contributions and perspectives of non-white peoples as if they were (or are) not as important.[255] In the 19th century, a significant number of students were taught that Adam and Eve were white, and the other races evolved from their various descendants, growing further and further away from the original white standard.[253] In addition, whites were also fashioned as the capable caretakers of other races, namely black and Native people, who could not take care of themselves.[253] This concept was at odds with the violence white Americans had committed against indigenous and black peoples, but it was coupled with soft language that, for example, defended these acts. Mills (1994) cites the narrative about Europeans' "discovery" of a "New World," despite the people who already inhabited it, and its subsequent "colonization" instead of conquest, as examples. He maintains that these word choices constitute a cooptation of history by white people, who have used it to their advantage.[255]

HealthEdit

A 2019 review of the literature in the Annual Review of Public health found that structural racism, cultural racism, and individual-level discrimination are "a fundamental cause of adverse health outcomes for racial/ethnic minorities and racial/ethnic inequities in health."[256]

Studies have argued that there are racial disparities in how the media and politicians act when they are faced with cases of drug addiction in which the victims are primarily black rather than white, citing the examples of how society responded differently to the crack epidemic than the opioid epidemic.[257][258]

There are major racial differences in access to health care as well as major racial differences in the quality of the health care which is provided to people. A study published in the American Journal of Public Health estimated that: "over 886,000 deaths could have been prevented from 1991 to 2000 if African Americans had received the same quality of care as whites". The key differences which they cited were lack of insurance, inadequate insurance, poor service, and reluctance to seek care.[259] A history of government-sponsored experimentation, such as the notorious Tuskegee Syphilis Study has left a legacy of African American distrust of the medical system.[260]

Inequalities in health care may also reflect a systemic bias in the way in which medical procedures and treatments are prescribed to members of different ethnic groups. A University of Edinburgh Professor of Public Health, Raj Bhopal, writes that the history of racism in science and medicine shows that people and institutions behave according to the ethos of their times and he also warns of dangers that need to be avoided in the future.[261] A Harvard Professor of Social Epidemiology contended that much modern research supported the assumptions which were needed to justify racism. She writes that racism underlies unexplained inequities in health care, including treatments for heart disease,[262] renal failure,[263] bladder cancer,[264] and pneumonia.[265] Bhopal writes that these inequalities have been documented in various studies and there are consistent findings that black Americans receive less health care than white Americans—particularly where this involves expensive new technology.[266] The University of Michigan Health study found in 2010 that black patients in pain clinics received 50% of the amount of drugs that other patients who were white received.[267] Black pain in medicine links to the racial disparities between pain management and racial bias on behalf of the health professional. In 2011, Vermont organizers took a proactive stand against racism in their communities to defeat the biopolitical struggles faced on a daily basis. The first and only universal health care law was passed in the state.[268]

Two local governments in the US have issued declarations stating that racism constitutes a public health emergency: the Milwaukee County, Wisconsin executive in May 2019, and the Cleveland City Council, in June 2020.[269][270]

Housing and landEdit

A 2014 meta-analysis found extensive evidence of racial discrimination in the American housing market.[271] Minority applicants for housing needed to make many more enquiries to view properties.[271] Geographical steering of African-Americans in US housing remains significant.[271] A 2003 study found "evidence that agents interpret an initial housing request as an indication of a customer's preferences, but also are more likely to withhold a house from all customers when it is in an integrated suburban neighborhood (redlining). Moreover, agents' marketing efforts increase with asking price for white, but not for black, customers; blacks are more likely than whites to see houses in suburban, integrated areas (steering); and the houses agents show are more likely to deviate from the initial request when the customer is black than when the customer is white. These three findings are consistent with the possibility that agents act upon the belief that some types of transactions are relatively unlikely for black customers (statistical discrimination)."[272] Historically, there was extensive and long-lasting racial discrimination against African-Americans in the housing and mortgage markets in the United States,[273][274] as well as discrimination against black farmers whose numbers massively declined in post-WWII America due to anti-black local and federal policies.[275] According to a 2019 analysis by University of Pittsburgh economists, blacks faced a two-fold penalty due to the racially segregated housing market: rental prices increased in blocks when they underwent racial transition whereas home values declined in neighborhoods that blacks moved into.[276]

A 2017 paper by Troesken and Walsh found that pre-20th century cities "created and sustained residential segregation through private norms and vigilante activity." However, "when these private arrangements began to break down during the early 1900s" whites started "lobbying municipal governments for segregation ordinances." As a result, cities passed ordinances which "prohibited members of the majority racial group on a given city block from selling or renting property to members of another racial group" between 1909 and 1917.[277]

A 2017 study by Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago economists found that the practice of redlining—the practice whereby banks discriminated against the inhabitants of certain neighborhoods—had a persistent adverse impact on the neighborhoods, with redlining affecting homeownership rates, home values and credit scores in 2010.[278][279] Since many African-Americans could not access conventional home loans, they had to turn to predatory lenders (who charged high interest rates).[279] Due to lower home ownership rates, slumlords were able to rent out apartments that would otherwise be owned.[279] A 2019 analysis estimated that predatory housing contracts targeting African-Americans in Chicago in the 1950s and 1960s cost black families between $3 billion and $4 billion in wealth.[280]

Labor marketEdit

Several meta-analyses find extensive evidence of ethnic and racial discrimination in hiring in the American labor market.[271][281][282][283] A 2017 meta-analysis found "no change in the levels of discrimination against African Americans since 1989, although we do find some indication of declining discrimination against Latinos."[284] A 2016 meta-analysis of 738 correspondence tests – tests where identical CVs for stereotypically black and white names were sent to employers – in 43 separate studies conducted in OECD countries between 1990 and 2015 finds that there is extensive racial discrimination in hiring decisions in Europe and North America.[281] These correspondence tests showed that equivalent minority candidates need to send around 50% more applications to be invited for an interview than majority candidates.[281][285] A study which examined the job applications of actual people who were provided with identical résumés and similar interview training showed that African-American applicants with no criminal record were offered jobs at a rate as low as white applicants who had criminal records.[286] A 2018 National Bureau of Economic Research paper found evidence of racial bias in how CVs were evaluated.[287] A 2020 study revealed that discrimination not only exists against minorities in callback rates in audit studies, it also increases in severity after the callbacks in terms of job offers.[288]

Research suggests that light-skinned African American women have higher salaries and greater job satisfaction than dark-skinned women.[289] Being "too black" has recently been acknowledged by the U.S. Federal courts in an employment discrimination case under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. In Etienne v. Spanish Lake Truck & Casino Plaza, LLC the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, determined that an employee who was told on several occasions that her manager thought she was "too black" to do various tasks, found that the issue of the employee's skin color rather than race itself, played a key role in an employer's decision to keep the employee from advancing.[290] A 2018 study uncovered evidence which suggests that immigrants with darker skin colors are discriminated against.[291]

MediaEdit

A 2017 report by Travis L. Dixon (of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign) found that major media outlets tended to portray black families as dysfunctional and dependent while white families were portrayed as stable. These portrayals may give the impression that poverty and welfare are primarily black issues. According to Dixon, this can reduce public support for social safety programs and lead to stricter welfare requirements.[292][293]

African Americans who possess a lighter skin complexion and "European features," such as lighter eyes, and smaller noses and lips have more opportunities in the media industry. For example, film producers hire lighter-skinned African Americans more often, television producers choose lighter-skinned cast members, and magazine editors choose African American models that resemble European features.[294] A content analysis conducted by Scott and Neptune (1997) shows that less than one percent of advertisements in major magazines featured African American models. When African Americans did appear in advertisements they were mainly portrayed as athletes, entertainers or unskilled laborers. In addition, seventy percent of the advertisements that features animal print included African American women. Animal print reinforces the stereotypes that African Americans are animalistic in nature, sexually active, less educated, have lower income, and extremely concerned with personal appearances.[295] Concerning African American males in the media, darker-skinned men are more likely to be portrayed as violent or more threatening, influencing the public perception of African American men. Since dark-skinned males are more likely to be linked to crime and misconduct, many people develop preconceived notions about the characteristics of black men.[296]

During and after slavery, minstrel shows were a very popular form of theater that involved white and black people in black face portraying black people while doing demeaning things. The actors painted their faces with black paint to and over lined their lips with bright red lipstick to exaggerate and make fun of black people.[297] When minstrel shows died out and television became popular, black actors were rarely hired and when they were, they had very specific roles. These roles included being servants, slaves, idiots, and criminals.[298]

PoliticsEdit

Politically, the "winner-take-all" structure that applies to 48 out of 50 states[299] in the electoral college benefits white representation, as no state has voters of color as the majority of the electorate.[300][dubious ] This has been described as structural bias and often leads voters of color to feel politically alienated, and therefore not to vote. The lack of representation in Congress has also led to lower voter turnout.[300] As of 2016, African Americans only made up 8.7% of Congress, and Latinos 7%.[301]

Voter ID laws have brought on accusations of racial discrimination. In a 2014 review by the Government Accountability Office of the academic literature, three studies out of five found that voter ID laws reduced minority turnout whereas two studies found no significant impact.[271] Disparate impact may also be reflected in access to information about voter ID laws. A 2015 experimental study found that election officials queried about voter ID laws are more likely to respond to emails from a non-Latino white name (70.5% response rate) than a Latino name (64.8% response rate), though response accuracy was similar across groups.[302] Studies have also analyzed racial differences in ID requests rates. A 2012 study in the city of Boston found that black and Hispanic voters were more likely to be asked for ID during the 2008 election. According to exit polls, 23% of whites, 33% of blacks, and 38% of Hispanics were asked for ID, though this effect is partially attributed to black and Hispanics preferring non-peak voting hours when election officials inspected a greater portion of IDs. Precinct differences also confound the data as black and Hispanic voters tended to vote at black and Hispanic-majority precincts.[303] A 2015 study found that turnout among blacks in Georgia was generally higher since the state began enforcing its strict voter ID law.[304] A 2016 study by University of California, San Diego researchers found that voter ID laws "have a differentially negative impact on the turnout of Hispanics, Blacks, and mixed-race Americans in primaries and general elections."[305]

Research by University of Oxford economist Evan Soltas and Stanford political scientist David Broockman suggests that voters act upon racially discriminatory tastes.[306] A 2018 study in Public Opinion Quarterly found that whites, in particular those who had racial resentment, largely attributed Obama's success among African-Americans to his race, and not his characteristics as a candidate and the political preferences of African-Americans.[307] A 2018 study in the journal American Politics Research found that white voters tended to misperceive political candidates from racial minorities as being more ideologically extreme than objective indicators would suggest; this adversely affected the electoral chances for those candidates.[308] A 2018 study in the Journal of Politics found that "when a white candidate makes vague statements, many [nonblack] voters project their own policy positions onto the candidate, increasing support for the candidate. But they are less likely to extend black candidates the same courtesy... In fact, black male candidates who make ambiguous statements are actually punished for doing so by racially prejudiced voters."[309]

