Lech Wałęsa (Polish: [ˈlɛx faˈwɛ̃sa] (listen); born 29 September 1943) is a Polish retired politician and labour activist. He co-founded and headed Solidarity (Solidarność), the Soviet bloc's first independent trade union, won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1983, and served as President of Poland from 1990 to 1995.
Wałęsa in 1996
|2nd President of Poland|
22 December 1990 – 22 December 1995
|Prime Minister||Tadeusz Mazowiecki|
Jan Krzysztof Bielecki
|Preceded by||Wojciech Jaruzelski|
|Succeeded by||Aleksander Kwaśniewski|
|Chairperson of Solidarity|
14 August 1980 – 12 December 1990
|Preceded by||Position established|
|Succeeded by||Marian Krzaklewski|
|Born||29 September 1943|
Popowo, German-occupied Poland
|Political party||Civic Platform (2001–present)|
Solidarity Citizens' Committee (1988–1993)
Nonpartisan Bloc for Support of Reforms (1993–1997)
Solidarity Electoral Action (1997–2001)
Christian Democracy of the 3rd Polish Republic (1997–2001)
Mirosława Danuta Gołoś (m. 1969)
|Children||8, including Jarosław Wałęsa|
While working at the Lenin Shipyard (now Gdańsk Shipyard), Wałęsa, an electrician, became a trade-union activist, for which he was persecuted by the Communist authorities, placed under surveillance, fired in 1976, and arrested several times. In August 1980 he was instrumental in political negotiations that led to the ground-breaking Gdańsk Agreement between striking workers and the government. He co-founded the Solidarity trade-union movement.
After martial law was imposed in Poland and Solidarity was outlawed, Wałęsa was again arrested. Released from custody, he continued his activism and was prominent in the establishment of the 1989 Round Table Agreement that led to semi-free parliamentary elections in June 1989 and to a Solidarity-led government.
In the Polish general election of 1990, Wałęsa successfully ran for the newly re-established office of President of Poland. He presided over Poland's transition from communism to a post-communist state, but his popularity waned and his role in Polish politics diminished after he narrowly lost the 1995 presidential election.
Since the fall of Communism in Poland, there have been allegations that Wałęsa had collaborated with the earlier communist secret police. In 2017 a lengthy investigation by the Institute of National Remembrance concluded that a handwriting study proved the authenticity of documents showing that Wałęsa had agreed to collaborate with the communist secret police.
Since the death of Wojciech Jaruzelski in 2014, Wałęsa is the oldest living former Polish president at age 75.
Wałęsa was born in Popowo, German-occupied Poland. His father, Bolesław Wałęsa (1908–1945), was a carpenter who was rounded up and interned in a forced labour camp at Młyniec (outpost of KL Stutthof) by the German occupying forces before Lech was born.[note 1] Bolesław returned home after the war but died two months later from exhaustion and illness. Lech's mother, Feliksa Wałęsa (née Kamieńska; 1916–1975), has been credited with shaping her son's beliefs and tenacity.
When Lech was nine, Feliksa married her brother-in-law, Stanisław Wałęsa (1916–1981), a farmer. Lech had three elder full siblings; Izabela (1934–2012),[note 2] Edward (b. 1937), and Stanisław (b. 1939); and three younger half-brothers; Tadeusz (b. 1946), Zygmunt (b. 1948), and Wojciech (1951–1988). In 1973, Lech's mother and stepfather emigrated to the US for economic reasons. They lived in Jersey City, New Jersey, where Feliksa died in a car accident in 1975, and Stanisław died of a heart attack in 1981. Both of them were buried in Poland.
In 1961, Lech graduated from primary and vocational school in nearby Chalin and Lipno as a qualified electrician. He worked as a car mechanic from 1961 to 1965, and then embarked on his two-year, obligatory military service, attaining the rank of corporal before beginning work on 12 July 1967 as an electrician at Lenin Shipyard (Stocznia Gdańska im. Lenina), now called Gdańsk Shipyard (Stocznia Gdańska) in Gdańsk.
On 8 November 1969, Wałęsa married Mirosława Danuta Gołoś, who worked at a flower shop near the Lenin Shipyard. Soon after they married, she began using her middle name more often than her first name, per Lech's request. The couple had eight children; Bogdan (b. 1970), Sławomir (b. 1972), Przemysław (1974–2017), Jarosław (b. 1976), Magdalena (b. 1979), Anna (b. 1980), Maria-Wiktoria (b. 1982), and Brygida (b. 1985). As of 2016[update], Anna is running her father's office in Gdańsk and Jarosław is a European MP.
From early in his career, Wałęsa was interested in workers' concerns; in 1968 he encouraged shipyard colleagues to boycott official rallies that condemned recent student strikes. He was a charismatic leader, who helped organize the illegal 1970 protests at the Gdańsk Shipyard when workers protested the government's decree raising food prices and he was considered for the position of chairman of the strike committee. The strikes' outcome, which involved the deaths of over 30 workers, galvanized Wałęsa's views on the need for change. In June 1976, Wałęsa lost his job at the Gdańsk Shipyard because of his continued involvement in illegal unions, strikes, and a campaign to commemorate the victims of the 1970 protests. Afterwards he worked as an electrician for several other companies but his activism led to him continually being laid off and he was jobless for long periods. Wałęsa and his family were under constant surveillance by the Polish secret police; his home and workplace were always bugged. Over the next few years, he was arrested several times for participating in dissident activities.
Wałęsa worked closely with the Workers' Defence Committee (KOR), a group that emerged to lend aid to people arrested after the 1976 labor strikes and to their families. In June 1978 he became an activist of the underground Free Trade Unions of the Coast (Wolne Związki Zawodowe Wybrzeża). On 14 August 1980, another rise in food prices led to a strike at the Lenin Shipyard in Gdańsk, of which Wałęsa was one of the instigators. Wałęsa climbed over the shipyard fence and quickly became one of the strike leaders. The strike inspired other similar strikes in Gdańsk, which then spread across Poland. Wałęsa headed the Inter-Enterprise Strike Committee, coordinating the workers at Gdańsk and at 20 other plants in the region. On 31 August the government, represented by Mieczysław Jagielski, signed an accord (the Gdańsk Agreement) with the Strike Coordinating Committee. The agreement granted the Lenin Shipyard workers the right to strike and permitted them to form an independent trade union. The Strike Coordinating Committee legalized itself as the National Coordinating Committee of the Solidarność (Solidarity) Free Trade Union, and Wałęsa was chosen as chairman of the Committee. The Solidarity trade union quickly grew, ultimately claiming over 10 million members—more than a quarter of Poland's population. Wałęsa's role in the strike, in the negotiations, and in the newly formed independent trade union gained him fame on the international stage.
