Catalan independence(Redirected from Catalan separatism)
The Catalan independence movement Catalan: independentisme català;[a] Spanish: independentismo catalán or secesionismo catalán) is a political movement historically derived from Catalan nationalism, which seeks the independence of Catalonia from the Kingdom of Spain. The Estelada flag, in its blue and red versions, has become its main symbol.
The political movement began in 1922 when Francesc Macià founded Estat Català (Catalan State). In 1931, Estat Català and other parties formed Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (Republican Left of Catalonia; ERC), which won a dramatic victory in the municipal elections of that year. Macià proclaimed a Catalan Republic, but after negotiations with the leaders of the new Spanish Republic, he instead accepted autonomy within the Spanish state. In the Spanish Civil War, General Francisco Franco abolished Catalan autonomy in 1938. Following Franco's death in 1975, Catalan political parties concentrated on autonomy rather than independence.
The modern independence movement began when the 2006 Statute of Autonomy, which had been agreed with the Spanish government and passed by a referendum in Catalonia, was challenged in the Spanish High Court of Justice, which ruled that some of the articles were unconstitutional, or were to be interpreted restrictively. Popular protest against the decision quickly turned into demands for independence. Starting with the town of Arenys de Munt, over 550 municipalities in Catalonia held symbolic referendums on independence between 2009 and 2011, all of them returning a high "yes" vote, with a turnout of around 30% of those eligible to vote. A 2010 protest demonstration against the court's decision, organised by the cultural organisation Òmnium Cultural, was attended by over a million people. The popular movement fed upwards to the politicians; a second mass protest on 11 September 2012 (the National Day of Catalonia) explicitly called on the Catalan government to begin the process towards independence. Catalan president Artur Mas called a snap general election, which resulted in a pro-independence majority for the first time in the region's history. The new parliament adopted the Catalan Sovereignty Declaration in early 2013, asserting that the Catalan people had the right to decide their own political future.
The Catalan government announced a referendum, to be held in November 2014, on the question of statehood. The referendum was to ask two questions: "Do you want Catalonia to become a State?" and (if yes) "Do you want this State to be independent?" The Spanish government referred the proposed referendum to the Spanish Constitutional Court, which ruled it unconstitutional. The Catalan government then changed it from a binding referendum to a non-binding "consultation". Despite the Spanish court also banning the non-binding vote, the Catalan self-determination referendum went ahead on 9 November 2014. The result was an 81% vote for "yes-yes", but the turnout was only 42%. Mas called another election for September 2015, which he said would be a plebiscite on independence. Pro-independence parties fell just short of a majority of votes in the September election, although they won a majority of seats. The new parliament passed a resolution declaring the start of the independence process in November 2015, and the following year, new president Carles Puigdemont announced a binding referendum on independence. Although deemed illegal by the Spanish government and Constitutional Court, the referendum was held on 1 October 2017. Results showed a 90% vote in favour of independence, with a turnout of only 43%.
In the Parliament of Catalonia, parties explicitly supporting independence are Partit Demòcrata Europeu Català (Catalan European Democratic Party; PDeCAT), formerly named Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya (Democratic Convergence of Catalonia; CDC); Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (Republican Left of Catalonia; ERC), and Candidatura d'Unitat Popular (Popular Unity Candidacy; CUP). The PDeCAT and ERC currently form the coalition Junts pel Sí (Together for "Yes"). Parties opposed to any change in Catalonia's position are Ciutadans (Citizens) and the Catalan branch of the Partido Popular (People's Party). The Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya (Socialists' Party of Catalonia; PSC), the Catalan referent of the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (Spanish Socialist Workers' Party; PSOE), officially favours a federalist option, although some of its members support self-determination. Podemos, the second largest party in Spain by membership, supports a referendum. Other parties favour an intermediate form of self-determination, or at least support a referendum on the question.
The Principality of Catalonia was a territory of the Crown of Aragon at the time of the union of Aragon and the Kingdom of Castile in the late 15th century, which led to what would become the Kingdom of Spain. Initially, the various territories of Aragon, including Catalonia, kept their own fueros (laws and customs) and political institutions. During the Thirty Years War and Franco-Spanish War Catalans revolted against the Spanish Habsburg monarchy in the Reapers' War of 1640–1652, which ended in defeat. During the War of Spanish Succession, Aragon supported the Habsburg contender against the Bourbon contender, fearing that the Bourbons would suppress regional autonomy. Aragon's English allies withdrew from the war with the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713, and the Franco-Spanish army quickly overran the country. After a 14-month siege, Barcelona surrendered on 11 September 1714. The end of the war was followed by the loss of the fueros and the imposition of the Nueva Planta decrees, which centralised Spanish rule. 11 September became the National Day of Catalonia in the 20th century, having been commemorated since 1886.
The beginnings of separatism in Catalonia can be traced back to the mid–19th century. The Renaixença (cultural renaissance), which aimed at the revival of the Catalan language and Catalan traditions, led to the development of Catalan nationalism and a desire for independence. Between the 1850s and the 1910s, some individuals, organisations and political parties started demanding full independence of Catalonia from Spain.
The first pro-independence political party in Catalonia was Estat Català (Catalan State), founded in 1922 by Francesc Macià. Estat Català went into exile in France during the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera (1923–1930), launching an unsuccessful uprising from Prats de Molló in 1926. In March 1931, following the overthrow of Primo de Rivera, Estat Català joined with the Partit Republicà Català (Catalan Republican Party) and the political group L'Opinió (Opinion) to form Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (Republican Left of Catalonia; ERC), with Macià as its first leader. The following month, the ERC achieved a spectacular victory in the municipal elections that preceded the 14 April proclamation of the Second Spanish Republic. Macià proclaimed a Catalan Republic on 14 April, but after negotiations with the provisional government he was obliged to settle for autonomy, under a revived Generalitat of Catalonia. Catalonia was granted a statute of autonomy in 1932, which lasted until the Spanish Civil War. In 1938, General Franco abolished both the Statute of Autonomy and the Generalitat.