It is argued that the racial coding of concepts like crime and welfare has been used to strategically influence public political views. Racial coding is implicit; it incorporates racially primed language or imagery to allude to racial attitudes and thinking. For example, in the context of domestic policy, it is argued that Ronald Reagan implied that linkages existed between concepts like "special interests" and "big government" and ill-perceived minority groups in the 1980s, using the conditioned negativity which existed toward the minority groups to discredit certain policies and programs during campaigns. In a study which analyzes how political ads prime attitudes, Valentino compares the voting responses of participants after they are exposed to the narration of a George W. Bush advertisement which is paired with three different types of visuals which contain different embedded racial cues to create three conditions: neutral, race comparison, and undeserving blacks. For example, as the narrator states "Democrats want to spend your tax dollars on wasteful government programs", the video shows an image of a black woman and her child in an office setting. Valentino found that the undeserving blacks condition produced the largest primed effect in racialized policies, like opposition to affirmative action and welfare spending.[310]

Ian Haney López, Professor of Law at the University of California, Berkeley, refers to the phenomenon of racial coding as dog-whistle politics, which, he argues, has pushed middle class white Americans to vote against their economic self-interest to punish "undeserving minorities" which, they believe, are receiving too much public assistance at their expense. According to López, conservative middle-class whites, convinced that minorities are the enemy by powerful economic interests, supported politicians who promised to curb illegal immigration and crack down on crime, but inadvertently they also voted for policies that favor the extremely rich, such as slashing taxes for top income brackets, giving corporations more regulatory control over industry and financial markets, busting unions, cutting pensions for future public employees, reducing funding for public schools, and retrenching the social welfare state. He argues that these same voters cannot link rising inequality which has impacted their lives to the policy agendas which they support, which resulted in a massive transfer of wealth to the top 1% of the population since the 1980s.[311]

A book released by the former attorney of Donald Trump, Michael Cohen, in September 2020, Disloyal: A Memoir described Trump of routinely referring to Black leaders of foreign nations with racial insults, and that he was consumed with hatred for Barack Obama. Cohen in the book explained that "as a rule, Trump expressed low opinions of all Black folks, from music to culture and politics".[312]

ReligionEdit

WealthEdit

Large racial differentials in wealth remain in the United States: between whites and African Americans, the gap is a factor of twenty.[313] An analyst of the phenomenon, Thomas Shapiro, professor of law and social policy at Brandeis University argues, "The wealth gap is not just a story of merit and achievement, it's also a story of the historical legacy of race in the United States."[314] Differentials applied to the Social Security Act (which excluded agricultural workers, a sector which then included most black workers), rewards to military officers, and the educational benefits offered returning soldiers after World War II. Pre-existing disparities in wealth are exacerbated by tax policies that reward investment over waged income, subsidize mortgages, and subsidize private sector developers.[315]

A 2014 meta-analysis of racial discrimination in product markets found extensive evidence of minority applicants being quoted higher prices for products.[271]

Historically, African-Americans have faced discrimination in terms of getting access to credit.[316]

Contemporary issuesEdit

Hate crimes and terrorismEdit

In the United States, most crimes in which victims are targeted on the basis of their race or ethnicity are considered hate crimes. Leading forms of bias which are cited in the FBI's Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Program, based on law enforcement agency filings include: anti-black, anti-Jewish, anti-homosexual, and anti-Hispanic bias in that order in both 2004 and 2005.[317] According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, whites, black people, and Hispanic people had similar rates of violent hate crime victimization between 2007 and 2011.[318][319] However, from 2011 to 2012, violent hate crimes against Hispanic people increased by 300%.[320] When considering all hate crimes, not just violent ones, African Americans are far more likely to be victims than other racial groups.[321][322]

Hateful viewsEdit

Following the passage of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, the racist preference for white immigrants[103] which dated back to the 18th century was ended,[323] and in response to this change, white nationalism grew in the United States as the conservative movement developed in mainstream society.[324] Political scientist Samuel P. Huntington argues that it developed in reaction to the perceived decline in the essence of America's identity, an identity which was believed to be European, Anglo-Saxon Protestant and English-speaking.[325]

An ABC News report which was released in 2007 recounted that past ABC polls which were conducted over a period of several years have tended to find that "six percent have self-reported harboring prejudice against Jews, 27 percent have self-reported harboring prejudice against Muslims, 25 percent have self-reported harboring prejudice against Arabs," and "one in 10 have conceded harboring at least a little bit of prejudice " against Hispanic Americans. The report also stated that a full 34% of Americans reported harboring "some racist feelings" in general as a self-description.[326] An Associated Press and Yahoo News survey of 2,227 adult Americans in 2008 found that 10% of white respondents stated that "a lot" of discrimination still exists against African-Americans while 45% of white respondents stated that only "some" discrimination still exists against African Americans compared to 57% of black respondents who stated that "a lot" of discrimination still exists against African Americans. In the same poll, more whites applied positive attributes to black Americans than negative ones, with black people describing whites even more highly, but a significant minority of whites still called African Americans "irresponsible", "lazy", or other such things.[327]

In 2008, Stanford University political scientist Paul Sniderman remarked that, in the modern U.S., racism and prejudices are "a deep challenge, and it's one that Americans in general, and for that matter, political scientists, just haven't been ready to acknowledge fully."[327]

In 2017, citizens gathered in the college community of Charlottesville, Virginia to attend the Unite the Right rally. One woman was killed and dozens of other people were injured when a white supremacist drove his car into a group of counter-protesters.[328]

Social mediaEdit

In contemporary times, many racist views have found a means of expression through social media.[329]

Among the popular social networks, in particular, the American platform Reddit has been defined by the Southern Poverty Law Center as the "home of the most violently racist internet content."[330] The SPLC pointed at how racist views had gained more and more traction on Reddit, which was even replacing traditionally far-right websites such as Stormfront in both the quantity and frequency of its racist content.[330] Several prominent intellectuals and publications have agreed with this view, considering Reddit a platform which is filled with hateful, racist and harassing content. So far, however, little or nothing has been done to address this problem.[331]

AlleviationEdit

There is a wide plethora of societal and political suggestions on how to alleviate the effects of continued discrimination in the United States. For example, within universities, it has been suggested that a type of committee could respond to non-sanctionable behavior.[208]

It is also argued that there is a need for "white students and faculty to reformulate white-awareness toward a more secure identity that is not threatened by black cultural institutions and can recognize the racial non-neutrality of the institutions which whites dominate" (Brown, 334). Paired with this effort, Brown encourages the increase in minority faculty members, so the embedded white normative experience begins to fragment.[208]

Within the media, it is found that racial cues prime racial stereotypic thought. Thus, it is argued that "stereotype inconsistent cues might lead to more intentioned thought, thereby suppressing racial priming effects."[310] Social psychologists, such as Jennifer Eberhardt, have done work that indicates such priming effects subconsciously help determine attitudes and behavior toward individuals regardless of intentions. These results have been incorporated into training, for example, in some police departments.[332]

It has also been argued that more evidence-based guidance from psychologists and sociologists is needed for people to learn what is effective in alleviating racism.[333] Such evidence-based approaches can reveal, for example, the many psychological biases to which humans are subject, such as ingroup bias and the fundamental attribution error, which can underlie racist attitudes.[334]

Psychologist Stuart Vyse has argued that argument, ideas, and facts will not mend divisions but there is evidence, such as that which is provided by the Robbers Cave Experiment, that seeking shared goals can help alleviate racism.[335]

See alsoEdit

NotesEdit

  1. ^ Internment camps are particularly associated with World War II, but also existed during World War I. The most significant being the internment of 120,000 Japanese Americans during World War II. Additionally, almost 11,000 German Americans were similarly interned during World War II, and some Italian Americans were also interned.
  2. ^ In his 2009 visit to the US, the [UN] Special Rapporteur on Racism noted that "Socio-economic indicators show that poverty, race and ethnicity continue to overlap in the United States. This reality is a direct legacy of the past, in particular, it is a direct legacy of slavery, segregation and the forcible resettlement of Native Americans, which was confronted by the United States during the civil rights movement. However, whereas the country managed to establish equal treatment and non-discrimination in its laws, it has yet to redress the socioeconomic consequences of the historical legacy of racism."[2]
  3. ^ The initial criminal complaint gave the duration as 8:46, which came to be often cited by protesters and the media. Prosecutors revised this about three weeks later to 7:46.[71][72] In August, police body camera footage was publicly released, which showed the duration to be about 9:30.[73][74][75]