On March 10, 1981, through the introduction of his former superior in the army, Wałęsa met Jaruzelski for the first time in the office building of the Council of Ministers for three hours. During the meeting, Jaruzelski and Wałęsa agreed that mutual trust was necessary if the problems of Poland were to be solved. Wałęsa said "It's not the case that the name of socialism is bad. Only some people spoiled the name of socialism". He also complained about and criticized the government. Jaruzelski informed Wałęsa of the coming war games of Warsaw pact from March 16 to 25, hoping he could help maintain the social order and avoid anti-Soviet remarks. Jaruzelski also reminded Wałęsa that Solidarity had used foreign funds. Wałęsa joked "We don't have to take only dollars. We can take corn, fertilizer, anything is okay. I told Mr. Kania before that I would take everything from the enemy. The more the better, until the enemy was weakened no more".
Wałęsa held his position until 13 December 1981, when General Wojciech Jaruzelski declared martial law in Poland. Wałęsa and many other Solidarity leaders and activists were arrested; he was incarcerated for 11 months until 14 November 1982 at Chylice, Otwock, and Arłamów; eastern towns near the Soviet border. On 8 October 1982 Solidarity was outlawed. In 1983 Wałęsa applied to return to the Gdańsk Shipyard as an electrician. The same year, he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. He was unable to accept it himself, fearing Poland's government would not let him back into the country. His wife Danuta accepted the prize on his behalf.
Through the mid-1980s, Wałęsa continued underground Solidarity-related activities. Every issue of the leading underground weekly publication Tygodnik Mazowsze bore his motto, "Solidarity will not be divided or destroyed". Following a 1986 amnesty for Solidarity activists, Wałęsa co-founded the Provisional Council of NSZZ Solidarity (Tymczasowa Rada NSZZ Solidarność), the first overt legal Solidarity entity since the declaration of martial law. From 1987 to 1990, he organized and led the semi-illegal Provisional Executive Committee of the Solidarity Trade Union. In mid-1988 he instigated work-stoppage strikes at the Gdańsk Shipyard. He was frequently hauled in for interrogations by the Polish secret police, the Security Service (SB), during the 1980s. On many of these occasions, Danuta—who was even more anti-Communist than her husband—was known to openly taunt SB agents when they picked Lech up.
After months of strikes and political deliberations, at the conclusion of the 10th plenary session of the Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR, the Polish communist party), the government agreed to enter into Round Table Negotiations that lasted from February to April 1989. Wałęsa was an informal leader of the non-governmental side in the negotiations. During the talks, he traveled throughout Poland giving speeches in support of the negotiations. At the end of the talks, the government signed an agreement to re-establish the Solidarity Trade Union and to organize semi-free elections to the Polish parliament; in accordance with the Round Table Agreement, only members of the Communist Party and its allies could stand for 65 percent of the seats in the lower house, the Sejm.
In December 1988 Wałęsa co-founded the Solidarity Citizens' Committee; this was ostensibly an advisory body but in practice a political party that won the parliamentary elections in June 1989. Solidarity took all the seats in the Sejm that were subject to free elections, and all but one seat in the newly re-established Senate. Wałęsa was one of Solidarity's most public figures; he was an active campaigner, appearing on many campaign posters, but did not run for parliament himself. Solidarity winners in the Sejm elections were referred to as "Wałęsa's team" or "Lech's team" because they had all appeared on their election posters with Wałęsa.
While ostensibly only chairman of Solidarity, Wałęsa played a key role in practical politics. In August 1989, he persuaded leaders of parties formerly allied with the Communist Party to form a non-communist coalition government—the first non-Communist government in the Soviet Bloc. The parliament elected Tadeusz Mazowiecki as the first non-communist Prime Minister of Poland in over forty years.
Following the June 1989 parliamentary elections, Wałęsa was disappointed that some of his former fellow campaigners were satisfied to govern alongside former Communists. He decided to run for the newly re-established office of president, using the slogan, "I don't want to, but I have to" ("Nie chcę, ale muszę."). On 9 December 1990 Wałęsa won the presidential election, defeating Prime Minister Mazowiecki and other candidates to become Poland's first freely-elected head of state in 63 years, and the first non-Communist head of state in 45 years. In 1993 he founded his own political party, the Nonpartisan Bloc for Support of Reforms (BBWR); the grouping's Polish-language acronym echoed that of Józef Piłsudski's "Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government," of 1928–35, likewise an ostensibly non-political organization.
During his presidency, Wałęsa saw Poland through privatization and transition to a free-market economy (the Balcerowicz Plan), Poland's 1991 first completely free parliamentary elections, and a period of redefinition of the country's foreign relations. He successfully negotiated the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Poland and won a substantial reduction in foreign debts.
Wałęsa supported Poland's entry into NATO and the European Union, both of which occurred after his presidency, in 1999 and 2004, respectively. In the early 1990s he proposed the creation of a sub-regional security system called NATO bis. The concept was supported by right-wing and populist movements in Poland but garnered little support abroad; Poland's neighbors, some of which (e.g. Lithuania), had recently regained independence and tended to see the proposal as Polish neo-imperialism.
Wałęsa has been criticized for a confrontational style and for instigating "war at the top", whereby former Solidarity allies clashed with one another, causing annual changes of government. This increasingly isolated Wałęsa on the political scene. As he lost political allies, he came to be surrounded by people who were viewed by the public as incompetent and disreputable. Mudslinging during election campaigns tarnished his reputation. Some thought Wałęsa, an ex-electrician with no higher education, was too plain-spoken and too undignified for the post of president. Others thought him too erratic in his views or complained he was too authoritarian and that he sought to strengthen his own power at the expense of the Sejm. Wałęsa's national security advisor Jacek Merkel credited the shortcomings of Wałęsa's presidency to his inability to comprehend the office of the president as an institution. He was an effective union leader capable of articulating what the workers felt but as president he had difficulty delegating power or navigating bureaucracy.[clarification needed] Wałęsa's problems were compounded by the difficult transition to a market economy; in the long run it was seen as highly successful but it lost Wałęsa's government much popular support.
Wałęsa's BBWR performed poorly in the 1993 parliamentary elections; at times his popular support dwindled to 10 percent and he narrowly lost the 1995 presidential election, winning 33.11 percent of the vote in the first round and 48.28 percent in the run-off against Aleksander Kwaśniewski, who represented the resurgent Polish post-Communists the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD). Wałęsa's fate was sealed by his poor handling of the media; in televised debates he appeared incoherent and rude; in response to Kwaśniewski's extended hand at the end of the first of the two debates, he replied that the post-Communist leader could "shake his leg". After the election Wałęsa said he was going into "political retirement" and his role in politics became increasingly marginal.