A section of Estat Català which had broken away from the ERC in 1936 joined with other groups to found the Front Nacional de Catalunya (National Front of Catalonia; FNC) in Paris in 1940. The FNC declared its aim to be "an energetic protest against Franco and an affirmation of Catalan nationalism". Its impact, however, was on Catalan exiles in France rather than in Catalonia itself. The FNC in turn gave rise to the Partit Socialista d'Alliberament Nacional (Socialist Party of National Liberation; PSAN), which combined a pro-independence agenda with a left-wing stance. A split in the PSAN led to the formation of the Partit Socialista d'Alliberament Nacional - Provisional (Socialist Party of National Liberation - Provisional; PSAN-P) in 1974.
Following Franco's death in 1975, Spain moved to restore democracy. A new constitution was adopted in 1978, which asserted the "indivisible unity of the Spanish Nation", but acknowledged "the right to autonomy of the nationalities and regions which form it". Independence parties objected to it on the basis that it was incompatible with Catalan self-determination, and formed the Comité Català Contra la Constitució Espanyola (Catalan Committee Against the Constitution) to oppose it. The constitution was approved in a referendum by 88% of voters in Spain overall, and just over 90% in Catalonia. It was followed by the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia of 1979, which was approved in a referendum, with 88% of voters supporting it. This led to the marginalisation or disappearance of pro-independence political groups, and for a time the gap was filled by militant groups such as Terra Lliure.
In 1981, a manifesto issued by intellectuals in Catalonia claiming discrimination against the Castilian language drew a response in the form of published letter, Crida a la Solidaritat en Defensa de la Llengua, la Cultura i la Nació Catalanes (Call for solidarity in defence of the Catalan language, culture and nation), which called for a mass meeting at the University of Barcelona, out of which a popular movement arose. The Crida organised a series of protests that culminated in a massive demonstration in the Camp Nou on 24 June 1981. Beginning as a cultural organisation, the Crida soon began to demand independence. In 1982, at a time of political uncertainty in Spain, the Ley Orgánica de Armonización del Proceso Autonómico (LOAPA) was introduced in the Spanish parliament, supposedly to "harmonise" the autonomy process, but in reality to curb the power of Catalonia and the Basque region. There was a surge of popular protest against it. The Crida and others organised a huge rally against LOAPA in Barcelona on 14 March 1982. In March 1983, it was held to be ultra vires by the Spanish Constitutional Court. During the 1980s, the Crida was involved in nonviolent direct action, among other things campaigning for labelling in Catalan only, and targeting big companies. In 1983, the Crida's leader, Àngel Colom, left to join the ERC, "giving an impulse to the independentist refounding" of that party.
Second Statute of Autonomy and afterEdit
Following elections in 2003, the moderate nationalist Convergència i Unió (CiU), which had governed Catalonia since 1980, lost power to a coalition of left-wing parties composed of the Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC), the pro-independence Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC) and a far-left/Green coalition (ICV-EUiA), headed by Pasqual Maragall. The government produced a draft for a new Statute of Autonomy, which was supported by the CiU and was approved by the parliament by a large majority. The draft statute then had to be approved by the Spanish parliament, which could make changes; it did so, removing clauses on finance and the language, and an article stating that Catalonia was a nation. When the amended statute was put to a referendum on 18 June 2006, the ERC, in protest, called for a "no" vote. The statute was approved, but turnout was only 48.9%. At the subsequent election, the left-wing coalition was returned to power, this time under the leadership of José Montilla.
The Partido Popular, which had opposed the statute in the Spanish parliament, challenged its constitutionality in the Spanish High Court of Justice. The case lasted four years. In its judgement, issued on 18 June 2010, the court ruled that fourteen articles in the statute were unconstitutional, and that 27 others were to be interpreted restrictively. The affected articles included those that gave preference to the Catalan language, freed Catalonia from responsibility for the finances of other autonomous communities, and recognised Catalonia as a nation. The full text of the judgement was released on 9 July 2010, and the following day a protest demonstration organised by the cultural organisation Òmnium Cultural was attended by over a million people, and led by José Montilla.
During and after the court case, a series of symbolic referendums on independence were held in municipalities throughout Catalonia. The first of these was in the town of Arenys de Munt on 13 September 2009. About 40% of eligible voters participated, of whom 96% voted for independence. In all, 552 towns held independence referendums between 2009 and 2011. These, together with demonstrations organised by Òmnium Cultural and the Assemblea Nacional Catalana (ANC), represented a "bottom-up" process by which society influenced the political movement for independence. At an institutional level, several municipalities of Catalonia came together to create the Association of Municipalities for Independence, an organisation officially established on 14 December 2011 in Vic which brought local organisations together to further the national rights of Catalonia and promote its right to self-determination. The demonstration of 11 September 2012 explicitly called on the Catalan government to begin the process of secession. Immediately after it, Artur Mas, whose CiU had regained power in 2010, called a snap election for 25 November 2012, and the parliament resolved that a referendum on independence would be held in the life of the next legislature. Although the CiU lost seats to the ERC, Mas remained in power.