ReferencesEdit

  1. ^ Henry, P. J., David O. Sears. Race and Politics: The Theory of Symbolic Racism. University of California, Los Angeles. 2002.
  2. ^ CERD Task Force of the US Human Rights Network (August 2010). "From Civil Rights to Human Rights: Implementing US Obligations Under the International Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD)". Universal Periodic Review Joint Reports: United States of America. p. 44.
  3. ^ U.S. Human Rights Network (August 2010). "The United States of America: Summary Submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review". Universal Periodic Review Joint Reports: United States of America. p. 8.
  4. ^ second Militia Act of 1792
  5. ^ "Tennessee Constitution, 1834". Retrieved February 14, 2018.
  6. ^ Forbidden Citizens: Chinese Exclusion and the U.S. Congress: A Legislative History. ISBN 9781587332524.
  7. ^ Peterson, Helen L. (May 1957). "American Indian Political Participation". American Academy of Political and Social Science. 311 (1): 116–121. doi:10.1177/000271625731100113. S2CID 144617127.
  8. ^ Bruyneel, Kevin (2004). "Challenging American Boundaries: Indigenous People and the 'Gift' of U.S. Citizenship". Studies in American Political Development. 18 (1): 30–43. doi:10.1017/S0898588X04000021. S2CID 145698348.
  9. ^ Coulson, Doug (2015). "British Imperialism, the Indian Independence Movement, and the Racial Eligibility Provisions of the Naturalization Act: United States v. Thind Revisited". Georgetown Journal of Law & Modern Critical Race Perspectives (7): 2. SSRN 2610266.
  10. ^ Daniels, Roger. Coming to America, A History of Immigration and Ethnicity in American Life.
  11. ^ "6 Million Lost Voters: State-Level Estimates of Felony Disenfranchisement, 2016" (PDF). ProCon.org. The Sentencing Project. Retrieved September 22, 2020.
  12. ^ Leland T. Saito (1998). "Race and Politics: Asian Americans, Latinos, and Whites in a Los Angeles Suburb". p. 154. University of Illinois Press
  13. ^ Eltis, David (2008). Extending the Frontiers: Essays on the New Transatlantic Slave Trade Database. United States of America: Yale University Press. p. 31. ISBN 978-0-300-13436-0.
  14. ^ Eltis, David. "Estimates". Archived from the original on October 27, 2013. Retrieved October 19, 2013.
  15. ^ Boggs, James (October 1970). "Uprooting Racism and Racists in the United States". The Black Scholar. Paradigm Publishers. 2 (2): 2–5. doi:10.1080/00064246.1970.11431000. JSTOR 41202851.
  16. ^ Garrod, Joel Z. (2006). "A Brave Old World: An Analysis of Scientific Racism and BiDil". McGill Journal of Medicine. 9 (1): 54–60. PMC 2687899. PMID 19529811.
  17. ^ Paul Finkelman (November 12, 2012). "The Monster of Monticello". The New York Times. Retrieved July 14, 2020.
  18. ^ Morgan, Marcyliena (July 4, 2002). Language, Discourse and Power in African American Culture. p. 20. ISBN 9780521001496.
  19. ^ Berlin, Generations of Captivity, pp. 161–62.
  20. ^ XIII – Slavery Abolished Archived August 19, 2016, at the Wayback Machine The Avalon Project
  21. ^ Moyers, Bill. "Legacy of Lynching". PBS. Retrieved July 28, 2016
  22. ^ Klarman, Michael (1998). "The Plessy Era". The Supreme Court Review. 1998: 307–308. doi:10.1086/scr.1998.3109701. JSTOR 3109701. S2CID 147074451.
  23. ^ "Barack Obama legacy: Did he improve US race relations?". BBC. Retrieved August 9, 2017
  24. ^ Karthikeyan, Hrishi; Chin, Gabriel Jackson (April 14, 2011). "Preserving Racial Identity: Population Patterns and the Application of Anti-Miscegenation Statutes to Asian Americans, 1910–1950". SSRN 283998. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  25. ^ Kwame Anthony Appiah, Henry Louis Gates, Jr., eds. Africana: The Encyclopedia of the African and African American Experience, in articles "Civil Rights Movement" by Patricia Sullivan (pp 441–455) and "National Association for the Advancement of Colored People" by Kate Tuttle (pp 1,388–1,391). ISBN 0-465-00071-1.
  26. ^ "Un lynchage monstre". Le Petit Journal. September 24, 1906. Archived from the original on February 25, 2021.
  27. ^ "DEPORTING THE NEGROES" (September 30, 1906) The New York Times
  28. ^ Michael O. Emerson, Christian Smith (2001). "Divided by Faith: Evangelical Religion and the Problem of Race in America". p. 42. Oxford University Press
  29. ^ Seligman, Amanda (2005). Block by block : neighborhoods and public policy on Chicago's West Side. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. pp. 213–14. ISBN 978-0-226-74663-0.
  30. ^ Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 U.S. 1 (1948)
  31. ^ Michael Kazin, Rebecca Edwards, Adam Rothman (2009). "The Princeton Encyclopedia of American Political History". p. 245. Princeton University Press
  32. ^ "Forgotten' details heroism of black soldiers in WWII". New York Daily News. Retrieved August 5, 2017
  33. ^ Ravitz, Jessica. "Siblings of the bombing: Remembering Birmingham church blast 50 years on". Retrieved October 20, 2013.
  34. ^ "Birmingham Church Bombed". L.A. Rebellion: Film & Television Archive. Archived from the original on October 15, 2013. Retrieved October 20, 2013.
  35. ^ Carol Berkin, Christopher Miller, Robert Cherny, James Gormly (2011). "Making America: A History of the United States, Volume 2: From 1865". p. 749. Cengage Learning
  36. ^ "Eugenics, Race, and Marriage". Facing History.org. Retrieved February 23, 2021.
  37. ^ The Rise and Decline of the American Ghetto David M. Cutler, Edward L. Glaeser, Jacob L. Vigdor The Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 107, No. 3 (Jun. 1999), pp. 455–506
  38. ^ "Racial Discrimination and Redlining in Cities" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on November 30, 2007. Retrieved February 16, 2013.
  39. ^ See: Race and health
  40. ^ Eisenhauer, Elizabeth (2001). "In poor health: Supermarket redlining and urban nutrition". GeoJournal. 53 (2): 125–133. doi:10.1023/A:1015772503007. S2CID 151164815.
  41. ^ Thabit, Walter (2003). How East New York Became a Ghetto. p. 42. ISBN 978-0-8147-8267-5.
  42. ^ Grogan, Paul; Proscio, Tony (December 18, 2001). Comeback Cities: A Blueprint for Urban Neighborhood Revival. p. 114. ISBN 978-0-8133-3952-8. The goal was not to relax lending restrictions but rather to get banks to apply the same criteria in the inner-city as in the suburbs.
  43. ^ "How Pepsi Opened Door to Diversity". Wall Street Journal. January 9, 2016.
  44. ^ Schwartz, Larry. "Owens Pierced a Myth". ESPN. Retrieved April 30, 2009.
  45. ^ Entine, Jon (2000). Taboo: Why Black Athletes Dominate Sports and why We are Afraid to Talk about it. PublicAffairs. p. 187.
  46. ^ Schwartz, Larry (2007). "Owens pierced a myth".
  47. ^ Abramovitch, Seth (February 19, 2015). "Oscar's First Black Winner Accepted Her Honor in a Segregated 'No Blacks' Hotel in L.A." The Hollywood Reporter. Retrieved August 10, 2017.
  48. ^ Boyd, James (May 17, 1970). "Nixon's Southern strategy: 'It's All in the Charts'" (PDF). The New York Times. Retrieved August 2, 2008.
  49. ^ Carter, Dan T. From George Wallace to Newt Gingrich: Race in the Conservative Counterrevolution, 1963–1994. p. 35.
  50. ^ Apple, R.W. Jr. (September 19, 1996). "G.O.P. Tries Hard to Win Black Votes, but Recent History Works Against It". The New York Times. Archived from the original on January 22, 2012.
  51. ^ "JBHE Statistical Shocker of the Year". Jbhe.com. Retrieved February 16, 2013.
  52. ^ Ronald Takaki, A Different Mirror: A History of Multicultural America (New York: Little, Brown & Co., 1993), 400–414.
  53. ^ Southall, Ashley (May 25, 2010). "Bias Payments Come Too Late for Some Farmers". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved May 26, 2010.
  54. ^ Kenneth B. Nunn (Fall 2002). "Race, Crime and the Pool of Surplus Criminality: or Why the 'War on Drugs' Was a 'War on Blacks'". Journal of Gender, Race and Justice: 381–445, 386–412, 422–427. Retrieved May 19, 2021.
  55. ^ "Fair Sentencing Act". American Civil Liberties Union.
  56. ^ Hannah-Jones, Nikole (March 4, 2015). "Yes, Black America Fears the Police. Here's Why". ProPublica. Retrieved March 5, 2015.
  57. ^ Booth, William (June 19, 1996). "In Church Fires, a Pattern but No Conspiracy". The Washington Post. Retrieved June 27, 2015.
  58. ^ Whitman, Elizabeth (June 23, 2015). "Charleston Church Shooting: South Carolina Racism Will Not Change After Killings, Black Residents Say". International Business Times.
  59. ^ "A New, 'Post-Racial' Political Era in America". NPR.org. Retrieved January 2, 2016.
  60. ^ Dawson, Michael C.; Bobo, Lawrence D. (2009). "One Year Later and the Myth of a Post-Racial Society". Du Bois Review. 6 (2): 247. doi:10.1017/S1742058X09990282. Retrieved January 1, 2016.
  61. ^ Coates, Ta-Nehisi (October 2017). "The First White President". The Atlantic. Retrieved June 29, 2018. It is often said that Trump has no real ideology, which is not true—his ideology is white supremacy, in all its truculent and sanctimonious power.
  62. ^ Lozada, Carlos (November 3, 2017). "Where the alt-right wants to take America — with or without Trump". Washington Post. Archived from the original on November 4, 2017. Retrieved April 3, 2018.
  63. ^ Winter, Jana (August 14, 2017). "FBI and DHS Warned of Growing Threat From White Supremacists Months Ago". Foreign Policy. Retrieved April 19, 2018.
  64. ^ "White Supremacist Extremism Poses Persistent Threat of Lethal Violence". FBI Intelligence Bulletin. May 10, 2017. Retrieved April 19, 2018.
  65. ^ Long, Russ. "How to Think about Racial and Ethnic Inequality" Archived August 26, 2017, at the Wayback Machine.
  66. ^ a b Leonard, Rebecca; Locke, Don C (1993). "Communication Stereotypes: Is Interracial Communication Possible?". Journal of Black Studies. 23 (3): 332–343. doi:10.1177/002193479302300303. S2CID 143963032.
  67. ^ "UN issues rare warning over 'alarming' racism in US". Al Jazeera. Retrieved August 24, 2017.
  68. ^ "United Nations issues 'racism warning' over growing US tensions". Retrieved August 23, 2017.
  69. ^ Forliti, Amy; Karnowski, Steve; Webber, Tammy (April 5, 2021). "Police chief: Kneeling on Floyd's neck violated policy". Star Tribune. Associated Press. Retrieved April 8, 2021.
  70. ^ Levenson, Eric (March 29, 2021). "Former officer knelt on George Floyd for 9 minutes and 29 seconds – not the infamous 8:46". CNN. Archived from the original on March 29, 2021. Retrieved March 29, 2021.