After losing the 1995 election, Wałęsa announced he would return to work as an electrician at the Gdańsk Shipyard. Soon afterwards he changed his mind and chose to travel around the world on a lecture circuit. Wałęsa developed a portfolio of three lectures ("The Impact of an Expanded NATO on Global Security", "Democracy: The Never-Ending Battle" and "Solidarity: The New Millennium"), and reads them at universities and public events with an appearance fee of around £50,000 ($70,000).
In 1995 he founded the Lech Wałęsa Institute, a think tank with a mission "to popularize the achievements of Polish Solidarity, educate young generations, promote democracy, and build civil society in Poland and around the world". In 1997 he founded a new party, Christian Democracy of the 3rd Polish Republic, hoping it would help him to successfully run in future elections.
Wałęsa's contention for the 2000 presidential election ended with a crushing defeat when he polled 1.01 percent of the vote. His humiliation was increased because Aleksander Kwaśniewski, who was re-elected in the first round with 54 percent of the vote, is a former Communist apparatchik. Wałęsa polled in seventh place, after which he announced his withdrawal from Polish politics.
In 2006 Wałęsa quit Solidarity in protest of the union's support of the ruling right-wing Law and Justice party, and Lech and Jarosław Kaczyński—twin brothers who had been prominent in Solidarity and were now serving as the country's president and prime minister, respectively. The main point of disagreement was the Kaczyńskis' focus on rooting out those who had been involved in communist rule and their party's attempt to make public all the files of the former communist secret police. Until then only members of the government and parliament had to declare any connection with the former security services. Wałęsa and his supporters argued the so-called transparency legislation advocated by the government might turn into a witch hunt and the more than 500,000 Poles who had possibly collaborated with the communist secret police could face exposure.
Despite waning popularity at home, Wałęsa's international reputation remained untouched. He continued his lecture circuit around the world, occasionally appearing in headlines. In 2014 in a widely publicized interview, Wałęsa expressed his disappointment in another Nobel laureate, US president Barack Obama: he told CNN, "When he was elected there was great hope in the world. We were hoping that Obama would reclaim moral leadership for America, but that failed ... in terms of politics and morality America no longer leads the world". Wałęsa also accused Obama of not deserving his Nobel Peace Prize; during the 2012 US presidential campaign he endorsed Obama's opponent Mitt Romney. In September 2015, Wałęsa again hit the headlines after sharing his thoughts on the migrant crisis in Europe with media, saying, "watching the refugees on television, I noticed that ... they are well fed, well dressed and maybe even are richer than we are ... If Europe opens its gates, soon millions will come through and while living among us will start exercising their own customs, including beheading".
Wałęsa and secret policeEdit
Since the early 1980s there have been allegations that in the 1970s Wałęsa had served as an informant for the Polish Security Services. Wałęsa vehemently denied the allegations, and in 2000 a special court cleared him of the alleged collaboration.
The controversy resurfaced in 2008 with the publication of a book that purported to show that Wałęsa, codenamed Bolek, had been an operative for the security services from 1970 to 1976.
The question resurfaced again in February 2016, when the Institute of National Remembrance seized materials from the widow of Czesław Kiszczak, a former minister of the interior, that were said to document Wałęsa's role as a spy for the security services.
On 12 August 2000, Wałęsa, who was running a presidential campaign at the time, was cleared by the special Lustration Court of charges that he collaborated with the Communist-era secret services and reported on the activities of his fellow shipyard workers, due to the lack of evidence. Anti-communists Piotr Naimski, one of the first members of the Workers' Defense Committee that led to the Solidarity trade union, and Antoni Macierewicz, Wałęsa's former Interior Minister, testified against him in the closed vetting trial. Naimski, who said he testified with a "heavy heart", expressed his disappointment that Wałęsa "made a mistake by not going openly to the public, and he has missed an important chance". According to Naimski, the court cleared Wałęsa on "technical grounds" because it did not find certain original documents—many of which had been destroyed since 1989—offered sufficient proof that Wałęsa was lying.
In 1992, Naimski, as a head of the State Protection Office, started the process of screening people suspected of being Communist collaborators in Poland. In June that year he helped Antoni Macierewicz prepare a list of 64 members of the government and parliament who were named as spies in the police records; these included Wałęsa, then the Polish president. Wałęsa's name was included on the list after a wrenching internal debate about the virtues of honesty versus political discretion. In response to the publication of this list, President Wałęsa immediately engineered the fall of prime minister Jan Olszewski and the dismissal of Interior Minister Macierewicz. A parliamentary committee later concluded Wałęsa had not signed an agreement with the secret police.
A 1997 Polish law made the vetting a requirement for those seeking high public office. According to the law, it is not a crime to have collaborated, but those who deny it and are found to have lied are banned from political life for ten years. The 2000 presidential election was the first use of this law.
Despite helping Wałęsa in 2005 to receive the official status of a "victim of communist regime" from the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN), this court ruling did not convince many Poles. In November 2009 Wałęsa sued the president of Poland, Lech Kaczyński over his repeated collaboration allegations. Five months later, Kaczyński failed to invite Wałęsa to the commemoration service at Katyn, which almost certainly saved Wałęsa's life because the presidential plane crashed, killing all on board. In August 2010, Wałęsa lost a libel case against Krzysztof Wyszkowski, his former fellow activist, who also publicly accused Wałęsa of being a communist agent in 1970s.
The most comprehensive analysis of Wałęsa's possible collaboration with secret police was provided in a 2008 book The SB (Służba Bezpieczeństwa; secret police) and Lech Wałęsa: A Biographical Contribution (SB a Lech Wałęsa. Przyczynek do biografii). The book was written by two historians from the Institute of National Remembrance, Sławomir Cenckiewicz and Piotr Gontarczyk, and included documents from the archives of the secret police that were inherited by the Institute. Among the documents were registration cards, memos, notes from the secret police, and reports from the informant.
The book's authors said Wałęsa, working under the code name Bolek,[note 3] was a secret police informant from 1970 (after he was released from the arrest) till 1976 (before he was fired from the shipyard). According to them, "he wrote reports and informed on more than 20 people and some of them were persecuted by the communist police. He identified people and eavesdropped on his colleagues at work while they were listening to Radio Free Europe for example". The book describes the fate of the seven of his alleged victims; information regarding others was destroyed or stolen from the files. According to them, Wałęsa received over 13,000 zlotys as remuneration for his services from the SB, while the monthly salary at the time was about 3,500 zlotys.[note 4] The authors said oppositionist activity in Poland in the first half of 1970s was minimal and Wałęsa's role in it was quite marginal. However, according to the book, despite formally renouncing his ties with SB in 1976, Wałęsa went on to have contacts with communist officials.