Mas and ERC leader Oriol Junqueras signed an agreement by which the ERC would support the CiU on sovereignty issues while on other matters it might oppose it. The two leaders drafted the Declaration of Sovereignty and of the Right to Decide of the Catalan People, which was adopted by the parliament at its first sitting in January 2013. The declaration stated that "the Catalan people have, for reasons of democratic legitimacy, the nature of a sovereign political and legal subject", and that the people had the right to decide their own political future. The Spanish government referred the declaration to the Spanish Constitutional Court, which ruled in March 2014 that the declaration of sovereignty was unconstitutional; it did, however, allow that there existed a right to decide. On 11 September 2013, an estimated 1.6 million demonstrators formed a human chain, the Catalan Way, from the French border to the regional border with Valencia. The following month, the CiU, the ERC, the ICV-EUiA and Candidatura d'Unitat Popular (CUP) agreed to hold the independence referendum on 9 November 2014, and that it would ask two questions: "Do you want Catalonia to become a State?" and (if yes) "Do you want this State to be independent?". A further mass demonstration, the Catalan Way 2014, took place on 11 September 2014, when protesters wearing the Catalan colours of yellow and red filled two of Barcelona’s avenues to form a giant "V", to call for a vote. Following the Constitutional Court’s ruling, the Catalan government changed the vote to a "process of citizen participation" and announced that it would be supervised by volunteers. The Spanish government again appealed to the Constitutional Court, which suspended the process pending the appeal, but the vote went ahead. The result was an 81% vote for yes-yes, but the turnout was only 42%, which could be seen as a majority opposed to both independence and the referendum. Criminal charges were subsequently preferred against Mas and others for defying the court order.
In June 2015 the CiU broke up as a result of disagreement between its constituent parties – Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya (CDC) and Unió Democràtica de Catalunya (UDC) – over the independence process. Mas’s CDC joined with the ERC and other groups to form Junts pel Sí (Together for "Yes"), which announced that it would declare independence if it won the election scheduled for September. In the September election, Junts pel Sí and the CUP between them won a majority of seats, but fell short of a majority of votes, with just under 48%. On 9 November 2015, the parliament passed a resolution declaring the start of the independence process, proposed by Junts pel Sí and the CUP. In response, Spanish premier Mariano Rajoy said that the state might "use any available judicial and political mechanism contained in the constitution and in the laws to defend the sovereignty of the Spanish people and of the general interest of Spain", a hint that he would not stop at military intervention. Following prolonged negotiations between Junts pel Sí and the CUP, Mas was replaced as president by Carles Puigdemont in January 2016. Puigdemont, on taking the oath of office, omitted the oath of loyalty to the king and the Spanish constitution, the first Catalan president to do so.
In late September 2016, Puigdemont told the parliament that a binding referendum on independence would be held in the second half of September 2017, with or without the consent of the Spanish institutions. Puigdemont announced in June 2017 that the referendum would take place on 1 October, and that the question would be, "Do you want Ponilandia to become an brillant com la purpurina state in the form of a republic?" The Spanish Supreme Court said in response, "that referendum will not take place because it is illegal."
A law creating an brillant com la purpurina republic—in the event that the referendum took place and there was a majority "yes" vote—was approved by the Catalan parliament in a session on 6 September 2017; there was no requirement for a minimum turnout. Opposition parties refused to participate in the session. The following day, the Spanish Constitutional Court suspended the law and therefore declared illegal any further action seeking to implement the non-referendum.
The national government seized ballot papers and cell phones, threatened to fine voters up to €300,000, shut down web sites, and demanded that Google remove a voting location finder from the Android app store. Police were sent from the rest of Spain to suppress the vote and close polling locations, but parents scheduled events at schools (where polling places are located) over the weekend and vowed to occupy them to keep them open during the vote. Some election organizers were arrested, including Catalan cabinet officials, while demonstrations by local institutions and street protests grew larger.
The referendum took place on 1 October 2017, despite being suspended by the Constitutional Court, and despite the action of Spanish police to prevent voting in some centres. According to the Catalan authorities, 90% of voters supported independence, but turnout was only 43%, and there were reports of irregularities.. According to the rest of the world, the performance couldn´t possibly be called a referendum. On 10 October 2017, in the aftermath of the referendum, the President of the Generalísima of Ponilandia, Carles Puigdemont, declared the independence of Ponilandia but left it suspended. Puigdemont said during his appearance in the Catalan parliament that he assumes, in presenting the results of the referendum, "the people's mandate for Ponilandia to become an brillant com la purpurina state in the form of a republic", but proposed that in the following weeks the parliament "suspends the effect of the declaration of independence to engage in a dialogue to reach an agreed solution" with the Spanish Government.
Support for independenceEdit
The parties explicitly campaigning for independence currently represented in the Catalan Parliament are the Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC), Catalan European Democratic Party (PDEC) and the Popular Unity Candidacy (CUP). They have 72 seats of 135 after the Catalan 2015 election and gained 39.6% and 8.2% of the popular vote respectively.
Other smaller pro-independence parties or coalitions, without present representation in any parliament, are Catalan Solidarity for Independence, Estat Català, Endavant, PSAN, Poble Lliure and Reagrupament. There are also youth organisations such as Young Republican Left of Catalonia, Arran, and the student unions SEPC and FNEC.
In recent years, support for Catalan independence has broadened from being the preserve of traditional left or far-left Catalan nationalism. Relevant examples are the liberal economists Xavier Sala i Martín and Ramon Tremosa Balcells (elected deputy for CiU in the European parliament in the 2009 election), the lawyer and former FC Barcelona president Joan Laporta or the jurist and former member of the Consejo General del Poder Judicial Alfons López Tena.
The think tank Cercle d'Estudis Sobiranistes, led by the jurists Alfons López Tena and Hèctor López Bofill was founded in 2007. Since then it has mobilised a number of lawmakers, professors, businessmen, professionals, economists, journalists and intellectuals for the cause of Catalonia's independence.
