Open main menu

The English Defence League (EDL) is a far-right, Islamophobic organisation in the United Kingdom. A social movement and pressure group that employs street demonstrations as its main tactic, the EDL presents itself as a single-issue movement opposed to Islamism and Islamic extremism, although its rhetoric and actions target Islam and Muslims more widely. Founded in 2009, its heyday lasted until 2011, after which it entered a decline. It is presently chaired by Tim Ablitt.

English Defence League
EDL LOG Aug 2011.jpg
MottoIn hoc signo vinces (in this sign you will conquer)
Formation27 June 2009; 9 years ago (2009-06-27)
  • Originated in Luton, England
LeaderTim Ablitt[8]
Key people

Established in London, the EDL coalesced around several football hooligan firms protesting the public presence of the small Salafi Islamist group Ahlus Sunnah wal Jamaah in Luton, Bedfordshire. Tommy Robinson, a former member of the British National Party (BNP), soon became its de facto leader. The organisation grew swiftly, holding demonstrations across England and often clashing with anti-fascist protesters from Unite Against Fascism and other groups, who deemed it a racist organisation victimising British Muslims. The EDL also established a strong social media presence on Facebook and YouTube. Moving towards electoral politics, it established formal links with the far-right British Freedom Party, a breakaway from the BNP. The EDL's reputation was damaged in 2011 after supporters were convicted of plotting to bomb mosques and links were revealed with Norwegian far-right terrorist Anders Breivik. In 2013 Robinson—supported by the Quilliam think tank—left the group; he claimed it had become too extreme, and established the rival Pegida UK. The group's membership declined significantly following Robinson's departure and various branches declared independence.

Ideologically on the extreme-right or far-right of British politics, the EDL is part of the international counter-jihad movement. Officially, it presents itself as being opposed to Islamism, Islamic extremism, and jihadism, although its rhetoric repeatedly conflates these with Islam and Muslims more broadly. Rejecting the idea that Muslims can truly be English, the EDL presents Islam as an intolerant, primitive threat seeking to take over Europe. Political scientists and other commentators have characterised this Islamophobic stance as culturally racist. Both online and at its events, EDL members have incited violence against Muslims, with supporters carrying out violent acts both at demonstrations and independently. The EDL's broader ideology features nationalism and populism, blaming a perceived decline in English culture on high immigration rates and an uncaring political elite. It distinguished itself from Britain's traditional far-right by rejecting biological racism, anti-Semitism, and homophobia. Although several of its leaders were previously involved in fascist organisations and some neo-Nazis and other fascists attended EDL events, commentators differ on whether the EDL itself is ideologically fascist or not.

Headed by a small leadership team, the EDL sub-divided into over 90 local and thematic divisions, each with considerable autonomy. Its support base consisted primarily of young, working-class white British men, some from established far-right and football hooligan subcultures. Polls indicated that most UK citizens opposed the EDL, and the group was repeatedly challenged by anti-fascist groups. Many local councils and police forces discouraged EDL marches, citing the high financial cost of policing them, the disruptive influence on community harmony, and the damage caused to counter-terrorism operations.



In the early 21st century, Muslims were Britain's second largest and fastest growing religious group; according to the 2011 census, 2.7 million people in England and Wales described themselves as Muslim, representing 4.8% of the total population.[12] At the same time, Muslims became the main scapegoat for far-right groups across Western society.[13] In Britain, this was partly because prejudices against Jews and Afro-Caribbean people—both communities the far-right previously used as social scapegoats—were increasingly socially unacceptable.[14] In the latter half of the 20th century, most British Muslims were of South Asian heritage. When they faced racist abuse, such as "Paki-bashing", it was usually because of their racial background, rather than their religious belief. By the 21st century, British Muslims were increasingly targeted because they were Muslim, including by members of other ethnic minorities in the country.[15]

The fascist British National Party (BNP) was most successful at exploiting growing hostility against Muslims. It launched an overtly anti-Muslim campaign in 2000, which gained momentum after Salafi jihadi Muslims perpetrated the 2001 September 11 attacks in the United States and then the 7 July 2005 London bombings. This resulted in growing electoral success for the BNP: it secured a seat on the London Assembly in 2008 and two seats at the European Parliament in 2010.[16] By 2011, this support had declined, with the party losing many of its local council seats.[17] However, as noted by the political scientist Chris Allen, the BNP had "extended the frontier of the far right in British politics", creating an environment on which the English Defence League would later capitalise.[18]