The book also said that during his 1990–1995 presidency, Wałęsa used his office to destroy the evidence of his collaboration with secret police by removing incriminating documents from the archives. According to the book, historians discovered that with the help of the state intelligence agency, Wałęsa, Interior Minister Andrzej Milczanowski, and other members of Wałęsa's administration, had borrowed from the archives the secret police files that had connections to Wałęsa, and returned them with key pages removed. When it was discovered at the turn of 1995/96, the following prosecutorial inquiry was discontinued for political reasons despite the case attracting much public attention.
Sławomir Cenckiewicz also said that in 1983, when Wałęsa was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize, the secret police tried to embarrass him and leaked information about Wałęsa's previous collaboration with the government. By this time though, Wałęsa was already so popular that most Poles did not believe the official media and dismissed the allegations as a manipulation by the Communist authorities. The book's first print run sold out in Poland within hours. The book received substantial coverage in the media, provoked nationwide debate, and was noted by the international press. Wałęsa vowed to sue the authors but never did.
On 18 February 2016, the INR in Warsaw announced it had seized a package of original documents that allegedly proved Wałęsa was a paid Polish Security Service informant. The documents dated from the period 1970–1976; they were seized from the home of a recently deceased former interior minister, General Czesław Kiszczak. The documents' authenticity was confirmed by an archival expert, but the prosecutors demanded a handwriting examination. Eventually, the requested examination concluded that the documents were authentic and, hence, Wałęsa had collaborated with the communist secret police.
The dossier consists of two folders. The first is a "personal file" containing 90 pages of documents, including a handwritten commitment to cooperate with Polish Security Service dated 21 December 1970, and signed Lech Wałęsa – Bolek with a pledge he would never admit his collaboration with secret police "not even to family"; the file also contains the confirmations of having received funds. The second is a "work file" which contains 279 pages of documents, including numerous reports by Bolek on his co-workers at Gdańsk Shipyard, and notes by Security Service officers from meetings with him. According to one note, Wałęsa agreed to collaborate out of fear of persecution after the workers' protest in 1970. The documents also show that at first Bolek eagerly provided information on opinions and actions by his co-workers and took money for the information, but his enthusiasm diminished and the quality of his information decreased until he was deemed no longer valuable and collaboration with him was terminated in 1976.
The sealed dossier also contained a letter, hand-written by Kiszczak in April 1996, in which he informs the Director of the Polish Central Archives of Modern Records (Archiwum Akt Nowych) about the accompanying files documenting the collaboration of Wałęsa with the Polish Security Service and asks him not to publish this information until five years after Wałęsa's death. In his letter Kiszczak said he kept the documents out of reach: before the 1989 revolution, trying to protect Wałęsa's reputation; and afterwards to make sure they did not disappear or were used for political reasons. This letter and the accompanying documents had never been sent.
On 16 February 2016, about three months after Kiszczak's death, his widow Maria approached the Institute of National Remembrance and offered to sell the documents to the archives for 90,000 zlotys ($23,000). However, according to Polish law, all documents of the political police must be handed in to the state. The administration of the institute notified the prosecutor's office, which conducted a police search of the Kiszczak's house and seized all the historic documents. Maria Kiszczak later said she had not read her husband's letter and had "made a mistake".
For years Wałęsa vehemently denied collaborating with the Polish Security Service and dismissed the incriminating files as forgeries created by the SB to compromise him. Wałęsa also denies that during his presidency he removed documents incriminating him from the archives. Until 2008 he denied having ever seen his Security Service file. After the publication of the book SB a Lech Wałęsa in 2008, he said that while he was president "I did borrow the file, but didn't remove anything from it. I saw there were some documents there about me and that they were clearly forgeries. I told my secretaries to tape up and seal the file. I wrote 'don't open' on it. But someone didn't obey, removed the papers, now casting suspicion on me." Wałęsa's interior minister Andrzej Milczanowski denied the cover-up and said he "had full legal rights to make those documents available to President Wałęsa" and that "no original documents were removed from the file", which contained only photocopies.
Wałęsa has offered conflicting statements regarding the authenticity of the documents. Initially he appeared to come close to an admission, saying in 1992, "in December 1970, I signed three or four documents" to escape from the secret police. In his 1987 autobiography A Way of Hope, Wałęsa said, "It is also the truth that I had not left that clash completely pure. They gave me a condition: sign! And then I signed." He denied he acted upon the collaboration agreement. However, in his later years Wałęsa said all the documents are forgeries and told the BBC in 2008, "you will not find any signature of mine agreeing to collaborate anywhere".
In 2009, after the publication of another biography connecting him with the secret police (Lech Wałęsa: Idea and History by Pawel Zyzak), Wałęsa threatened to leave Poland if historians continue to question his past. He said that before revealing such information "a historian must decide whether this serves Poland". After the accusations against him resurfaced with the discovery of the Kiszczak dossier on 16 February 2016, Wałęsa called the files "lies, slander and forgeries", and said he "never took money and never made any spoken or written report on anyone". He said of the Polish public, which was about to believe in the allegations, "you have betrayed me, not me you" and "it was I who safely led Poland to a complete victory over communism". On 20 February 2016, Wałęsa wrote in his blog that a secret police officer had begged him to sign the financial documents in the 1970s because the officer had lost money entrusted to him to purchase a vehicle. Wałęsa appealed to the officer to step forward and clear him of the accusations.
Religious and political viewsEdit
Wałęsa is a devout Roman Catholic. He is a staunch opponent of abortion; in 1993 during his presidency he signed a law restricting abortions in Poland. This law reversed the virtually free access to abortion that existed since 1956 and limited its use to cases in which the woman's life is in danger, pregnancy has resulted from rape or incest, or the fetus is irreparably damaged. Doctors who violate the rules now face up to two years in prison. This abortion law is one of the most restrictive in Europe, deeply divided the country, and saw the former Solidarity coalition split between liberals and conservatives. The Polish Catholic Church supported Wałęsa, but public opinion polls indicated most Poles favored retaining a liberal abortion law; 1.3 million Poles signed a petition demanding a plebiscite rather than governmental imposition of the law. In 1994 a group of women legislators tried to ease the criteria for abortion; Wałęsa vetoed their amendment.
In 2013, Wałęsa suggested the creation of a political union between Poland and Germany.