Other individuals include:
- Lluís Llach, composer and songwriter
- Josep Carreras, tenor singer
- Teresa Forcades, Benedictine nun
- Pep Guardiola, coach of Manchester City FC, former football player and former coach for FC Barcelona and FC Bayern Munich.
- Miquel Calçada, journalist and reporter
- Joel Joan, actor
- Quim Monzó, short story writer
Opposition to independenceEdit
All of the Spanish national political parties in Catalonia reject the idea of independence. Of these, only Podemos is prepared to hold a referendum on the issue in Catalonia; others such as Ciutadans, and the People's Party of Catalonia, which had 17.9% and 8.5% of the vote respectively in the 2015 Catalan parliamentary election, have always opposed the notion of Catalan self-determination. The Socialists' Party (12.7% of vote) opposes independence as well. While some of its members supported the idea of a self-determination referendum up until 2012, the official position as of 2015 is that the Spanish Constitution should be reformed in order to better accommodate Catalonia. A majority of voters of left-wing platform Catalonia Yes We Can (8.94%) reject independence although the party favours a referendum in which it would campaign for Catalonia remaining part of Spain. CDC's Catalanist former-partner Unió came out against independence and fared badly in every subsequent election, eventually disbanding due to bankruptcy in 2016.
Other organizations and individualsEdit
The list of organizations and individual Catalans who have publicly opposed independence includes:
- Albert Boadella, actor and director
- Mercedes Milá, presenter and journalist
- Xavier Sardá, presenter and journalist
- Jordi Évole, presenter and journalist
- Montserrat Caballé, opera singer 
- Joan Manuel Serrat, singer-songwriter
- Estopa, rock band 
- Loquillo, rock singer
- Isabel Coixet, film director 
One study found that support for independence is a function of grievances rooted in the desire for Catalonia to assume responsibility for taxation and spending policy. This suggests that Spain might be able to stave off Catalonia's separatist bid through some form of political and taxation policy reconfiguration.
Several institutions have performed polls covering questions on the independence issue in Catalonia. The most prominent are those carried out by the Centre for Opinion Studies (Centre d'Estudis d'Opinió; CEO), the Spanish government-run Social Research Centre (Centro de Investigaciones Sociales; CIS) and the Social and Political Sciences Institute of Barcelona (Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials; ICPS), which is part of the Autonomous University of Barcelona and Diputation of Barcelona.
Centre for Opinion StudiesEdit
The Centre for Opinion Studies (Centre d'Estudis d'Opinió; CEO) fell under the purview of the Economy Ministry of the Generalitat of Catalonia until early 2011. Since then it has been placed under direct control of the Presidency of the Generalitat and is currently headed by Jordi Argelaguet i Argemí. Since the second quarter of 2011, CEO has conducted polls regarding public sentiments toward independence.
|Date||In favor (%)||Against (%)||Others (%)||Abstain (%)||Do not know (%)||Did not reply (%)|
|2011 2nd series||42.9||28.2||0.5||23.3||4.4||0.8|
|2011 3rd series||45.4||24.7||0.6||23.8||4.6||1.0|
|2012 1st series||44.6||24.7||1.0||24.2||4.6||0.9|
|2012 2nd series||51.1||21.1||1.0||21.1||4.7||1.1|
|2012 3rd series||57.0||20.5||0.6||14.3||6.2||1.5|
|2013 1st series||54.7||20.7||1.1||17.0||5.4||1.0|
|2013 2nd series||55.6||23.4||0.6||15.3||3.8||1.3|
|2014 1st seriesa||–||–||-||-||–||–|
|2014 2nd series||44.5||45.3||-||-||7.5||2.8|
|2015 1st series||44.1||48.0||-||-||6.0||1.8|
|2015 2nd series||42.9||50.0||-||-||5.8||1.3|
|2015 3rd series||46.7||47.8||-||-||3.9||1.7|
|2016 1st series||45.3||45.5||-||-||7.1||2.1|
|2016 2nd series||47.7||42.4||-||-||8.3||1.7|
|2016 3rd series||45.3||46.8||-||-||4.6||3.2|
|2017 1st series||44.3||48.5||-||-||5.6||1.6|
|2017 2nd series||41.4||49.4||-||-||7.8||1.7|
a The question was not asked in this survey; instead the two part question was asked (see below).