Foundation: 2009

The EDL's first protest took place outside of the East London Mosque in Whitechapel in June 2009

The town of Luton in Bedfordshire—which had a Muslim population of around 18%—had a history of radical Islamist recruitment.[19] On 10 March 2009, the small, extreme British Salafi Islamist group Ahlus Sunnah wal Jamaah demonstrated in the town to protest against the Royal Anglian Regiment's homecoming parade following the latter's posting in Afghanistan.[20] The demonstration was a deliberately provocative publicity stunt, and had been disowned by representatives from Luton's Islamic communities.[2] Protesters held signs stating "Anglian Soldiers: Butchers of Basra", "Anglian Soldiers: Cowards, Killers, Extremists", and "British Government Terrorist Government".[21] The small protest attracted media attention, generating anger that the authorities had given the demonstration permission and police protection.[21]

A former regiment member, James Yeomans, organised a counter-protest called "Respect Our Troops" for 28 March.[22] After local anti-Islamist blogger Paul "Lionheart" Ray publicised the event online, various self-described "anti-jihadist" far-right groups emerging from the football hooligan firm scene—including the Welsh Defence League (WDL) and the March for England (MfE)—announced their intention to attend.[23] Fearing the far-right would hijack his event, Yeomans cancelled it.[24] In its place, Ray organised an "anti-jihadist" march for St. George's Day, led by the newly founded United People of Luton (UPL), although this was broken up by police. The UPL organised a second demonstration for 24 May, titled "Ban the Terrorists": this again resulted in disorder, with police making several arrests.[25] A related group was Casuals United, founded by established football hooligan Jeff Marsh:[26] their website used the tagline "One Nation, One Enemy, One Firm", reflecting the group's desire to unite rival football firms in opposition to what it called the "Islamification" of Britain.[27]

Tommy Robinson (pictured in 2018) became de facto leader of the EDL shortly after its formation

It was from this environment that the English Defence League was officially formed on 27 June 2009.[28] Ray claimed to have been its founder, describing how the EDL united the UPL with other "anti-jihadist" groups from around England.[29] Its creation reflected what Roger Eatwell termed "cumulative extremism", whereby the "activities of one extremist group trigger the formation of another".[30] The EDL took its name from that of the Welsh Defence League; its founders also considered the name "British Defence League", but rejected this as being too similar to that of the British National Party.[31] The EDL's foundation was accompanied by an impromptu protest outside the East London Mosque in Whitechapel, which police quickly dispersed.[32] The following week the group picketed an event in Wood Green, North London organised by Salafi Islamist preacher Anjem Choudary and his Islam4UK group.[33] Its first major public appearance to attract attention was in August, when the EDL and Casuals United held a joint protest in Birmingham prompted by Ahlus Sunnah wal Jamaah's conversion of an eleven-year-old white boy in that city.[34] Ray distanced himself from that event, arguing that the chosen date—8 August—was a deliberate reference to 88, a code for HH (Heil Hitler), in neo-Nazi circles.[35]

Not long after the group's formation, Ray formed a sub-group, the St. George Division; this broke from the EDL soon after, when Ray emigrated.[36] This left the way for Tommy Robinson to become the EDL's de facto leader.[36] A former BNP member with multiple criminal convictions for assault,[37] Robinson's real name is Stephen Yaxley-Lennon; the pseudonym was borrowed from the head of a Luton football hooligan firm who had written several books about hooliganism.[38] Robinson was clearly spoken, articulate and able to present his views in an assured and eloquent way during television interviews and other encounters with the media.[39] According to the political scientist Joel Busher, Robinson was "a high-energy, fast-talking, all action character whose combination of swagger, self-deprecation and derring-do helped make him a popular figurehead within the movement."[40] Ray was critical of his successor, and—from his new base in Malta—posted videos to YouTube in which he threatened to retake control of the EDL. These threats came to nothing.[41]

Robinson's right-hand man was his cousin, Kevin Carroll, also a former BNP member with a criminal conviction;[42] Carroll was the first of the pair to attract national attention, appearing on the BBC documentary Young, British and Angry.[40] Another senior member was the multimillionaire IT consultant and fundamentalist Christian Alan Ayling, who used the pseudonym Alan Lake;[43] allegations have been made, but not substantiated, that Lake was the group's primary financier, providing it with millions of pounds.[44][45] Lake never become a visible figure in the movement and few members knew his name;[46] it was at Lake's flat in London's Barbican area, however, where Ray, Robinson, and Ann Marchini had discussed the EDL's formation in May 2009.[47]