Wałęsa is well known for his anti-gay position. In 2013 he said on Polish television that homosexual people have no right to a prominent role in politics, "They have to know that they are a minority and must adjust to smaller things". He also said homosexual MPs should sit "behind a wall" in a parliament. Despite sharp international criticism and a legal complaint of "propaganda of hate against a sexual minority", Wałęsa refused to apologize for his comments. At a political rally in 2000, he described gay people as "sick" and said, "I believe those people need medical treatment". During the drawing up of a new Polish Constitution in 1995, President Wałęsa argued against the inclusion of gay rights provisions. In 2014 City authorities of San Francisco renamed Walesa Street because of his "anti-gay remarks". A deputy speaker of the Polish Parliament said Wałęsa's anti-gay position could jeopardize his international career as a human rights speaker.
In 1983, Wałęsa was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. Since then he has received more than 30 state decorations and more than 50 awards from 30 countries, including Order of the Bath (UK), Order of Merit (Germany), Legion of Honour (France) and European Human Rights Prize (EU 1989). In 2011, he declined to accept the Lithuanian highest order, citing his displeasure at Lithuania's policy towards the Polish diaspora. In 2008, he established the Lech Wałęsa Award.
In 2004, Gdańsk International Airport was officially renamed Gdańsk Lech Wałęsa Airport and Wałęsa's signature was incorporated into the airport's logo. A college hall in Northeastern Illinois University (Chicago), six streets, and five schools in Canada, France, Sweden and Poland also were named after Lech Wałęsa.
Wałęsa was named Man of the Year by Time magazine (1981), Financial Times (1980), Saudi Gazette (1989) and 12 other newspapers and magazines. He was awarded with over 45 honorary doctorates by universities around the world, including Harvard University and Sorbonne. He was named an honorary karate black belt by International Traditional Karate Federation. Wałęsa is also an honorary citizen of more than 30 cities, including London, Buffalo and Turin.
In the United States, Wałęsa was the first recipient of the Liberty Medal, in 1989. That year he also received the Presidential Medal of Freedom and became the first non-head-of-state to address a joint meeting of the United States Congress. Wałęsa symbolically represented Europe by carrying the Olympic flag at the opening ceremony of the 2002 Winter Olympics. In 2004, he represented ten newly acceded EU countries during the official accession ceremony in Strasbourg. In 1993, the heraldic authority of the Kingdom of Sweden assigned Wałęsa a personal coat of arms on the occasion of his admittance into the Royal Order of the Seraphim.
Lech Wałęsa has been portrayed, as himself or a character based on him, in a number of feature and television films. The two most notable of them are:
- Walesa. Man of Hope (2013) is a biographical drama by Oscar-winning filmmaker Andrzej Wajda about the lives of Wałęsa (Robert Więckiewicz) and his wife Danuta (Agnieszka Grochowska) from 1970 to 1989. It shows Wałęsa's change from a shipyard worker into a charismatic labor leader. The film was shot in the historical locations of the depicted events, including the former Lenin Shipyard. It won three awards, including Silver Hugo for Robert Więckiewicz at Chicago International Film Festival and a Pasinetti Award for Maria Rosaria Omaggio at Venice Film Festival, and was nominated for five more awards.
- Man of Iron (1981) is another Andrzej Wajda film about the Solidarity movement. The main character, a young worker Maciej Tomczyk (Jerzy Radziwiłowicz) is involved in the anti-Communist labor movement. Tomczyk is clearly portrayed as a parallel to Wałęsa, who appears as himself in the movie. The film was made during the brief relaxation of censorship in Poland between the formation of Solidarity in August 1980 and its suppression in December 1981. Waida was awarded both the Palme d'Or and the Prize of the Ecumenical Jury at the Cannes Film Festival for the film. In 1982 it was nominated for Oscar as the Best Foreign Language Film and gained seven other awards and nominations.
Both of these films were produced in Poland. In December 1989, Warner Bros intended to produce a "major" movie about Wałęsa, to be made in 1990 and released in 1991. The company paid Wałęsa a $1 million fee for the rights to produce a biopic. Although the movie was never made, this payment sparked controversy in Poland when five years later it emerged that Wałęsa concealed this income to avoid paying taxes on it. The Gdańsk tax office initiated a tax fraud case against Wałęsa but it was later dismissed because the five-year statute of limitations had already run out.
- Real life Polish actor Jacek Lenartowicz played Walesa in the 2005 television miniseries Pope John Paul II.
In 1982, Bono was inspired by Wałęsa to write U2's first hit single, "New Year's Day". Coincidentally, the Polish authorities lifted martial law on 1 January 1983, the same day this single was released. Wałęsa also became a hero of a number of Polish pop songs, including a satirical 1991 hit titled Nie wierzcie elektrykom (Don't Trust the Electricians) from the second studio album by the punk rock band Big Cyc which featured a caricature of Wałęsa on its cover.
Sid Meier's Civilization V video game lists Lech Wałęsa amongst its world leader rankings. Wałęsa is ranked 11th on a scale of 1 to 21, with Augustus Caesar ranked as the best world leader of all time and Dan Quayle as the worst. Wałęsa is immediately outranked by Simon Bolivar and is ranked just above Ivan the Terrible.
- Wałęsa, Lech (1987). A Way of Hope. New-York: Henry Holt and Company. ISBN 0805006680. LCCN 87021194. OL 2391768M.
- Wałęsa, Lech (1991). Droga do wolności [Road to Freedom] (in Polish). Warsaw: Editions Spotkania. ISBN 8385195033. LCCN 92155586. OL 1293474M.
- Wałęsa, Lech (1992). The Struggle and the Triumph: An Autobiography. Translated by Philip, Franklin. New York: Arcade Publishing. ISBN 1559701498. LCCN 91035875. OL 1555547M.
- Wałęsa, Lech (1995). Wszystko, co robię, robię dla Polski [All That I Do, I Do for Poland] (in Polish). Warsaw: Kancelaria Prezydenta RP. ISBN 8390434709. LCCN 96130042. OL 18320510M.
- The German airfield Danzig-Langfuhr in Wrzeszcz-Gdańsk was located on the site of the former villages Młyniec and Zaspa (now neighborhoods of Gdańsk) and was serviced by prisoners of KL Stutthof forming the Außenkommando KL Stutthof – Danzig-Langfuhr. Source: "Standort Danzig". Lexikon-der-Wehrmacht.de. The airfield was heavily bombed by the Allies in 1945, but remained in use until 1974 (pl).
- Izabela Młyńska, after marriage
- Bolek was a main character of the popular children's cartoon series Bolek and Lolek, produced in Poland in 1962–1986. Wałęsa's father's name also was Bolesław (or Bolek in diminutive).
- In a book published in 2011, Wałęsa's wife Danuta said she believed the source of her husband's extra money during the 1970s was lottery winnings (Source: The Wall Street Journal).
- In isolaton, Wałęsa is pronounced [vaˈwɛ̃sa].
- "Lech Wałęsa". Encyclopædia Britannica. 18 February 2016. Retrieved 23 February 2016.