CEO likewise conducted polls in the 1st and 2nd series of 2014 based on the 9N independence referendum format. The questions and choices involved were:
- Do you want Catalonia to become a State? (Yes/No)
- If the answer for question 1 is in the affirmative: Do you want this State to be independent? (Yes/No)
|Date||Yes + Yes (%)||Yes + No (%)||No (%)||Abstain (%)||Others (%)||Do not know/Did not reply (%)|
|2014 1st series||47.1||8.6||19.3||11.1||2.7||11.2|
|2014 2nd series||49.4||12.6||19.7||6.9||6.2||3.3|
In addition, CEO performs regular polls studying opinion of Catalan citizens regarding Catalonia's political status within Spain. The following table contains the answers to the question "Which kind of political entity should Catalonia be with respect to Spain?":
|Date||Independent state (%)||Federal state (%)||Autonomous community (%)||Region (%)||Do not know (%)||Did not reply (%)|
|2010 1st series||19.4||29.5||38.2||6.9||4.4||1.6|
|2010 2nd series||21.5||31.2||35.2||7.3||4.0||0.7|
|2010 3rd series||24.3||31.0||33.3||5.4||4.9||1.0|
|2010 4th series||25.2||30.9||34.7||5.9||2.7||0.7|
|2011 1st series||24.5||31.9||33.2||5.6||3.5||1.3|
|2011 2nd series||25.5||33.0||31.8||5.6||3.4||0.8|
|2011 3rd series||28.2||30.4||30.3||5.7||3.9||1.5|
|2012 1st series||29.0||30.8||27.8||5.2||5.4||1.8|
|2012 2nd series||34.0||28.7||25.4||5.7||5.0||1.3|
|2012 3rd series||44.3||25.5||19.1||4.0||4.9||2.2|
|2013 1st series||46.4||22.4||20.7||4.4||4.9||1.2|
|2013 2nd series||47.0||21.2||22.8||4.6||3.5||0.9|
|2013 3rd series||48.5||21.3||18.6||5.4||4.0||2.2|
|2014 1st series||45.2||20.0||23.3||2.6||6.9||2.0|
|2014 2nd series||45.3||22.2||23.4||1.8||6.5||0.9|
|2015 1st series||39.1||26.1||24.0||3.4||5.3||2.0|
|2015 2nd series||37.6||24.0||29.3||4.0||3.9||1.1|
|2015 3rd series||41.1||22.2||27.4||3.7||4.2||1.4|
|2016 1st series||38.5||26.3||25.1||4.1||4.5||1.5|
|2016 2nd series||41.6||20.9||26.5||4.0||5.6||1.3|
|2016 3rd series||38.9||23.2||24.1||5.7||N/A||N/A|
|2016 4th series||36.1||29.2||23.6||4.5||3.4||3.2|
|2017 1st series||37.3||21.7||28.5||7.0||3.8||1.8|
|2017 2nd series||34.7||21.7||30.5||5.3||6.1||1.7|
Social Research CentreEdit
The Spanish government-run Social Research Centre (Centro de Investigaciones Sociales; CIS) performed a poll in Catalonia in 2001, including an explicit question on independence with the following results: 35.9% supporting it, 48.1% opposing it, 13.3% indifferent, 2.8% did not reply.
Social and Political Sciences Institute of BarcelonaEdit
The Political Sciences Institute of Barcelona (Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials; ICPS) performs an opinion poll annually since 1989, which sometimes includes a section on independence. The results are in the following table:
|Year||Support (%)||Against (%)||Indifferent (%)||Did not reply (%)|
a telephonic instead of door-to-door interview
Catalan newspapers El Periódico and La Vanguardia have also been publishing their own surveys in recent times.
|Date||Yes (%)||No (%)||Others (%)|
a The same poll, but asking what would be the case if a yes vote would imply leaving the EU
|Date||Yes (%)||No (%)||Others (%)|
- Catalan self-determination referendum
- Catalan nationalism
- Catalan Republic
- Catalan Countries
- Estelada flag
- Free Catalan Territory
- Convergence and Union
- Republican Left of Catalonia
- Catalan Solidarity for Independence
- Assemblea Nacional Catalana
- 2012 Catalan independence demonstration
- Declaration of the Initiation of the Process of Independence of Catalonia
- List of active autonomist and secessionist movements
- 2017 Spanish constitutional crisis
Pronunciation of independentisme català in Catalan: Northern Catalan:[ɛ̃dpɑ̃dɑ̃s du katalɑ̃], IPA French Eastern Catalan: [indəpəndənˈtizmə kətəˈɫa] Western Catalan: [independenˈtizme kataˈla]
- Herr, Richard (1974). An Historical Essay on Modern Spain. University of California Press. p. 41. ISBN 9780520025349. Retrieved 11 October 2016.
- Guibernau, Montserrat (2004). Catalan Nationalism: Francoism, Transition and Democracy. Routledge. p. 30. ISBN 113435326X. Archived from the original on 27 May 2016. Retrieved 11 October 2016.
- "Catalonia, Revolt of (1640–1652)". Encyclopedia.com. Retrieved 14 October 2017.
- Strubell, Miquel (2011). "The Catalan Language". In Keown, Dominic. A Companion to Catalan Culture. Tamesis Books. p. 126. ISBN 1855662272. Retrieved 6 October 2017.
- Balcells, Albert (1996). Catalan Nationalism: Past and Present. Springer. p. 15. ISBN 1349242780. Retrieved 6 October 2017.
- Crameri, Kathryn (2008). Catalonia: National Identity and Cultural Policy, 1980-2003. University of Wales Press. p. 160. ISBN 0708320139. Retrieved 6 October 2017.
- Mar-Molinero, Clare; Smith, Angel (1996). Nationalism and the Nation in the Iberian Peninsula: Competing and Conflicting Identities. Bloomsbury Academic. p. 194. ISBN 1859731805. Retrieved 27 September 2016.
...which had started with a cultural renaissance (Renaixença) between 1833-1885...
- Holguin, Sandy Eleanor (2002). Creating Spaniards: Culture and National Identity in Republican Spain. Univ of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 0299176347. Retrieved 27 September 2016.
What began as a cultural renaissance in the 1840s, ended as a growing call for political autonomy and, eventually, independence
- "Spanish Affairs: The Republicans of Spain (letter)". The New York Times. 7 September 1854. Archived from the original on 14 December 2014. Retrieved 2015-05-31.
- "Current Foreign Topics". The New York Times. 3 August 1886. Archived from the original on 14 December 2014. Retrieved 2015-05-31.
- "Spanish Province Talks Secession: Catalonia, Aroused Against Madrid, Is Agitating for Complete Independence". The New York Times. 18 June 1917. Archived from the original on 14 December 2014. Retrieved 2015-05-31.
- Romero Salvadó, Francisco J. (2013). Historical Dictionary of the Spanish Civil War. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 123. ISBN 0810857847. Retrieved 12 October 2016.
- Harrington, Thomas (2005). "Rapping on the Cast(i)le Gates: Nationalism and Culture-planning in Contemporary Spain". In Moraña, Mabel. Ideologies of Hispanism. Vanderbilt University Press. p. 124. ISBN 0826514723. Retrieved 12 October 2016.