  71. ^ Bogel-Burroughs, Nicholas (June 18, 2020). "8 Minutes, 46 Seconds Became a Symbol in George Floyd's Death. The Exact Time Is Less Clear". The New York Times. Archived from the original on August 13, 2020. Retrieved June 23, 2020. Yet the revised time provided by prosecutors conflicts with videotapes obtained by The New York Times after the May 25 killing along a Minneapolis street. The videos show Mr. Chauvin’s knee on Mr. Floyd’s neck for at least eight minutes and 15 seconds.
  72. ^ "Prosecutors say officer had knee on George Floyd's neck for 7:46 rather than 8:46". Los Angeles Times. Associated Press. June 18, 2020. Archived from the original on June 23, 2020. Retrieved June 23, 2020.
  73. ^ Willis, Haley; Hill, Evan; Stein, Robin; Triebert, Christiaan; Laffin, Ben; Jordan, Drew (August 11, 2020). "New Footage Shows Delayed Medical Response to George Floyd". The New York Times. Archived from the original on August 15, 2020. Retrieved August 14, 2020.
  74. ^ Xiong, Chao (August 3, 2020). "Daily Mail publishes leaked bodycam footage of George Floyd arrest, killing". Star Tribune. Archived from the original on August 14, 2020. Retrieved August 14, 2020. Prosecutors have said Chauvin knelt on Floyd's neck for nearly 8 minutes, but Kueng's video showed that it was about 9 minutes and 30 seconds.
  75. ^ "Two police bodycam videos in killing of George Floyd released". Tampa Bay Times. Associated Press. August 11, 2020. Archived from the original on August 19, 2020. Retrieved August 14, 2020.
  76. ^ Mann, Charles C., 1491: New Revelations of the Americas Before Columbus, Vintage Books, 2006, c.2005, p. 18
  77. ^ An Indigenous Peoples' History of the United States. New York: Beacon, 2014. ISBN 9780807057834, OCLC 898228330
  78. ^ Walter, Williams (1979). "Three Efforts at Development among the Choctaws of Mississippi". Southeastern Indians: Since the Removal Era. Athens, Georgia: University of Georgia Press.
  79. ^ Hudson, Charles (1971). "The Ante-Bellum Elite". Red, White, and Black; Symposium on Indians in the Old South. University of Georgia Press. p. 80. SBN 820303089.
  80. ^ Worlds Together, Worlds Apart, Robert Tignor, Jeremy Adelman, Stephen Aron, Stephen Kotkin, Suzanne Marchand, Gyan Prakash, Michael Tsin, W.W. Norton & Company, New York, 2000, p. 274.
  81. ^ Out West. University of Nebraska Press. 2000. p. 96.
  82. ^ "Facebook labels declaration of independence as 'hate speech'". The Guardian. Retrieved August 7, 2019.
  83. ^ "Millions of Americans Have Nothing to Celebrate on the Fourth of July". Mic. Retrieved August 20, 2017
  84. ^ "Reflection today: "Our nation was born in genocide when it embraced the doctrin..." Yale University. Retrieved June 3, 2020.
  85. ^ Castillo, Edward D. (1998). "Short Overview of California Indian History" Archived December 14, 2006, at the Wayback Machine, California Native American Heritage Commission.
  86. ^ a b M. Annette Jaimes (1992). The State of Native America: Genocide, Colonization, and Resistance. p. 34. South End Press
  87. ^ Black Elk, John Gneisenau Neihardt (2008) [1961]. Black Elk Speaks: Being the Life Story of a Holy Man of the Oglala Sioux. SUNY Press. p. 281. ISBN 9781438425405.
  88. ^ Thornton, Russell (1990). American Indian Holocaust and Survival: A Population History Since 1492. p. 48. ISBN 978-0-8061-2220-5.
  89. ^ "Plains Humanities: Wounded Knee Massacre". Retrieved August 4, 2017.
  90. ^ "Plains Humanities: Wounded Knee Massacre". Retrieved August 9, 2016.
  91. ^ a b "L. Frank Baum's Editorials on the Sioux Nation". Archived from the original on December 9, 2007. Retrieved December 9, 2007. Full text of both, with commentary by professor A. Waller Hastings
  92. ^ Professor Robert Venables, Senior Lecturer Rural Sociology Department, Cornell University, "Looking Back at Wounded Knee 1890", Northeast Indian Quarterly, Spring 1990
  93. ^ "Our Daily Bleed..." Retrieved January 28, 2008.
  94. ^ Ward Churchill, Kill the Indian, Save the Man, 2006. The basis for this theory was that inside every native person, there was a repressed white person screaming to come to the surface. Abuse both physical and psychological was common in these schools, and often their objective of 'compulsory whiteness' was not even ultimately achieved, with many of the Indians who later returned to the reservations afterwards not at all 'becoming white', but instead simply becoming heavy alcoholics and displaying signs of permanent psychological distress, and even mental illness. Further, these individuals were often either totally unemployable or only marginally employed, as it was sensed by those around them that on the one hand, they had not successfully assimilated into 'white society', nor were they any longer acceptable to the Indian societies from which they had originated.
  95. ^ Strasser, Franz; Carpenter, Sharon (November 22, 2010). "Native Americans battle teenage suicide". BBC News.
  96. ^ United States Senate, Oversight Hearing on Trust Fund Litigation, Cobell v. Kempthorne Archived January 12, 2009, at the Wayback Machine. See also, Cobell v. Norton.
  97. ^ Winona LaDuke, All Our Relations: Native Struggles for Land and Life, 1999, p. 2-3.
  98. ^ "Nuclear Tests Have Changed, but They Never Really Stopped". Wired. July 16, 2020. Retrieved November 30, 2020.
  99. ^ Stout, Mary, 1954– (2012). Native American boarding schools. Santa Barbara: Greenwood. ISBN 978-0-313-38676-3. OCLC 745980477.CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  100. ^ a b c d e f Au, Wayne, 1972–. Reclaiming the multicultural roots of U.S. curriculum : communities of color and official knowledge in education. Brown, Anthony Lamar, Aramoni Calderón, Dolores,, Banks, James A.,. New York. ISBN 978-0-8077-5678-2. OCLC 951742385.
  101. ^ a b Stout, Mary, 1954– (2012). Native American boarding schools. Santa Barbara: Greenwood. ISBN 978-0-313-38676-3. OCLC 745980477.
  102. ^ "Substance Abuse and Mental Health Publications| SAMHSA Store". Mentalhealth.samhsa.gov. November 19, 2011. Archived from the original on May 27, 2010. Retrieved February 16, 2013.
  103. ^ a b Schultz, Jeffrey D. (2002). Encyclopedia of Minorities in American Politics: African Americans and Asian Americans. p. 284. ISBN 9781573561488. Retrieved September 14, 2015.
  104. ^ a b c Eguchi, Shinsuke (2013). "Revisiting Asiacentricity: Toward Thinking Dialectically about Asian American Identities and Negotiation". Howard Journal of Communications. 24 (1): 95–115. doi:10.1080/10646175.2013.748556. S2CID 54718287.
  105. ^ Chin, Philip (2013). "The Chinese Exclusion Act: Ten Year Exclusion Act Debates and Passage – Part 3"". Chinese American Forum. 29 (1): 24–31.
  106. ^ "The Constitution of the State of California of 1879" (PDF). California State Legislature. May 7, 1879. Archived (PDF) from the original on March 8, 2021. Retrieved April 3, 2021. ARTICLE XIX. CHINESE. SEC. 2. No corporation now existing or hereafter formed under the laws of this State, shall, after the adoption of this Constitution, employ directly or indirectly, in any capacity, any Chinese or Mongolian. The Legislature shall pass such laws as may be necessary to enforce this provision. Sec. 3. No Chinese shall be employed on any State, county, municipal, or other public work, except in punishment for crime. ... The Legislature shall delegate all necessary power to the incorporated cities and towns of this State for the removal of Chinese without the limits of such cities and towns, or for their location within prescribed portions of those limits, and it shall also provide the necessary legislation to prohibit the introduction into this State of Chinese after the adoption of this Constitution.
  107. ^ a b James Whitman, "Hitler's American Model: The United States and the Making of Nazi Race Law" (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2017), p. 35
  108. ^ a b c Iris, Chang (2004) [2003]. The Chinese in America : a narrative history. New York: Penguin. ISBN 0142004170. OCLC 55136302.
  109. ^ a b Sakamoto, Taylor (2007). "The Triumph and Tragedies of Japanese Women in America: A View Across Four Generations". History Teacher. 41 (1): 97–122.
  110. ^ Eguchi, Shinsuke (2013). "Revisiting Asia centricity: Toward Thinking Dialectically about Asian American Identities and Negotiation". Howard Journal of Communications. 24 (1): 95–115. doi:10.1080/10646175.2013.748556. S2CID 54718287.
  111. ^ "Trophies of War, US Troops and the Mutilation of Japanese War Dead, 1941-1945 - James J Weingartner - PHR Vol 61 No 1 Feb 1992.pdf". Google Docs. Retrieved December 7, 2016.
  112. ^ Simon, Harrison (December 7, 2016). "Skull trophies of the Pacific War: transgressive objects of remembrance". Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute. 12 (4): 817–836. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9655.2006.00365.x. Archived from the original on March 8, 2021. Retrieved December 7, 2016.CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)
  113. ^ Chomsky, Noam; Herman, Edward S. (January 1, 1979). The Washington Connection and Third World Fascism. South End Press. p. 31. ISBN 9780896080904.
  114. ^ "The Secret History of the Vietnam War | VICE | United States". VICE. April 17, 2013. Retrieved December 7, 2016.
  115. ^ Turse, Nick (January 15, 2013). Kill Anything That Moves: The Real American War in Vietnam. Macmillan. ISBN 9780805086911.
  116. ^ Truman, Harry S. (October 18, 1948). "Executive Order 10009—Revoking in Part Executive Orders No. 589 of March 14, 1907, and No. 1712 of February 24, 1913". presidency.ucsb.edu. American Presidency Project. Archived from the original on April 4, 2021. Retrieved April 4, 2021.
  117. ^ Sohi, Seema (2014). Echoes of Mutiny: Race, Surveillance, and Indian Anticolonialism in North America. Oxford University Press. p. 8. ISBN 978-0-19-937625-4. Indians in North America, nearly 90 percent of whom where Sikhs from the state of Punjab, were also racialized through colonial gendered discourses. During the early decades of the twentieth century, US Immigration, Justice, and State Department officials cast Indian anti-colonialists as a "Hindu" menace
  118. ^ a b Zhao, X. & Park, E.J.W. (2013). Asian Americans: An Encyclopedia of Social, Cultural, Economic, and Political History. Greenwood. pp. 1142. ISBN 978-1-59884-239-5
  119. ^ "Roots in the Sand – the Archives". PBS. Retrieved May 8, 2016.
  120. ^ a b Ludden, Jennifer. "1965 immigration law changed face of America". NPR. Retrieved May 8, 2016.