- "Profile: Lech Wałęsa". CNN. Archived from the original on 15 April 2008. Retrieved 19 August 2007.
- "Institute says Poland's Walesa collaborated with Polish Security Service". Reuters. 31 January 2017. Retrieved 2 February 2017.
- Pages 129–131. Walesa, Lech. "The Struggle and the Triumph: An Autobiography". Arcade Publishing (1991). ISBN 1-55970-221-4. "He was not yet thirty-four years old."
- "Rys biograficzny". Instytut Lecha Wałęsy. Archived from the original on 7 May 2010. Retrieved 2 January 2010.
- David C. Cook (22 February 2005), Mothers of Influence: The Inspiring Stories of Women Who Made a Difference in Their Children and Their World. New edition. ISBN 1562923684.
- "Stanislaw Walesa, stepfather of Polish unionist, dies at 64". Eugene Register-Guard. United Press International. 19 August 1981. p. 8A. Retrieved 3 March 2016.
- Ennis, Thomas W. (19 August 1981). "Stepfather of Lech Wałęsa Dies in Jersey City". The New York Times. Retrieved 3 March 2016.
- Page 95. Walesa, Lech. "The Struggle and the Triumph: An Autobiography". Arcade Publishing (1991). ISBN 1-55970-221-4.
- Sebetsyen, Victor (2009). Revolution 1989: The Fall of the Soviet Empire. New York City: Pantheon Books. ISBN 0-375-42532-2.
- Associated Press (January 13, 2017). "Lech Walesa buries son, 43, who had struggled with alcohol". Fox News. Retrieved July 28, 2017.
- "A Biographical Note". Lech Wałęsa Institute. Archived from the original on 14 June 2009.
- "ON THE FOUNDER". Lech Wałęsa Institute. Archived from the original on 3 February 2008..
- Melman, Yossi (20 September 2015). "'If Europe opens its gates to Muslims, there will be beheadings here'". The Jerusalem Post. Retrieved 28 February 2016.
- Nichols, Bruce (4 March 2008). "Walesa leaves Texas hospital after heart treatment Reuters". Reuters. Retrieved 21 April 2009.
- "Lech Wałęsa," Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved 11 January 2010, from Encyclopædia Britannica Online: http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/634519/Lech-Walesa
- Hunter, Richard J.; Leo V. Ryan (1998). From Autarchy to Market: Polish Economics and Politics 1945–1995. Westport, CN: Praeger. p. 51. ISBN 0-275-96219-9.
- Timothy Garton Ash, Lech Wałęsa, TIME magazine,"The Most Important People of the Century", 13 April 1998.
- Liu, Yanshun (2016-07-01). Jaruzelski, the Shaker of Polish History (in Chinese) (1 ed.). Beijing, China: Shijiezhishi. pp. 54–57. ISBN 9787501252299.
- Springer, Axel. "Unerbittlicher General und Figur der Wende". Welt. Retrieved 1 November 2018.
- Perdue, William D (October 1995). Paradox of Change: The Rise and Fall of Solidarity in the New Poland (ebook). Praeger/Greenwood. p. 9. ISBN 0-275-95295-9. Retrieved 10 July 2006.
- (in Polish) Wałęsa Lech, Encyklopedia WIEM
- Timothy Garton Ash, "Poland After Solidarity," The New York Review of Books, vol. 38, no. 11 (13 June 1991).
- "Negotiations and the big debate (1984–88)". BBC News. Retrieved 10 July 2006.
- Sebetsyen, Victor (2009). Revolution 1989: The Fall of the Soviet Empire. New York City: Pantheon Books. ISBN 0-375-42532-2.
- "Half-free and far from easy: Poland's election", The Economist, 27 May 1989.
- Lewis Pauk, "Non-Competitive Elections and Regime Change: Poland 1989," Parliamentary Affairs, 1990, 43: 90–107.
- POLAND. Parliamentary Chamber: Sejm. Elections held in 1989. Inter-Parliamentary Union. Last accessed 28 January 2010.
- Grażyna Zwolińska, (in Polish) Historyczne wybory 4 czerwca 1989: Zwycięstwo drużyny Lecha ("Historic Elections of 4 June 1989: Victory of Lech's Team"), Gazeta Lubuska, 6 June 2009.
- Jarosław Osowski, (in Polish) "Warszawska drużyna Lecha Wałęsy" ("Lech Wałęsa's Warsaw Team"), Gazeta Wyborcza, 4 June 2009.
- Monika Wohlefeld, 1996,"Security Cooperation in Central Europe: Polish Views. NATO," 1996.
- From "Walesa, Lech," Microsoft Encarta Encyclopedia, 2001.
- Jane Perlez, "Walesa, Once atop a High Pedestal, Seems to Stand on a Slippery Slope", New York Times, 6 July 1994.
- Voytek Zubek, "The Eclipse of Walesa's Political Career," Europe-Asia Studies, vol. 49, no. 1 (January 1997), pp. 107–24.
- Wojtek Kosc, "Here He Comes Again: The Predicted Re-election of Kwaśniewski," Central Europe Review, vol. 2, no. 35, 16 October 2000.
- "Lech Wałęsa (1943– )," A Guide to the 20th century: Who's Who, Channel 4.
- "Economist article". Economist. 22 September 1990. Retrieved 21 April 2009.
- Szporer, Michael (2012). The Great Workers Strike of 1980. Lexington Books. ISBN 9780739174876.
- Danielle Lussier, "From Solidarity to Division: An Analysis of Lech Wałęsa's Transition to Constituted Leadership", working paper, UC Berkeley.
- Wojtek Kosc, "Here He Comes Again: Poland: Heating Up for the Presidency," Central Europe Review, vol. 2, no. 10, 13 March 2000.
- "Europe: Poland: Walesa In Polystyrene," New York Times, 17 December 2003.
- Bridge, Adrian (3 April 1996). "Walesa cruises into shipyard". The Independent. London. Retrieved 1 March 2016.
- Perlez, Jane (29 February 1996). "Out of a Job, Walesa Decides to Take to the Lecture Circuit". The New York Times. Retrieved 28 February 2016.
- "Lech Wałęsa". Speakers Associates Ltd. Retrieved 28 February 2016.
- "Lech Wałęsa". APB Speakers International. Retrieved 28 February 2016.
- "Lech Wałęsa". London Speaker Bureau. Retrieved 28 February 2016.
- "Founder: Biography". Warsaw: Lech Wałęsa Institute. 24 March 2014. Archived from the original on 6 March 2016. Retrieved 27 February 2016.
- "Walesa sets up new party". The Independent. London. 3 December 1997. Retrieved 28 February 2016.