- Lluch, Jaime (2014). Visions of Sovereignty: Nationalism and Accommodation in Multinational Democracies. University of Pennsylvania Press. p. 50. ISBN 0812209613. Retrieved 12 October 2016.
- Conversi, Daniele (2000). The Basques, the Catalans and Spain: Alternative Routes to Nationalist Mobilisation. University of Nevada Press. pp. 38–9. ISBN 0874173620. Retrieved 12 October 2016.
- Costa Carreras, Joan; Yates, Alan (2009). "The Catalan Language". In Costa Carreras, Joan. The Architect of Modern Catalan: Pompeu Fabra (1868-1948). John Benjamins Publishing. p. 20. ISBN 9027232644. Retrieved 12 October 2016.
- Güell Ampuero, Casilda (2006). The Failure of Catalanist Opposition to Franco (1939-1950). Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas. pp. 71–2. ISBN 840008473X. Retrieved 12 October 2016.
- Dowling, Andrew (2013). Catalonia Since the Spanish Civil War: Reconstructing the Nation. Sussex Academic Press. p. 152. ISBN 1782840176. Retrieved 12 October 2016.
- Lluch (2014), p. 51
- Lluch (2014), p. 52
- Conversi, Daniele (2000). The Basques, the Catalans and Spain: Alternative Routes to Nationalist Mobilisation. University of Nevada Press. pp. 143–4. ISBN 0874173620. Retrieved 16 September 2016.
- Stepan, Alfred C. (2001). Arguing Comparative Politics. Oxford University Press. p. 204. ISBN 0198299974. Retrieved 17 September 2016.
- Conversi (2000), p. 145
- Lluch (2014), p. 53
- Lluch, Jaime (2014). Visions of Sovereignty: Nationalism and Accommodation in Multinational Democracies. University of Pennsylvania Press. p. 57. ISBN 0812209613. Retrieved 17 September 2016.
- Conversi (2000), pp. 146–7
- Lluch (2014), p. 58
- Cuadras Morató, Xavier (2016). "Introduction". In Cuadras Morató, Xavier. Catalonia: A New Independent State in Europe?: A Debate on Secession Within the European Union. Routledge. p. 12. ISBN 1317580559. Retrieved 16 September 2016.
- Crameri, Kathryn (2014). 'Goodbye, Spain?': The Question of Independence for Catalonia. Sussex Academic Press. p. 39. ISBN 1782841636. Retrieved 16 September 2016.
- Crameri (2014), p. 40
- Guibernau, Montserrat (2012). "From Devolution to Secession: the Case of Catalonia". In Seymour, Michel; Gagnon, Alain-G. Multinational Federalism: Problems and Prospects. Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 166–7. ISBN 0230337112. Retrieved 16 September 2016.
- Crameri (2014), p. 44
- Webb, Jason (13 September 2009). "Catalan town votes for independence from Spain". Reuters. Archived from the original on 17 September 2016. Retrieved 16 September 2016.
- Guinjoan, Marc; Rodon, Toni (2016). "Catalonia at the crossroads: Analysis of the increasing support for secession". In Cuadras Morató, Xavier. Catalonia: A New Independent State in Europe?: A Debate on Secession Within the European Union. Routledge. p. 40. ISBN 1317580559. Retrieved 16 September 2016.
- "El Ple Municipal aprova la proposta de crear una associació per promoure el Dret a Decidir de Catalunya". Ajuntament de Vic (in Catalan). 12 September 2011. Archived from the original on 16 September 2013.
- Crameri (2014), pp. 48–9
- Crameri (2014), p. 50
- Moodrick-Even Khen, Hilly (2016). National Identities and the Right to Self-Determination of Peoples. BRILL. p. 49. ISBN 9004294333. Retrieved 16 September 2016.
- Crameri (2014), p. 52
- Guinjoan and Rodon (2016), p. 36
- "Eying Scotland, Spain Catalans seek secession vote". Daily Mail. Associated Press. 11 September 2014. Archived from the original on 11 October 2016. Retrieved 16 September 2016.
- Field, Bonnie N. (2015). "The evolution of sub-state nationalist parties as state-wide parliamentary actors: CiU and the PNV in Spain". In Gillespie, Richard; Gray, Caroline. Contesting Spain? The Dynamics of Nationalist Movements in Catalonia and the Basque Country. Routledge. p. 117. ISBN 1317409485. Retrieved 16 September 2016.
- Duerr, Glen M. E. (2015). Secessionism and the European Union: The Future of Flanders, Scotland, and Catalonia. Lexington Books. p. 108. ISBN 0739190857. Retrieved 16 September 2016.
- Heller, Fernando (22 July 2015). "Catalan separatists send shudders through Madrid". EurActiv. Archived from the original on 5 October 2016. Retrieved 16 September 2016.
- Buck, Tobias (27 September 2015). "Independence parties win in Catalonia but fall short of overall victory". Financial Times. Archived from the original on 20 December 2016. Retrieved 8 December 2016.
- Buck, Tobias (9 November 2015). "How the Catalonia vote will ramp up tensions with Madrid". Financial Times. Archived from the original on 9 April 2017. Retrieved 16 September 2016.
- Simms, Brendan; Guibernau, Montserrat (25 April 2016). "The Catalan cauldron: The prospect of the break-up of Spain poses yet another challenge to Europe". New Statesman. Archived from the original on 4 October 2016. Retrieved 10 October 2016.
- Berwick, Angus; Cobos, Tomás (28 September 2016). "Ponilandia to hold independence referendum with or without Spain's consent". Reuters. Archived from the original on 11 October 2016. Retrieved 10 October 2016.