  121. ^ a b c Lai, Lei; Babcock, Linda C. (2013). "Asian Americans and Workplace Discrimination: The Interplay between Sex of Evaluators and the Perception of Social Skills". Journal of Organizational Behavior. 34 (3): 310–26. doi:10.1002/job.1799.
  122. ^ Kim, Isok (2014). "The Role of Critical Ethnic Awareness and Social Support in the discrimination–depression Relationship among Asian Americans: Path Analysis". Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology. 20 (1): 52–60. doi:10.1037/a0034529. PMID 24491128.
  123. ^ "Victims". FBI. Retrieved December 4, 2018.
  124. ^ Kebba, Michael T. Bias Crimes and Incidents Synopsis. Seattle: Seattle Police Department Memorandum, 2016. Print.
  125. ^ Chae, David H.; et al. (2008). "Unfair Treatment, Racial/Ethnic Discrimination, Ethnic Identification, and Smoking among Asian Americans in the National Latino and Asian American Study". American Journal of Public Health. 98 (3): 485–92. doi:10.2105/ajph.2006.102012. PMC 2253562. PMID 18235073.
  126. ^ Tavernise, Sabrina; Oppel Jr, Richard A. (March 23, 2020). "Spit On, Yelled At, Attacked: Chinese-Americans Fear for Their Safety". The New York Times. Retrieved March 23, 2020.
  127. ^ "Attacks on Asian Americans Spiked by 150% in First Quarter of 2021 | Voice of America – English". www.voanews.com. Retrieved April 29, 2021.
  128. ^ Prince, Carl E. (1985) "The Great 'Riot Year': Jacksonian Democracy and Patterns of Violence in 1834." Journal of the Early Republic 5(1): 1–19. ISSN 0275-1275 examines 24 episodes including the January labor riot at the Chesapeake & Ohio Canal, the New York City election riot in April, the Philadelphia race riot in August, and the Baltimore & Washington Railroad riot in November.
  129. ^ Fried, Rebecca A. (2015) "No Irish Need Deny: Evidence for the Historicity of NINA Restrictions in Advertisements and Signs" Journal of Social History 48. Accessed July 17, 2015. doi: 10.1093/jsh/shv066.
    In addition to job postings, the article also surveys evidence relevant to several of Jensen's subsidiary arguments, including lawsuits involving NINA publications, NINA restrictions in housing solicitations, Irish-American responses to NINA advertisements, and the use of NINA advertisements in Confederate propaganda", and concludes (per the abstract) that "Jensen's thesis about the highly limited extent of NINA postings requires revision", and that "the earlier view of historians generally accepting the widespread reality of the NINA phenomenon is better supported by the currently available evidence."
  130. ^ "The New York Herald". XXVIII (186). July 7, 1863. p. 11.
  131. ^ Young, Patrick (July 19, 2015). "High School Student Proves Professor Wrong When He Denied "No Irish Need Apply" Signs Existed". Long Island Wins. Retrieved August 16, 2015.
  132. ^ Mattias Gardell (2003). "Gods of the Blood: The Pagan Revival and White Separatism". p. 80. Duke University Press
  133. ^ "A Painful Present as Historians Confront a Nation's Bloody Past". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved August 11, 2017
  134. ^ Newton, Michael (2001). The Invisible Empire: The Ku Klux Klan in Florida.
  135. ^ "America's dark and not-very-distant history of hating Catholics". The Guardian. February 15, 2016.
  136. ^ Guterl, Matthew Pratt (2004). The Color of Race in America, 1900–1940. USA: Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-01012-3.
  137. ^ Coolidge, Calvin (1921). "Whose Country is This?". Good Housekeeping: 14.
  138. ^ "The Immigration Act of 1924 (The Johnson-Reed Act)". U.S. Department of State Office of the Historian. Retrieved February 13, 2012.
  139. ^ Stoddard, Lothrop (1922). The Revolt Against Civilization: The Menace of the Under Man. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons.
  140. ^ Losurdo, Domenico (2004). Translated by Marella & Jon Morris. "Toward a Critique of the Category of Totalitarianism" (PDF, 0.2 MB). Historical Materialism. 12 (2): 25–55, here p. 50. doi:10.1163/1569206041551663. ISSN 1465-4466.
  141. ^ Meier, Matt S.; Gutierrez, Margo (2000). Encyclopedia of the Mexican American Civil Rights Movement. Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 9780313304255.
  142. ^ "The lynching of persons of Mexican origin or descent in the United States, 1848 to 1928 | Journal of Social History | Find Articles at BNET.com". Findarticles.com. Retrieved February 16, 2013.
  143. ^ "Teachers' Domain: Mendez v. Westminster: Desegregating California's Schools". Teachersdomain.org. December 22, 2004. Retrieved February 16, 2013.
  144. ^ "Handbook of Texas Online – HERNANDEZ V. STATE OF TEXAS". Tshaonline.org. February 16, 1927. Retrieved February 16, 2013.
  145. ^ "RACE – History – Post-War Economic Boom and Racial Discrimination". Understandingrace.org. December 21, 1956. Archived from the original on August 18, 2013. Retrieved February 16, 2013.
  146. ^ Pulido, Laura (December 17, 2005). Black, Brown, Yellow, and Left: Radical Activism in Los Angeles – Laura Pulido – Google Boeken. ISBN 978-0-520-93889-2. Retrieved February 16, 2013.
  147. ^ Gratton, Brian; Merchant, Emily (December 2013). "Immigration, Repatriation, and Deportation: The Mexican-Origin Population in the United States, 1920-1950" (PDF). 47 (4). The International migration review. pp. 944–975.
  148. ^ Richard Griswold del Castillo, "The Los Angeles "Zoot Suit Riots" Revisited: Mexican and Latin American Perspectives," Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos, Vol. 16, No. 2. (Summer, 2000), pp. 367–391.
  149. ^ Arthur C. Verge, "The Impact of the Second World War on Los Angeles," The Pacific Historical Review, Vol. 63, No. 3, Fortress California at War: San Francisco, Los Angeles, Oakland, and San Diego, 1941–1945. (Aug. 1994), pp. 306–07.
  150. ^ "Arab American Institute Still Deliberately Claiming Assyrians Are Arabs". Assyrian International News Agency. Retrieved February 9, 2008.
  151. ^ John Tehranian, "Performing Whiteness: Naturalization Litigation and the Construction of Racial Identity in America," The Yale Law Journal, Vol. 109, No. 4. (Jan. 2000), pp. 817–848.
  152. ^ "Leonard, Karen. University of California, Irvine. Western Knight Center. "American Muslims: South Asian Contributions to the Mix". 2005. July 28, 2007" (PDF).
  153. ^ Netton, Ian Richard; Alsultany, Evelyn (2006). "From ambiguity to abjection: Iraqi-Americans negotiating race in the United States". In Zahia Smail Salhi (ed.). The Arab diaspora: Voices of an anguished scream. Taylor & Francis. pp. 140–43. ISBN 978-0-415-37542-9.
  154. ^ "United States". Hrw.org. Human Rights Watch. September 11, 2001. Archived from the original on March 8, 2021. Retrieved February 16, 2013.
  155. ^ "While African-Americans, Asians, and Native Americans are racialized according to phenotype, Arab-Americans are often racialized according to religion and politics. Religious racialization conflates Arabs and Islam, and consequently positions all Arabs as Muslim; represents Islam as a monolithic religion erasing diversity among Arabs and Muslims; and marks Islam as a backwards, fanatical, uncivilized, and a terroristic belief system" (p. 127). "Whereas before September 11, Arab- and Muslim-Americans were not included in discourses on race and racism in the United States, a public discourse emerged after September 11 on whether Arabs and Muslims were being treated fairly or being subjected to racism with the rise in hate crimes and government measures targeting Arabs and Muslims" (p. 141). Alsultany, Evelyn (2006). "From ambiguity to abjection: Iraqi-Americans negotiating race in the United States". In Zahia Smail Salhi; Ian Richard Netton (eds.). The Arab diaspora: Voices of an anguished scream. Taylor & Francis. p. 127. ISBN 978-0-415-37542-9.
  156. ^ "'Muslim' identity has certainly congealed as a marker of exclusion and marginalization, in relation to white or mainstream America, which is subjected to similar processes of racialization, and racism, that operate for racial minority groups."Maira, Sunaina (January 2009). Missing: youth, citizenship, and empire after 9/11. Duke University Press. p. 229. ISBN 978-0-8223-4409-4.
  157. ^ Attacks on Arab Americans (PBS)
  158. ^ Murphy, Jarrett (February 11, 2009). "Hindu Beaten Because He's Muslim, Mistaken Anti-Islam Thugs Pummel, Hogtie And Stab Deliveryman". CBS News. Associated Press. Retrieved February 16, 2013.
  159. ^ "ADL Condemns Hate Crime Against Hindu". Anti-Defamation League. Archived from the original on July 18, 2008. Retrieved July 18, 2008.
  160. ^ Chandrasekhar, Charu A. "Flying while Brown: Federal Civil Rights Remedies to Post-9/11 Airline Racial Profiling of South Asians". Asian Law Journal. HeinOnline. 10 (2): 215–252.
  161. ^ Bozorgmehr, Mehdi (May 2, 2001). "No solidarity: Iranians in the U.S". The Iranian. Retrieved February 2, 2007.
  162. ^ See detailed analysis in: The U.S. Media and the Middle East: Image and Perception. Praeger, 1997; Greenwood, 1995.
  163. ^ Michel Marriott, Special to The New York Times (October 12, 1987). "In Jersey City, Indians Protest Violence". Nytimes.com. Jersey City (Nj). Retrieved August 11, 2014.
  164. ^ a b "Kavita Chhibber". Kavitachhibber.com. Archived from the original on January 2, 2018. Retrieved January 9, 2018.
  165. ^ Indophobia: Facts versus Fiction, Arvind Panagariya, Columbia University archives of The Economic Times
  166. ^ a b Worries about technical-job losses, discrimination Archived July 4, 2008, at the Wayback Machine, by Amy Yee, The Financial Times Ltd., 2004
  167. ^ "Center for the study of history and memory". Dlib.indiana.edu. Retrieved August 11, 2014.
  168. ^ "Remembering Victims of Hate Crimes". Southern Poverty Law Center. Retrieved July 5, 2013.
  169. ^ Ronald Takaki, A Different Mirror: A History of Multicultural America (New York: Little, Brown & Co., 1993), 277–283.
  170. ^ Phagan, 1987, p. 27, states that "everyone knew the identity of the lynchers" (putting the words in her father's mouth). Oney, 2003, p. 526, quotes Carl Abernathy as saying, "They'd go to a man's office and talk to him or ... see a man on the job and talk to him," and an unidentified lyncher as saying "The organization of the body was more open than mysterious."
  171. ^ "The Various Shady Lives of the Ku Klux Klan". Time magazine. April 9, 1965. Archived from the original on August 19, 2008. An itinerant Methodist preacher named William Joseph Simmons started up the Klan again in Atlanta. On Thanksgiving Eve 1915, Simmons took 15 friends to the top of Stone Mountain, near Atlanta, built an altar on which he placed an American flag, a Bible and an unsheathed sword, set fire to a crude wooden cross, muttered a few incantations about a "practical fraternity among men," and declared himself Imperial Wizard of the Invisible Empire of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan.