- Day, Matthew (10 October 2000). "Poles spurn Walesa with 0.8pc of vote". The Telegraph. Retrieved 28 February 2016.
- "Wybory Prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej 2000: Wyniki Oficjalne" (in Polish). Retrieved 28 February 2016.
- "Walesa leaves Polish politics". BBC World Service. 15 October 2000. Retrieved 28 February 2016.
- "Walesa leaves Solidarity movement". BBC World Service. 22 August 2006. Retrieved 28 February 2016.
- Chmurak, Elizabeth; Marrapodi, Eric; Tapper, Jake (1 January 2014). "Nobel Peace Prize winner: Obama failed to reclaim America's role as world leader". CNN. Retrieved 28 February 2016.
- Reston, Maeve; Mehta, Seema (30 July 2012). "Romney wins backing of former Polish President Lech Wałęsa". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 28 February 2016.
- "Nobel laureates urge Saudi king to halt 14 executions". The Washington Post. August 11, 2017.
- "Justification for the Judgement from 31 August 2010". Krzysztof Wyszkowski. 22 May 2012. Retrieved 25 February 2016.
- Erlanger, Steven (21 August 2000). "Polish Watchdog Nips at Walesa's Heels". The New York Times. Retrieved 23 February 2016.
- Engelberg, Stephen (12 June 1992). "Charge of Spying Denied by Walesa". The New York Times. Retrieved 26 February 2016.
- "Walesa Cleared of Collaboration Charges". Los Angeles Times. 17 November 2005. Retrieved 25 February 2016.
- Kulish, Nicholas (25 November 2009). "Poland: Former Leader Sues President". The New York Times. Retrieved 23 February 2016.
- Borger, Julian (4 April 2011). "Lech Wałęsa: the man who 'never made a mistake' sees errors all around". The Guardian. London. Retrieved 25 February 2016.
- "Lech Wałęsa loses court case". The Budapest Times. 6 September 2010. Archived from the original on 3 March 2016. Retrieved 23 February 2016.
- Cenckiewicz, Sławomir; Gontarczyk, Piotr (2008). SB a Lech Wałęsa. Przyczynek do biografii [The SB and Lech Wałęsa: A Biographical Contribution] (in Polish). Gdańsk–Warszawa–Kraków: Instytut Pamieci Nardowej. ISBN 978-83-60464-74-8. LCCN 2009460072. OL 23626992M. Archived from the original on 7 March 2016.
- Puhl, Jan (23 June 2008). "'Positive Proof' Lech Wałęsa was a Communist Spy: Interview with Historian Slawomir Cenckiewicz". Der Spiegel. Retrieved 19 February 2016.
- Paterson, Tony (25 June 2008). "Lech Wałęsa fights claims that he was secret police informant". The Independent. London. Retrieved 20 February 2016.
- Boyes, Roger (25 June 2008). "Lech Wałęsa was a Communist spy, says new book". The Times. London. Retrieved 20 February 2016. (Subscription required (help)).
- Quetteville, Harry de (14 Jun 2008). "Lech Wałęsa was Communist spy, claims book". The Telegraph. London. Retrieved 20 February 2016.
- Easton, Adam (23 June 2008). "Walesa scorns collaboration claim". BBC World Service. Retrieved 20 February 2016.
- Kublik, Agnieszka; Czuchnowski, Wojciech (18 June 2008). "IPN Launching Hunt for Wałęsa". Gazeta Wyborcza. Retrieved 22 February 2016.
- Quetteville, Harry de (19 Jun 2008). "Lech Wałęsa denies allegations that he was a communist spy". The Telegraph. London. Archived from the original on 6 December 2015. Retrieved 22 February 2016.[dead link]
- Sobczyk, Martin M. (18 February 2016). "Poland State Archives Says Former President Walesa Was Communist Spy". The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved 22 February 2016.
- "New Book Claims Polish Icon Walesa Was Communist Spy". Deutsche Welle. 24 June 2008. Retrieved 23 February 2016.
- Scally, Derek (24 June 2008). "Walesa vows to sue authors over informer claims". The Irish Times. Dublin. Retrieved 23 February 2016.
- Staszewska, Joanna; Jones, Gareth; Lawrence, Janet (17 June 2008). "Polish book revives informer claims against Walesa". Reuters. Retrieved 23 February 2016.
- "Row over Lech Wałęsa's Alleged Collaboration with Communists Escalates," Wikinews, Friday, 20 June 2008.
- Szporer, Michael (Spring 2009). "Sławomir Cenckiewicz and Piotr Gontarczyk, SB a Lech Wałęsa: Przyczynek do biografii [The SB and Lech Wałęsa: A Contribution toward a Biography]". Journal of Cold War Studies. MIT Press. 11 (2): 119–121. ISSN 1520-3972. (Subscription required (help)).
- "Lech Wałęsa 'was paid Communist informant'". BBC World Service. 18 February 2016. Retrieved 18 February 2016.
- "Official statement on the inspection of the first batch of materials secured by the prosecutor of the IPN on 16 February 2016". Warsaw: Institute of National Remembrance. 18 February 2016. Archived from the original on 2016-02-24. Retrieved 18 February 2016.
- Berendt, Joanna (18 February 2016). "Lech Wałęsa Faces New Accusations of Communist Collaboration". The New York Times. Retrieved 19 February 2016.
- "Polish Prosecutors to Probe Secret Files on Lech Wałęsa". ABC News. Associated Press. 25 February 2016. Retrieved 26 February 2016.
- Scislowska, Monika (22 February 2016). "Polish state archive releases secret file on Lech Wałęsa". The Washington Post. Associated Press. Archived from the original on 2016-03-07. Retrieved 22 February 2016.
- Sobczyk, Martin M. (22 February 2016). "Poland's State Archives Releases Lech Wałęsa Documents". The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved 22 February 2016. (Subscription required (help)).
- "Old documents revive Poland's debate over Walesa's past". Associated Press. 17 February 2016. Retrieved 18 February 2016.
- Berendt, Joanna (22 February 2016). "Lech Wałęsa Files Made Public Despite Forgery Claims". The New York Times. Retrieved 23 February 2016.
- Easton, Adam (18 February 2016). "Informant claims unlikely to alter Polish view of Walesa". BBC World Service. Retrieved 22 February 2016.
- "Trzy podpisy Wałęsy". Gazeta Wyborcza (in Polish) (134). 8 June 1992. p. 3. Retrieved 26 February 2016. (Subscription required (help)).
- Wałęsa, Lech (1987). A Way of Hope. New-York: Henry Holt and Company. ISBN 0805006680. LCCN 87021194. OL 2391768M.
- Szporer, Michael (2012). Solidarity: The Great Workers Strike of 1980. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books. p. 148. ISBN 9780739174876. LCCN 2012014490. OL 25299438M.