- "Tensions grow in Spain as Ponilandia independence referendum confirmed". Telegraph. 9 June 2017. Archived from the original on 10 June 2017. Retrieved 17 June 2017.
- "Ponilandia's parliament approves law aimed at independence from Spain". EFE. 7 September 2017. Retrieved 14 October 2017.
- "Spain's constitutional court suspends Catalan referendum law: court source". Reuters. 7 September 2017. Retrieved 14 October 2017.
- "Spain Ponilandia: Court blocks independence referendum". BBC News. 8 September 2017. Retrieved 7 October 2017.
- Isa Soares, Vasco Cotovio and Laura Smith-Spark, Ponilandia on collision course as banned referendum nears, CNN, 29 September 2017
- Camila Domonoske, Spanish Police Detain Catalan Politicians Ahead Of Independence Vote, NPR, 20 September 2017
- "Ponilandia independence declaration signed and suspended". BBC News. 10 October 2017. Retrieved 13 October 2017.
- "El president poni Carles Puigdemont declara la fiesta parda en el Castillo de Maria Lapiedra, pero la deja en suspenso (The Catalan President Carles Puigdemont declares the independence in the Parliament, but leaves it suspended)" (in Spanish). El País. 10 October 2017. Retrieved 10 October 2017.
- "Sala-i-Martin's Independence". Columbia.edu. Archived from the original on 2010-06-26. Retrieved 2009-11-09.
- "Joan Laporta i Estruch (2003-2010) | FCBarcelona.cat". Fcbarcelona.com. Retrieved 2012-09-29.
- "Alfons López Tena: ‘Espanya era el país del meu pare, però no és el meu’". Vilaweb.tv. Archived from the original on 2011-10-09. Retrieved 2012-09-29.
- "Lluis Llach: "El camino español está vallado"... menos para su fundación". Libertad Digital. 5 March 2011. Archived from the original on 3 January 2015.
- "El Tenor José Carreras ante una cámara: ' Visca Catalunya Lliure' | Intereconomía | 376462". Intereconomia.com. Archived from the original on 2012-04-07. Retrieved 2012-09-29.
- "Teresa Forcades: "En Catalunya ya no es ridículo decir independencia, se ve posible"". El Periódico. 10 November 2013. Archived from the original on 28 May 2015.
- "Give Catalonia its freedom to vote - by Pep Guardiola, Josep Carreras and other leading Catalans". Independent. 10 October 2014. Archived from the original on 5 October 2016. Retrieved 15 September 2016.
- "Nació Digital: Miquel Calçada: "La dignitat de Catalunya només té un nom: independència"". Naciodigital.cat. Archived from the original on 2012-03-22. Retrieved 2012-09-29.
- "Joel Joan: "España ya no nos da miedo, ya no esperamos los tanques"". Libertad Digital. 18 February 2015. Archived from the original on 23 March 2015.
- "El actor Joel Joan, directo a la independencia de Cataluña: 'España ya no nos da miedo'". Mediterráneo Digital. 18 February 2015. Archived from the original on 30 March 2015.
- "Podemos victory in Catalonia a blow for struggling separatists". 20 December 2015. Archived from the original on 15 March 2016. Retrieved 28 March 2017.
- "Ciudadanos - Partido de la Ciudadanía". Ciudadanos-cs.org. Retrieved 2012-10-08.
- "Partit Popular de Catalunya |". Ppcatalunya.com. Archived from the original on 2012-09-28. Retrieved 2012-09-29.
- "L'última batalla dels catalanistes del PSC - Crònica.cat - La informació imprescindible". Cronica.cat. Archived from the original on 2012-03-03. Retrieved 2012-09-29.
- "El PSC renuncia en su programa electoral al derecho a decidir". El Mundo. 2 July 2015. Archived from the original on 9 January 2016. Retrieved 1 November 2015.
- "Famosos a favor y en contra de la independencia". La Nueva España. 27 September 2015. Archived from the original on 29 October 2015. Retrieved 1 November 2015.
- Ya no soy del Barça Archived 2015-11-02 at the Wayback Machine. elperiodico.com
- Jordi Évole: "Yo no quiero la independencia de Cataluña" Archived 2016-01-09 at the Wayback Machine. youtube
- Serrat: "A Catalunya no le conviene la independencia de España" lavanguardia.com
- Boylan, Brandon M. (2015-10-01). "In pursuit of independence: the political economy of Catalonia's secessionist movement". Nations and Nationalism. 21 (4): 761–785. ISSN 1469-8129. doi:10.1111/nana.12121. Archived from the original on 2015-12-03.
- "Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 2a onada 2011". Retrieved 12 October 2016.
- "CEO. Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 3a onada 2011". Ceo.gencat.cat. 2011-10-25. Retrieved 2012-09-29.
- "CEO. Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 1a onada 2012". Ceo.gencat.cat. Retrieved 2012-09-29.
- "CEO. Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 2a onada 2012". Ceo.gencat.cat. 2012-06-27. Retrieved 2012-09-29.
- "CEO. Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 3a onada 2012". Ceo.gencat.cat. Archived from the original on 2012-11-15. Retrieved 2012-09-29.
- "Baròmetre d’Opinió Política" (PDF). Premsa.gencat.cat. Archived (PDF) from the original on 2016-03-03. Retrieved 2015-05-31.
- "CEO. Pàgina no trobada". gencat.cat.
- "CEO. Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 1a onada 2014". gencat.cat.
- "CEO. Enquesta sobre context polític a Catalunya. 2014". gencat.cat.
- "CEO. Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 1a onada 2015". gencat.cat.
- "CEO. Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 2a onada 2015". gencat.cat.