  172. ^ Father Charles Edward Coughlin (1891–1971) By Richard Sanders, editor, Press for Conversion!
  173. ^ Mary Christine Athans, "A New Perspective on Father Charles E. Coughlin," Church History, Vol. 56, No. 2. (June 1987), pp. 224–235, American Society of Church History
  174. ^ "H-ANTISEMITISM OCCASIONAL PAPERS, NO. 1M". H-net.msu.edu. Retrieved February 16, 2013.
  175. ^ "The Nation of Islam". Anti-Defamation League. Archived from the original on April 26, 2006. Retrieved July 17, 2016.
  176. ^ Goldstein, Amy (September 27, 1993). "A D.C. Clinic's Controversial Rx for AIDS". The Washington Post. Retrieved July 17, 2016. His critics, including the Anti-Defamation League, contend that Muhammad's speeches contain antisemitic slurs. The critics have provided evidence of such remarks made by [NOI leader Louis] Farrakhan but not by Muhammad. In his several taped speeches, Muhammad has named Israel among the countries in what he calls the genocidal AIDS conspiracy, but he does not single out Jews for criticism.
  177. ^ Seth Korelitz, "The Menorah Idea: From Religion to Culture, From Race to Ethnicity," American Jewish History 1997 85(1): 75–100. 0164–0178
  178. ^ Peter Novick, The Holocaust in American Life (1999); Hilene Flanzbaum, ed. The Americanization of the Holocaust (1999); Monty Noam Penkower, "Shaping Holocaust Memory," American Jewish History 2000 88(1): 127–132. 0164–0178
  179. ^ Steve Siporin, "Immigrant and Ethnic Family Folklore," Western States Jewish History 1990 22(3): 230–242. 0749–5471
  180. ^ a b Lerner, Michael (May 18, 1993). "Jews Are Not White". The Village Voice. XXXVIII (20). pp. 33–34.
  181. ^ "11 Killed in Synagogue Massacre; Suspect Charged With 29 Counts". Retrieved November 26, 2018.
  182. ^ "ADL poll: Anti-Semitic attitudes on rise in USA". The Jerusalem Post. November 3, 2011. Retrieved December 20, 2013.
  183. ^ White, Matthew. "Racism". Necrometrics Estimated Totals for the Entire 20th Century.
  184. ^ The Schedule of Racist Events: A Measure of Racial Discrimination and a Study of Its Negative Physical and Mental Health Consequences Journal of Black Psychology, Vol. 22, No. 2, 144–168 (1996)
  185. ^ Kwate NO, Valdimarsdottir HB, Guevarra JS, Bovbjerg DH (June 2003). "Experiences of racist events are associated with negative health consequences for African American women". J Natl Med Assoc. 95 (6): 450–60. PMC 2594553. PMID 12856911.
  186. ^ Blascovich J, Spencer SJ, Quinn D, Steele C (May 2001). "African Americans and high blood pressure: the role of stereotype threat". Psychol Sci. 12 (3): 225–9. doi:10.1111/1467-9280.00340. PMID 11437305. S2CID 2590855.
  187. ^ a b c d e Benner, Aprile D.; Wang, Yijie; Shen, Yishan; Boyle, Alaina E.; Polk, Richelle; Cheng, Yen-Pi (October 2018). "Racial/ethnic discrimination and well-being during adolescence: A meta-analytic review". American Psychologist. 73 (7): 855–883. doi:10.1037/amp0000204. ISSN 1935-990X. PMC 6172152. PMID 30024216.
  188. ^ Katz, Phyllis A. (November 2003). "Racists or Tolerant Multiculturalists? How Do They Begin?". American Psychologist. 58 (11): 897–909. doi:10.1037/0003-066X.58.11.897b. ISSN 1935-990X. PMID 14609382.
  189. ^ Quintana, Stephen M.; McKown, Clark (January 9, 2012), "Introduction: Race, Racism, and the Developing Child", Handbook of Race, Racism, and the Developing Child, Hoboken, NJ, USA: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., pp. 1–15, doi:10.1002/9781118269930.ch1, ISBN 978-1-118-26993-0
  190. ^ Umaña-Taylor, Adriana J. (April 2016). "A Post-Racial Society in Which Ethnic-Racial Discrimination Still Exists and Has Significant Consequences for Youths' Adjustment". Current Directions in Psychological Science. 25 (2): 111–118. doi:10.1177/0963721415627858. ISSN 0963-7214. S2CID 147671823.
  191. ^ Karcher, Michael J; Fischer, Kurt W (May 2004). "A developmental sequence of skills in adolescents' intergroup understanding". Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology. 25 (3): 259–282. doi:10.1016/j.appdev.2004.04.001. ISSN 0193-3973.
  192. ^ Slomovitz, Philip, ed. (July 16, 1943). "A Rest From Bigotry". As the Editor Views the News. The Jewish News. 3 (17). Detroit. Archived from the original on April 27, 2021.
  193. ^ Winrod, Gerald Burton, ed. (September 1943). "Congressman Says Negroes Deceived" (PDF). The Defender. Wichita, Kansas. p. 12. Archived (PDF) from the original on May 30, 2013.
  194. ^ Felicia R. Lee, "Protesting Demeaning Images in Media" New York Times November 5, 2007
  195. ^ Marissa Newhall, "Channeling Their Discontent, 500 Gather at Executive's D.C. Home to Protest Stereotypes," Washington Post, September 16, 2007
  196. ^ "Enough is Enough! Campaign". Enough is Enough! Campaign. March 9, 2011. Retrieved February 16, 2013.
  197. ^ "What About Our Daughters?". Whataboutourdaughters.com. Retrieved February 16, 2013.
  198. ^ Ford, Thomas (1997). "Effects of Stereotypical Television Portrayals of African-Americans on Person Perception". Social Psychology Quarterly. 60 (3): 266–275. doi:10.2307/2787086. JSTOR 2787086.
  199. ^ Altschul, Inna; Oyserman, Daphna; Bybee, Deborah (September 2008). "Racial-Ethnic Self-Schemas and Segmented Assimilation: Identity and the Academic Achievement of Hispanic Youth". Social Psychology Quarterly. 71 (3): 302–320. doi:10.1177/019027250807100309. JSTOR 20141842. S2CID 18018980.
  200. ^ "Racial Violence against Asian Americans". Harvard Law Review. 106 (8): 1926–1943. 1993. doi:10.2307/1341790. JSTOR 1341790.
  201. ^ For example, Catherine A. Hansman, Leon Spencer, Dale Grant, Mary Jackson, "Beyond Diversity: Dismantling Barriers in Education," Journal of Instructional Psychology, March 1999
  202. ^ Andrew Blankstein And Joel Rubin. L.A.'s top cops at odds: William Bratton, Lee Baca disagree on role of race in gang violence. Los Angeles Times, June 13, 2008.
  203. ^ "Race relations | Where black and brown collide". Economist.com. August 2, 2007. Retrieved February 16, 2013.
  204. ^ "Riot Breaks Out at Calif. High School, Melee Involving 500 People Erupts at Southern California School". Cbsnews.com. February 11, 2009. Retrieved February 16, 2013.
  205. ^ "California Prisons on Alert After Weekend Violence". NPR. February 6, 2006. Retrieved February 16, 2013.
  206. ^ "African immigrants face bias from blacks". Post-gazette.com. December 31, 1969. Retrieved February 16, 2013.
  207. ^ "Racism not always black and white". Abcnews.go.com. June 25, 2008. Retrieved February 16, 2013.
  208. ^ a b c d Brown, Darryl (March 1990). "Racism and Race Relations in the University" (PDF). Virginia Law Review. 76 (2): 295–335. doi:10.2307/1073204. hdl:10288/8306. JSTOR 1073204.
  209. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n Wang, Ming-Te; Henry, Daphne A.; Smith, Leann V.; Huguley, James P.; Guo, Jiesi (January 2020). "Parental ethnic-racial socialization practices and children of color's psychosocial and behavioral adjustment: A systematic review and meta-analysis". American Psychologist. 75 (1): 1–22. doi:10.1037/amp0000464. ISSN 1935-990X. PMID 31058521.
  210. ^ What is Institutional and Structural Racism? ERASE RACISM
  211. ^ Bullock, III; Rodgers, Jr. (1976). "Institutional Racism: Prerequisites, Freezing, and Mapping". Phylon. 37 (3): 212–223. doi:10.2307/274450. JSTOR 274450.
  212. ^ "About Us – A Sociology Experiment".
  213. ^ "Everyday Sociology Blog: Michael Brown, Ferguson, Missouri, and the Invisibility of Race". www.everydaysociologyblog.com. Retrieved December 15, 2015.
  214. ^ * Head, Wilson (1995). A Life on the Edge: Experiences in Black and White in North America. University of Toronto Press. ISBN 978-0-9680066-0-3.
  215. ^ a b c d e Whitman, James Q. (2017). Hitler's American Model: The United States and the Making of Nazi Race Law. Princeton University Press. pp. 37–47.
  216. ^ Whitman, James Q. (2017). Hitler's American Model: The United States and the Making of Nazi Race Law. Princeton University Press. p. 47.
  217. ^ Westermann, Edward. B. (2016). Hitler's Ostkrieg and the Indian Wars: Comparing Genocide and Conquest. University of Oklahoma Press. p. 3.
  218. ^ United States. Dept. of Justice. 2008. Bureau of Justice Statistics: Prison Statistics. Washington, DC: U.S. Dept. of Justice.[page needed]
  219. ^ Bonczarfalse, Thomas P.; Beck, Allen J. (March 1997). "Lifetime Likelihood of Going to State or Federal Prison" (PDF). National Institute of Justice Office of Justice Programs.
  220. ^ Stephan Thernstrom; Abigail Thernstrom (1999). America in black and white: one nation indivisible. p. 273. ISBN 9780684844978. Retrieved October 26, 2015.
  221. ^ Bobo, Lawrence D.; Thompson, Victor (2006). "Unfair by Design: The War on Drugs, Race, and the Legitimacy of the Criminal Justice System". Social Research. 73 (2): 445–472. JSTOR 40971832. ProQuest 209669497 Gale A149908517 Project MUSE 527464.
  222. ^ Sampson, Robert J. (September 1987). "Urban Black Violence: The Effect of Male Joblessness and Family Disruption". American Journal of Sociology. 93 (2): 348–382. doi:10.1086/228748. JSTOR 2779588. S2CID 144729803.
  223. ^ Sampson, Robert J.; Morenoff, Jeffrey D.; Raudenbush, Stephen (February 2005). "Social Anatomy of Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Violence". American Journal of Public Health. 95 (2): 224–232. doi:10.2105/AJPH.2004.037705. PMC 1449156. PMID 15671454.
  224. ^ Drum, Kevin. "An updated lead-crime roundup for 2018". Mother Jones. Retrieved February 20, 2021.
  225. ^ Shihadeh, Edward S.; Shrum, Wesley (July 1, 2004). "Serious Crime in Urban Neighborhoods: Is There a Race Effect?". Sociological Spectrum. 24 (4): 507–533. doi:10.1080/02732170490459502. ISSN 0273-2173. S2CID 145654909.
  226. ^ Brown, Elizabeth; Males, Mike A. (2011). "Does Age or Poverty Level Best Predict Criminal Arrest and Homicide Rates? A Preliminary Investigation". undefined. S2CID 14751824. Retrieved February 20, 2021.
  227. ^ Light, Michael T.; Ulmer, Jeffery T. (April 1, 2016). "Explaining the Gaps in White, Black, and Hispanic Violence since 1990: Accounting for Immigration, Incarceration, and Inequality". American Sociological Review. 81 (2): 290–315. doi:10.1177/0003122416635667. ISSN 0003-1224. S2CID 53346960.