- Zyzak, Paweł (March 2009). Lech Wałęsa. Idea i historia [Lech Wałęsa: Idea and History] (in Polish). Krakow: Arcana. ISBN 978-83-609-40-72-3. LCCN 2009460828. OL 23867915M.
- "Walesa threatens to leave Poland". BBC World Service. 30 March 2009. Retrieved 23 February 2016.
- Day, Matthew (30 March 2009). "Lech Wałęsa threatens to leave Poland and return Nobel peace prize over spy claims". The Telegraph. London. Retrieved 24 February 2016.
- Day, Matt (17 February 2008). "Nobel Peace Prize winner accused of being informant for Poland's secret police". The Telegraph. London. Retrieved 25 February 2016.
- Scislowska, Monika (19 February 2016). "Ex-Polish president Walesa denies he was a paid informant". Associated Press. Retrieved 22 February 2016.
- Skłodowski, Tomasz (20 February 2016). "Lech Wałęsa znów zmienia wersję ws. podpisu w dokumentach SB. "Obiecał, że papiery wrócą do mnie"". Kurier Lubelski (in Polish). Retrieved 22 February 2016.
- Stankiewicz, Andrzej (20 February 2016). "Lech Wałęsa, niewolnik "Bolka"". Rzeczpospolita (in Polish). Retrieved 23 February 2016.
- Barber, Tony (5 June 1994). "Abortion becomes test of power for Walesa". The Independent. London. Retrieved 26 February 2016.
- "Walesa Signs Law Sharply Restricting Abortions". The New York Times. 16 February 1993. Retrieved 26 February 2016.
- Murphy, Dean E. (3 September 1994). "Poland's Strict Abortion Law Survives Challenge: Legislators fail to override President Walesa's veto of bill easing limits on women's access to the procedure". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved 26 February 2016.
- "Walesa declines Lithuanian honour". Radio Poland. 7 September 2011.
- "Poland and Germany should unite, says Lech Wałęsa". telegraph.co.uk.
- Masters, Sam (3 March 2013). "Lech Wałęsa: activist, electrician, president, Nobel Peace Prize winner... homophobe?". The Independent. London. Retrieved 26 February 2016.
- Leszkowicz, Dagmara; Strybel, Rob (3 March 2013). "Poland's Walesa provokes outrage with anti-gay comments". Reuters. Retrieved 26 February 2016.
- "Lech Wałęsa accused of hate speech after gay rights criticism". The Guardian. London. Associated Press. 3 March 2013. Retrieved 26 February 2016.
- Day, Matthew (6 March 2013). "Lech Wałęsa: No apology for anti-gay comments". CNN. Retrieved 26 February 2016.
- "Walesa says gays are sick". Windy City Times. 9 August 2000. Retrieved 26 February 2016.
- "Under surveillance". The Advocate (681). 16 May 1995. p. 14.
- "San Francisco renames Lech Wałęsa Street in wake of Polish leader's anti-gay remarks". San Jose Mercury News. Bay City News. 30 July 2014. Retrieved 26 February 2016.
- Gera, Vanessa (3 March 2013). "Lech Wałęsa Shocks Poland With Anti-Gay Words". The Huffington Post. Associated Press. Archived from the original on 6 March 2013. Retrieved 26 February 2016.
- "Lech Wałęsa – Biographical". Nobel Foundation. Oslo. 5 October 1983. Retrieved 27 February 2016.
- Maslikowski, Dominika (9 September 2011). "Walesa rejects Lithuanian honor, cites treatment of Polish minority". Charleston Gazette-Mail. Associated Press. Retrieved 27 February 2016.
- "Profile: Lech Wałęsa". BBC World Service. 25 November 2004. Retrieved 27 February 2016.
- "Polish MP wants referendum over airport named after Wałęsa". Radio Poland. 23 February 2016. Retrieved 27 February 2016.
- Simonette, Matt (14 April 2014). "NEIU faculty, students ask for renaming of Walesa building". Windy City Times. Chicago. Retrieved 27 February 2016.
- "Lech Wałęsa, Man of the Year". Time. 4 January 1982. Retrieved 27 February 2016.
- "Lech Wałęsa receives honorary ITKF black belt: Media release". International Traditional Karate Federation. 10 October 2009. Retrieved 27 February 2016.
- "Lech Wałęsa". National Constitution Center. 4 July 1989. Retrieved 27 February 2016.
- Dowd, Maureen (14 November 1989). "Solidarity's Envoy: Bush Give Walesa Medal of Freedom". The New York Times. Retrieved 27 February 2016.
- "History: Art & Archives: U.S. House of Representatives: "Fast Facts"". United States House of Representatives. Retrieved 27 February 2016.
- "Founder: Current Activity". Warsaw: Lech Wałęsa Institute. 24 March 2014. Archived from the original on 26 March 2016. Retrieved 27 February 2016.
- Walesa. Czlowiek z nadziei on IMDb
- Czlowiek z zelaza on IMDb
- "Warners Plans Major Film on Lech Wałęsa". Los Angeles Times. United Press International. 4 December 1989. Retrieved 1 March 2016.
- "Million Dollar Story". Orlando Sentinel. 12 January 1990. Retrieved 1 March 2016.
- "Walesa Didn't Pay Polish Taxes on $1 Million From Warner Bros". Associated Press. 16 November 1995. Retrieved 29 February 2016.
- Easter, Gerald M. (2012). Capital, Coercion, and Postcommunist States. Cornell University Press. p. 157. ISBN 9780801465277.
- Fields, Gaylord (7 May 2012). "New Year's Day". Rolling Stone. Retrieved 29 February 2016.
- Big Cyc (1991). Nie Wierzcie Elektrykom. [CD] Poland: Polskie Nagrania Muza.
- Bullock, Ken (24 September 2009). "SF Cabaret Opera Premieres 'Solidarity'". Berkeley Daily Planet. Retrieved 29 February 2016.
- Sławomir Cenckiewicz, Wałęsa: Człowiek z teczki (Wałęsa: The Man in the File), Zysk i S-ka (Zysk and Company), 2013, ISBN 978-83-7785-356-6.
- Katarzyna Szewczuk, "Wałęsa był szantażowany przez bezpiekę" ("Wałęsa Was Blackmailed by Security", an interview with Professor Sławomir Cenckiewicz), Gwiazda Polarna, vol. 108, no. 5 (4 March 2017), pp. 7–8.
|Wikimedia Commons has media related to Lech Wałęsa.|
- Official website of Lech Wałęsa Institute
- Official profile on Facebook
- Polish Solidarity union leader Lech Walesa addresses joint meeting of the U.S. Congress
| President of Poland