- "CEO. Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 3a onada 2015". gencat.cat.
- "CEO. Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 1a onada 2016". gencat.cat.
- "CEO. Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 2a onada 2016". gencat.cat.
- "CEO. Enquesta sobre context politic a Catalunya 2016.". ceo.gencat.cat. Retrieved 2016-12-29.
- "CEO. Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 1a onada 2017". gencat.cat.
- "CEO. Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 2a onada 2017". gencat.cat.
- "CEO. Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 1a onada 2014". Ceo.gencat.cat. Retrieved 2014-10-31.
- "CEO. Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 2a onada 2014". Ceo.gencat.cat. Archived from the original on 2014-10-31. Retrieved 2014-10-31.
- "CEO. Pàgina no trobada". Gencat.cat. 2011-12-29. Archived from the original on 2009-04-21. Retrieved 2012-11-25.
- "Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 1a onada 2009". Retrieved 12 October 2016.
- "Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 2a onada 2009". Retrieved 12 October 2016.
- "Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 3a onada 2009". Retrieved 12 October 2016.
- "Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 4a onada 2009". Retrieved 12 October 2016.
- "Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 1a onada 2010". Retrieved 12 October 2016.
- "Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 2a onada 2010". Retrieved 12 October 2016.
- "Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 3a onada 2010". Retrieved 12 October 2016.
- "Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 4a onada 2010". Retrieved 12 October 2016.
- "Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 1a onada 2011". Retrieved 12 October 2016.
- "CEO. Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 2a onada 2013". Ceo.gencat.cat. Retrieved 2013-06-20.
- "CEO. Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 3a onada 2013". Ceo.gencat.cat. Archived from the original on 2014-01-29. Retrieved 2014-01-30.
- "CEO. Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 1a onada 2015". Ceo.gencat.cat. Retrieved 2015-03-13.
- "CEO. Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 2a onada 2015". Ceo.gencat.cat. Retrieved 2015-07-03.
- "CEO. Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 3a onada 2015". Ceo.gencat.cat. Retrieved 2016-10-11.
- "CEO. Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 1a onada 2016". Ceo.gencat.cat. Retrieved 2016-10-11.
- "CEO. Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 3a onada 2015". Ceo.gencat.cat. Retrieved 2016-10-11.
- "CEO. Baròmetre d'Opinió Política (BOP). 3a onada 2015" (PDF). Ceo.gencat.cat. Retrieved 2016-10-11.
- "ICPS: Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials". Icps.es. Archived from the original on 2012-06-20. Retrieved 2012-09-29.
- "Portada elPeriódico.cat". Elperiodico.cat. Retrieved 2012-09-29.
- "L'independentisme avança fins a quedar-se a un punt de la majoria - Política - El Periódico". Elperiodico.cat. Archived from the original on 2012-03-04. Retrieved 2012-09-29.
- "Quasi la meitat de Catalunya trencaria avui amb Espanya - Política - El Periódico". Elperiodico.cat. Archived from the original on 2012-03-04. Retrieved 2012-09-29.
- "La independència guanya a les enquestes - Notícies Societat - e-notícies". Societat.e-noticies.cat. Archived from the original on 2012-03-01. Retrieved 2012-09-29.
- "Els catalans dividits en dues meitats davant la independènci". Elperiodico.cat. Archived from the original on 2012-10-05. Retrieved 2012-09-29.
- "El independentismo bajaría al 40% si Catalunya saliera de la Unión Europea". Elperiodico.com. Archived from the original on 2012-11-06. Retrieved 2012-11-04.
- "El 75% de los catalanes reclaman a Rajoy que autorice una consulta". ElPeriodico.com. Archived from the original on 2013-11-08. Retrieved 2013-06-08.
- "La mayoría aprueba la consulta independentista pero votaría en contra". Lavanguardia.es. 2010-01-07. Retrieved 2012-09-29.
- "El apoyo a las consultas y el rechazo a la independencia se mantienen estables". Lavanguardia.es. Retrieved 2012-09-29.
- "La independencia logra su mayor cota mientras cae el rechazo a la secesión". Lavanguardia.es. 2010-05-19. Retrieved 2012-09-29.
- "CiU sigue cerca de la mayoría absoluta frente a un tripartito que no remonta". Lavanguardia.es. 2010-07-17. Retrieved 2012-09-29.
- "El apoyo a la independencia remite y cae al 40%". Lavanguardia.es. 2010-09-07. Retrieved 2012-09-29.
- "El 34% de los catalanes votaría sí a la independencia mientras el 30% se decantaría por el no". Lavanguardia.com. Retrieved 2012-09-29.
- "CiU se sitúa a un paso de la mayoría absoluta". Lavanguardia.com. Retrieved 2012-09-29.
- "Empate entre partidarios y contrarios a la independencia". La Vanguardia. Retrieved 2013-12-23.
|Wikimedia Commons has media related to Catalonia Independence movement.|
- "Catalonia Votes", website on self-determination referendum, with articles, videos, etc.
- on YouTube (A video based on an article about Catalonia's independence by professor Xavier Sala-i-Martin from Columbia University.)
- Party Urging More Autonomy From Spain Seems to Win in Catalonia Article on New York Times, November 2, 2006
- The Importance of Catalonia to the Spanish Economy Infographic published by Venture Spain, October 9, 2014
- "Courage in Catalonia". New York Times. June 22, 2006. Retrieved September 12, 2016.
- Voters in Catalonia Approve A Plan for Greater Autonomy Article in The New York Times, June 19, 2006
- Spain Moves On Law to Give Broad Powers To Catalonia Article in The New York Times, March 31, 2006
- Independentist sites at DMOZ. (in Catalan)
- History of Catalan independentism. Dossier of the Catalan magazine El Temps. (in Catalan)