  228. ^ Ulmer, Jeffery T.; Harris, Casey T.; Steffensmeier, Darrell (2012). "Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Structural Disadvantage and Crime: White, Black, and Hispanic Comparisons*". Social Science Quarterly. 93 (3): 799–819. doi:10.1111/j.1540-6237.2012.00868.x. ISSN 1540-6237. PMC 4097310. PMID 25035523.
  229. ^ Krivo, Lauren J.; Peterson, Ruth D. (2000). "The Structural Context of Homicide: Accounting for Racial Differences in Process". American Sociological Review. 65 (4): 547–559. doi:10.2307/2657382. ISSN 0003-1224. JSTOR 2657382.
  230. ^ Nevin, Rick (July 1, 2007). "Understanding international crime trends: The legacy of preschool lead exposure". Environmental Research. 104 (3): 315–336. Bibcode:2007ER....104..315N. doi:10.1016/j.envres.2007.02.008. ISSN 0013-9351. PMID 17451672.
  231. ^ Boutwell, Brian B.; Nelson, Erik J.; Emo, Brett; Vaughn, Michael G.; Schootman, Mario; Rosenfeld, Richard; Lewis, Roger (July 1, 2016). "The intersection of aggregate-level lead exposure and crime". Environmental Research. 148: 79–85. Bibcode:2016ER....148...79B. doi:10.1016/j.envres.2016.03.023. ISSN 0013-9351. PMID 27035924.
  232. ^ Feldmeyer, Ben (September 1, 2010). "The Effects of Racial/Ethnic Segregation on Latino and Black Homicide". The Sociological Quarterly. 51 (4): 600–623. doi:10.1111/j.1533-8525.2010.01185.x. ISSN 0038-0253. PMID 20939127. S2CID 19551967.
  233. ^ O’Flaherty, Brendan; Sethi, Rajiv (November 1, 2007). "Crime and segregation". Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization. 64 (3): 391–405. doi:10.1016/j.jebo.2006.07.005. ISSN 0167-2681.
  234. ^ Shihadeh, Edward S.; Flynn, Nicole (June 1, 1996). "Segregation and Crime: The Effect of Black Social Isolation on the Rates of Black Urban Violence". Social Forces. 74 (4): 1325–1352. doi:10.1093/sf/74.4.1325. ISSN 0037-7732.
  235. ^ Hinton, Elizabeth; Cook, DeAnza (2021). "The Mass Criminalization of Black Americans: A Historical Overview". Annual Review of Criminology. 4 (1): annurev–criminol–060520-033306. doi:10.1146/annurev-criminol-060520-033306. ISSN 2572-4568.
  236. ^ Gabbidon & Greene (2005b:37); Bowling (2006:140). See also Sampson & Wilson (2005:177–178); Myrdal (1988:88).
  237. ^ Engel, Robin S. (2014). Bucerius, Sandra (ed.). The Oxford Handbook of Ethnicity, Crime, and Immigration. Oxford University Press. p. 147. ISBN 9780199859016.
  238. ^ Drakulich, Kevin; Rodriguez-Whitney, Eric (June 22, 2018), "Intentional Inequalities and Compounding Effects", The Handbook of Race, Ethnicity, Crime, and Justice, John Wiley & Sons, Inc., pp. 17–38, doi:10.1002/9781119113799.ch1, ISBN 9781119113799
  239. ^ Hinton, Elizabeth; Cook, DeAnza (June 29, 2020). "The Mass Criminalization of Black Americans: A Historical Overview". Annual Review of Criminology. 4: 261–286. doi:10.1146/annurev-criminol-060520-033306. ISSN 2572-4568.
  240. ^ Rehavi, M. Marit; Starr, Sonja B. (2014). "Racial Disparity in Federal Criminal Sentences". Journal of Political Economy. 122 (6): 1320–1354. doi:10.1086/677255. ISSN 0022-3808. S2CID 3348344.
  241. ^ Arnold, David; Dobbie, Will; Yang, Crystal S. (2018). "Racial Bias in Bail Decisions". The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 133 (4): 1885–1932. doi:10.1093/qje/qjy012. S2CID 13703268.
  242. ^ Pierson, Emma; Simoiu, Camelia; Overgoor, Jan; Corbett-Davies, Sam; Jenson, Daniel; Shoemaker, Amy; Ramachandran, Vignesh; Barghouty, Phoebe; Phillips, Cheryl; Shroff, Ravi; Goel, Sharad (May 4, 2020). "A large-scale analysis of racial disparities in police stops across the United States". Nature Human Behaviour. 4 (7): 736–745. doi:10.1038/s41562-020-0858-1. ISSN 2397-3374. PMID 32367028.
  243. ^ "Black men sentenced to more time for committing the exact same crime as a white person, study finds". washingtonpost.com. Archived from the original on November 16, 2017. Retrieved November 23, 2017.
  244. ^ Hanna, Jason; Park, Madison. "Chicago police use excessive force, DOJ finds". CNN. Retrieved January 13, 2017.
  245. ^ Williams, Suzanne Ife. Police brutality : case study of Philadelphia/Move. OCLC 84480572.
  246. ^ Balto, Simon (2019). Occupied Territory: Policing Black Chicago from Red Summer to Black Power. University of North Carolina Press. doi:10.5149/northcarolina/9781469649597.001.0001. ISBN 9781469649597.
  247. ^ Ralph, Laurence (2020). The Torture Letters. University of Chicago Press. doi:10.7208/chicago/9780226650128.001.0001. ISBN 978-0-226-65012-8.
  248. ^ Felker-Kantor, Max (2018). Policing Los Angeles: Race, Resistance, and the Rise of the LAPD. University of North Carolina Press. doi:10.5149/northcarolina/9781469646831.001.0001. ISBN 9781469646831.
  249. ^ a b "School Finance – EdCentral". EdCentral. Retrieved December 2, 2016.
  250. ^ a b "More Than 40% of Low-Income Schools Don't Get a Fair Share of State and Local Funds, Department of Education Research Finds | U.S. Department of Education". ed.gov. Retrieved December 2, 2016.
  251. ^ a b Kerr, A. E. (2006). The paper bag principle: Class, colorism, and rumor in the case of black Washington, DC. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press.
  252. ^ Spike Lee, "School Daze," 40 Acres & A Mule Filmworks, Columbia Pictures Corporation
  253. ^ a b c d Elson, Ruth Miller (1964). Guardians of Tradition: American Schoolbooks of the Nineteenth Century. Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press.
  254. ^ Woodson, Carter G. (Carter Godwin) (1993). The mis-education of the Negro. Internet Archive. Trenton, N.J. : AfricaWorld Press. ISBN 978-0-86543-171-3.
  255. ^ a b Mills, Charles W. (1994). "REVISIONIST ONTOLOGIES: THEORIZING WHITE SUPREMACY". Social and Economic Studies. 43 (3): 105–134. ISSN 0037-7651.
  256. ^ Williams, David R.; Lawrence, Jourdyn A.; Davis, Brigette A. (2019). "Racism and Health: Evidence and Needed Research". Annual Review of Public Health. 40 (1): 105–125. doi:10.1146/annurev-publhealth-040218-043750. PMC 6532402. PMID 30601726.
  257. ^ Shachar, Carmel; Wise, Tess; Katznelson, Gali; Campbell, Andrea Louise (2019). "Criminal Justice or Public Health: A Comparison of the Representation of the Crack Cocaine and Opioid Epidemics in the Media". Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law. 45 (2): 211–239. doi:10.1215/03616878-8004862. PMID 31808806.
  258. ^ Kim, Jin Woo; Morgan, Evan; Nyhan, Brendan (2019). "Treatment versus Punishment: Understanding Racial Inequalities in Drug Policy". Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law. 45 (2): 177–209. doi:10.1215/03616878-8004850. PMID 31808796.
  259. ^ Woolf SH, Johnson RE, Fryer GE, Rust G, Satcher D (December 2004). "The health impact of resolving racial disparities: an analysis of US mortality data". Am J Public Health. 94 (12): 2078–81. doi:10.2105/AJPH.94.12.2078. PMC 1448594. PMID 15569956.
  260. ^ "The History of Black 'Paranoia'", ch. 3 of Alexander Cockburn and Jeffrey St. Clair, Whiteout: The CIA, Drugs, and the Press, London: Verso, 1998.
  261. ^ Bhopal, R (June 1998). "Spectre of racism in health and health care: lessons from history and the United States". BMJ. 316 (7149): 1970–3. doi:10.1136/bmj.316.7149.1970. PMC 1113412. PMID 9641943.
  262. ^ Oberman A, Cutter G (September 1984). "Issues in the natural history and treatment of coronary heart disease in black populations: surgical treatment". Am. Heart J. 108 (3 Pt 2): 688–94. doi:10.1016/0002-8703(84)90656-2. PMID 6332513.
  263. ^ Kjellstrand CM (June 1988). "Age, sex, and race inequality in renal transplantation". Arch. Intern. Med. 148 (6): 1305–9. doi:10.1001/archinte.1988.00380060069016. PMID 3288159.
  264. ^ Mayer WJ, McWhorter WP (June 1989). "Black/white differences in non-treatment of bladder cancer patients and implications for survival". Am J Public Health. 79 (6): 772–5. doi:10.2105/AJPH.79.6.772. PMC 1349641. PMID 2729474.
  265. ^ Yergan J, Flood AB, LoGerfo JP, Diehr P (July 1987). "Relationship between patient race and the intensity of hospital services". Med Care. 25 (7): 592–603. doi:10.1097/00005650-198707000-00003. PMID 3695664. S2CID 11637921.
  266. ^ Council on Ethical Judicial Affairs (May 1990). "Black-white disparities in health care". JAMA. 263 (17): 2344–6. doi:10.1001/jama.263.17.2344. PMID 2182918.
  267. ^ "4 Ways Racism in Health Care Is Still a Problem Today". ThoughtCo. Retrieved May 12, 2018.
  268. ^ Saloman, Larry (June 2014). "Timeline of Race, Racism, Resistance and Philanthropy 1992–2014" (PDF). Racial Equity.
  269. ^ Dirr, Alison. "Milwaukee County executive signs resolution declaring racism a public health crisis". Milwaukee Journal Sentinel. Retrieved June 28, 2020.
  270. ^ Goist, Robin (June 28, 2020). "What happens after declaring racism a public health crisis? A Wisconsin county offers a clue". Cleveland.com. Retrieved June 28, 2020.
  271. ^ a b c d e f Rich, Judith (November 2014). "What Do Field Experiments of Discrimination in Markets Tell Us? A Meta Analysis of Studies Conducted Since 2000". IZA Discussion Paper No. 8584. SSRN 2517887.
  272. ^ Ondrich, Jan; Ross, Stephen; Yinger, John (November 1, 2003). "Now You See It, Now You Don't: Why Do Real Estate Agents Withhold Available Houses from Black Customers?" (PDF). Review of Economics and Statistics. 85 (4): 854–873. doi:10.1162/003465303772815772. S2CID 8524510.
  273. ^ Sander, Richard H.; Kucheva, Yana A.; Zasloff, Jonathan M. (2018). "Moving toward Integration". Harvard University Press.
  274. ^ Taylor, Keeanga-Yamahtta. "Race for Profit". University of North Carolina Press. Retrieved November 3, 2019.
  275. ^ Newkirk II, Vann R. (2019). "The Great Land Robbery". The Atlantic. ISSN 1072-7825. Retrieved August 12, 2019.
  276. ^ Akbar, Prottoy A; Li, Sijie; Shertzer, Allison; Walsh, Randall P (2019). "Racial Segregation in Housing Markets and the Erosion of Black Wealth". National Bureau of Economic Research. doi:10.3386/w25805. S2CID 159270884. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  277. ^ Walsh, Randall; Troesken, Werner (2019). "Collective Action, White Flight, and the Origins of Racial Zoning Laws". The Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization. 35 (2): 289–318. doi:10.1093/jleo/ewz006. hdl:10.1093/jleo/ewz006.
  278. ^ Aaronson, Daniel; Hartley, Daniel A.; Mazumder, Bhashkar (September 2017). "The Effects of the 1930s HOLC 'Redlining' Maps". FRB of Chicago Working Paper No. WP-2017-12. SSRN 3038733.
  279. ^ a b c Badger, Emily (August 24, 2017). "How Redlining's Racist Effects Lasted for Decades". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved August 26, 2017.
  280. ^ Moore, Natalie (May 30, 2019). "Contract Buying Robbed Black Families In Chicago Of Billions". WBEZ. Archived from the original on 2019. Retrieved June 5, 2019.
  281. ^ a b c Zschirnt, Eva; Ruedin, Didier (May 27, 2016). "Ethnic discrimination in hiring decisions: a meta-analysis of correspondence tests 1990–2015" (PDF). Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies. 42 (7): 1115–1134. doi:10.1080/1369183X.2015.1133279. hdl:10419/142176. S2CID 10261744. Archived from the original (PDF) on November 4, 2018. Retrieved May 16, 2018.
  282. ^ P. A. Riach; J. Rich (November 2002). "Field Experiments of Discrimination in the Market Place" (PDF). The Economic Journal. 112 (483): F480–F518. doi:10.1111/1468-0297.00080. S2CID 19024888.
  283. ^ Hexel, Ole; Fleischmann, Fenella; Midtbøen, Arnfinn H.; Pager, Devah; Heath, Anthony; Quillian, Lincoln (June 17, 2019). "Do Some Countries Discriminate More than Others? Evidence from 97 Field Experiments of Racial Discrimination in Hiring". Sociological Science. 6: 467–496. doi:10.15195/v6.a18. ISSN 2330-6696.
  284. ^ Quillian, Lincoln; Pager, Devah; Hexel, Ole; Midtbøen, Arnfinn H. (September 12, 2017). "Meta-analysis of field experiments shows no change in racial discrimination in hiring over time". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 114 (41): 10870–10875. doi:10.1073/pnas.1706255114. ISSN 0027-8424. PMC 5642692. PMID 28900012.
  285. ^ Bertrand, Marianne; Mullainathan, Sendhil (2004). "Are Emily and Greg More Employable Than Lakisha and Jamal? A Field Experiment on Labor Market Discrimination" (PDF). American Economic Review. 94 (4): 991–1013. doi:10.1257/0002828042002561.
  286. ^ Pager, Devah; Western, Bruce; Bonikowski, Bart (October 1, 2009). "Discrimination in a Low-Wage Labor Market A Field Experiment". American Sociological Review. 74 (5): 777–799. doi:10.1177/000312240907400505. PMC 2915472. PMID 20689685.
  287. ^ Lahey, Joanna N; Oxley, Douglas R (2018). "Discrimination at the Intersection of Age, Race, and Gender: Evidence from a Lab-in-the-field Experiment". doi:10.3386/w25357. S2CID 38242869. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  288. ^ Quillian, Lincoln; Lee, John J.; Oliver, Mariana (2020). "Evidence from Field Experiments in Hiring Shows Substantial Additional Racial Discrimination after the Callback". Social Forces. 99 (2): 732–759. doi:10.1093/sf/soaa026.
  289. ^ Hunter, Margaret (2002). "'If You're Light You're Alright': Light Skin Color as Social Capital for Women of Color". Gender and Society. 16 (2): 175–93. doi:10.1177/08912430222104895. S2CID 145727411.
  290. ^ Riddle, Benjamin L. (February 25, 2015). ""Too Black": Waitress's Claim of Color Bias Raises Novel Title VII Claim". The National Law Review. Retrieved February 28, 2015.
  291. ^ Hersch, Joni (2018). "Colorism Against Legal Immigrants to the United States". American Behavioral Scientist. 62 (14): 2117–2132. doi:10.1177/0002764218810758. S2CID 150280312.
  292. ^ Jan, Tracy (December 13, 2017). "News media offers consistently warped portrayals of black families, study finds". The Washington Post. ISSN 0190-8286. Retrieved December 14, 2017.
  293. ^ "Report: A Dangerous Distortion of our Families". Retrieved December 14, 2017.
  294. ^ Woodard, K (2000). "Traumatic Shame: Toni Morrison, Televisual Culture, and the Cultural Politics of the Emotions". Cultural Critique. 46 (1): 210–240. doi:10.2307/1354414. JSTOR 1354414.
  295. ^ Pious, Scott; Neptune, Dominique (1997). "Racial and Gender Biases in Magazine Advertising: A Content-Analytic Study". Psychology of Women Quarterly. 21 (4): 627–644. doi:10.1111/j.1471-6402.1997.tb00135.x. S2CID 12155745.
  296. ^ Hall, R (1995). "The bleaching syndrome: African American's response to cultural domination vis-A-vis skin color". Journal of Black Studies. 26 (2): 172–184. doi:10.1177/002193479502600205. S2CID 143934823.
  297. ^ "The Minstrel Show". chnm.gmu.edu. Retrieved November 14, 2017.
  298. ^ Punyanunt, Narissa. "The Perceived Realism of African American Portrayals on Television". The Howard Journal of Communications.
  299. ^ "U. S. Electoral College: Frequently Asked Questions". archives.gov. Retrieved March 23, 2017.
  300. ^ a b Deric., Shannon (January 1, 2011). Political sociology : oppression, resistance, and the state. Sage [u.a.] ISBN 9781412980401. OCLC 815880812.
  301. ^ Manning, Jennifer (2016). "Membership of the 114th Congress: A Profile" (PDF). Congressional Research Service.
  302. ^ White, Ariel R.; Nathan, Noah L.; Faller, Julie K. (February 1, 2015). "What Do I Need to Vote? Bureaucratic Discretion and Discrimination by Local Election Officials". American Political Science Review. 109 (1): 129–142. doi:10.1017/S0003055414000562. S2CID 145471717.
  303. ^ Cobb, Rachael V.; Greiner; James, D.; Quinn, Kevin M. (June 14, 2010). "Can Voter ID Laws Be Administered in a Race-Neutral Manner? Evidence from the City of Boston in 2008". SSRN 1625041.
  304. ^ Gillespie, June Andra (2015). "Voter Identification and Black Voter Turnout An Examination of Black Voter Turnout Patterns in Georgia, 2000–2014". Phylon. 52 (2): 43–67. JSTOR 43681953.
  305. ^ Hajnal, Zoltan; et al. (2016). "Voter Identification Laws and the Suppression of Minority Votes" (PDF). Retrieved March 29, 2016.
  306. ^ Soltas, Evan; Broockman, David E. (February 23, 2017). "Taste-Based Discrimination Against Nonwhite Political Candidates: Evidence from a Natural Experiment". SSRN 2920729.
  307. ^ Wilson, David C.; Davis, Darren W. (2018). "The Racial Double Standardattributing Racial Motivations in Voting Behavior". Public Opinion Quarterly. 82: 63–86. doi:10.1093/poq/nfx050.
  308. ^ Fulton, Sarah A; Gershon, Sarah Allen (2018). "Too Liberal to Win? Race and Voter Perceptions of Candidate Ideology". American Politics Research. 46 (5): 909–939. doi:10.1177/1532673X18759642. S2CID 158113285.
  309. ^ Piston, Spencer; Krupnikov, Yanna; Milita, Kerri; Ryan, John Barry (March 1, 2018). "Clear as Black and White: The Effects of Ambiguous Rhetoric Depend on Candidate Race". The Journal of Politics. 80 (2): 000. doi:10.1086/696619. hdl:2144/31470. ISSN 0022-3816. S2CID 148940141.
  310. ^ a b Valentino, Nicholas (March 2002). "Cues that Matter: How Political Ads Prime Racial Attitudes during Campaigns". The American Political Science Review. 96 (1): 75–90. doi:10.1017/s0003055402004240. JSTOR 3117811. S2CID 30996282.
  311. ^ Full Show: Ian Haney López on the Dog Whistle Politics of Race, Part I. Moyers & Company, February 28, 2014. See also: Ian Haney López. Dog Whistle Politics: How Coded Racial Appeals Have Reinvented Racism and Wrecked the Middle Class Archived December 18, 2014, at the Wayback Machine. Oxford University Press, 2014. ISBN 0-19-996427-0
  312. ^ Haberman, Maggie (September 6, 2020). "Michael Cohen's Book Says Trump Held 'Low Opinions of All Black Folks'". The New York Times. Retrieved September 6, 2020.
  313. ^ "Wealth gap widens: Whites' net worth is 20 times that of blacks". Christian Science Monitor. July 26, 2011. Retrieved February 16, 2013.
  314. ^ "Census report: Broad racial disparities persist", November 14, 2006.
  315. ^ George Lipsitz, "The Possessive Investment in Whiteness: Racialized Social Democracy and the "White" Problem in American Studies," American Quarterly, Vol. 47, No. 3. (September 1995), pp. 369–387.
  316. ^ Hyman, Louis (2011). "Ending Discrimination, Legitimating Debt: The Political Economy of Race, Gender, and Credit Access in the 1960s and 1970s". Enterprise & Society. 12 (1): 200–232. doi:10.1017/S1467222700009770. ISSN 1467-2227. S2CID 154351557.
  317. ^ Hate Crime Statistics, 2004. Hate Crime Statistics, 2005.
  318. ^ "Hate Crime Victimization, 2003–2011" (PDF). Bureau of Justice Statistics. Archived from the original on September 7, 2015. Retrieved August 30, 2014.CS1 maint: unfit URL (link)
  319. ^ Hate Crime Reported by Victims and Police Archived February 27, 2013, at the Wayback Machine, Bureau of Justice Statistics Special Report, November 2005, NCJ 209911.
  320. ^ "Highlights from Hate Crime Victimization, 2004–2012 – Statistical Tables". Bureau of Justice Statistics. Archived from the original on December 16, 2016. Retrieved June 20, 2016.
  321. ^ "FBI – Incidents and Offenses". Criminal Justice Information Services. Retrieved June 20, 2016.
  322. ^ Sreenivasan, Hari (June 20, 2015). "FBI: Blacks most often targeted in hate crimes". PBS. Retrieved June 20, 2016.
  323. ^ "The Immigration Act of 1965 and the Creation of a Modern, Diverse America". Huffington Post. Retrieved August 4, 2019.
  324. ^ "Black Politics are in a Black Hole", Newsday (New York, January 14, 2005)
  325. ^ "Bush and Kerry Show Opposing Faces of Two Different Americas. Business Day (South Africa: October 21, 2004)
  326. ^ "Aquí Se Habla Español – and Two-Thirds Don't Mind" (PDF). ABC News. October 8, 2007. Retrieved December 20, 2013.
  327. ^ a b Babington, Charles (September 22, 2008). "Poll: Views still differ sharply by race". Fox News Channel. Retrieved January 16, 2010. [A] new Associated Press-Yahoo News poll, conducted with Stanford University, shows ... that a substantial portion of white Americans still harbor negative feelings toward black people.
  328. ^ Johnston, Chuck. "Charlottesville car crash suspect ID'd as 20-year-old Ohio man". CNN. Archived from the original on August 13, 2017.
  329. ^ "This is how racism is being spread across the internet". World Economic Forum. Retrieved January 13, 2021.
  330. ^ a b "Black Hole".
  331. ^ "Racism Is Rampant on Reddit, and Its Editors Are in Open Revolt". Bloomberg.com. June 18, 2020. Retrieved January 13, 2021.
  332. ^ Scott, Sam (2018). "A Hard Look at How We See Race". Skeptical Inquirer. 42 (1): 37–41. Archived from the original on June 23, 2018. Retrieved June 23, 2018.
  333. ^ Radford, Benjamin (2018). "Critical Thinking Approaches to Confronting Racism". Skeptical Inquirer. 42 (1): 31. Archived from the original on June 22, 2018. Retrieved June 23, 2018.
  334. ^ Foster, Craig; Samuels, Steven (2018). "Psychology, Skepticism, and Confronting Racism". Skeptical Inquirer. 42 (1): 32–33. Archived from the original on June 23, 2018. Retrieved June 23, 2018.
  335. ^ Vyse, Stuart (2018). "Combating Racism through Shared Goals". Skeptical Inquirer. 42 (1): 34–35. Archived from the original on June 23, 2018. Retrieved June 23, 2018.

Further readingEdit

ArticlesEdit

BooksEdit