Growth: 2010–2013

If it were not for the inaction of the government in dealing properly with this form of Islamic fascism, there would be no need for groups such as The English Defence League, Welsh Defence League, Scottish Defence League and Ulster Defence League to counter this threat on the streets and on-line … Our movement is purely set up to pressure whatever government we have in power to deal with this menace and undo all the damage caused by apathy and appeasement.

— Statement on the EDL website[48]

Following the BNP's decline as a serious electoral force,[49] the EDL's profile rose dramatically.[27] The group portrayed itself as a necessary response to public frustration at the government's inaction in dealing with what the EDL initially termed "extremist Muslim preachers and organisations".[27] It claimed that Englishness had been marginalised throughout England, as evidence citing the fact that some state schools only supplied halal meat in their meals, that some schools had stopped celebrating Nativity plays at Christmas time, and that some local authorities had ceased flying the flag of St George.[27]

The EDL focused on organising demonstrations: between 2009 and 2015, it held an average of between ten and fifteen demonstrations per year, attracting crowds of between 100 and 3000.[50] It faced opposition from anti-fascist groups and media commentators, who described it as a "racist", "far right", and "extreme right" outfit, terms rejected by the group.[40] Most notable among the anti-fascist groups organising counter-protests was Unite Against Fascism,[51] while Islamic groups sometimes also held counter-protests.[52] In turn, the EDL targeted left-wing groups.[53] In December 2010, Robinson threatened action against student anti-fee protesters, while in 2011 the EDL harassed Occupy anti-capitalist protesters in London.[53] During the 2011 England riots, contingents of EDL members mobilised in largely white areas of Outer London, such as Enfield and Eltham, claiming that they were there to "defend" them from rioters.[54] These also resulted in clashes with police,[55] and in one incident EDL members attacked a bus primarily carrying black youths.[56]

From its origins, the EDL built a strong presence online;[57] by mid-2011, the EDL's Facebook group had 90,000 members.[42] Most local branches also had their own Facebook pages.[58] In March 2010 it launched the first of its specialist divisions, the LGBT Division, after realising that gay individuals had attended its events but not under a unified banner.[59] This was followed in May by the launch of its Jewish Division.[59] In January 2012, Robinson expressed a wish to expand the EDL into a wider European Defence League.[60]

Tommy Robinson (centre-right, in the light coloured jacket) with other EDL members on a visit to Amsterdam

The EDL began to lose momentum in 2011.[61] Various factors contributed to this, including regional rivalries between divisions, a resurgence of sectarian enmities between rival football firms, and personal squabbles.[61] By early 2011, several divisions in northern England were referring to themselves as "the Infidels", expressing an increasingly separate identity from the EDL.[62] Several of the northern groups expressed support for a former EDL regional organiser, John "Snowy" Shaw, who had accused Robinson and Carroll of financial impropriety.[63] At a February 2011 EDL rally in Blackburn, Shaw's supporters violently clashed with Robinson's;[64] Robinson fought with a fellow member at the rally, resulting in a September 2011 conviction for assault.[65] Robinson's criminal record prevented him from entering the US, but in September 2011 he sought to do so illegally by using someone else's passport. He was caught and returned to Britain; in January 2013 he was convicted of breaching the Identity Documents Act 2010 and imprisoned for ten months.[66][67] Robinson's imprisonment coincided with Carroll's bail conditions which legally barred him from contacting fellow EDL members; this left the organisation without its co-leaders for part of 2012.[68]

The EDL was further damaged after it was revealed that it had links to Anders Breivik, the Norwegian far-right activist who carried out a series of bombing and shooting attacks in July 2011, killing 77 people. He was affiliated with the EDL's Norwegian sister organisation, the Norwegian Defence League, and stated that he had "more than 600 EDL members as Facebook friends and have spoken with tens [sic] of EDL members and leaders".[69] Breivik described EDL co-founder Ray as his "mentor",[42] having been in communication with him since 2002.[70] Four months before his attack, Breivik posted on the EDL website, describing them as an "inspiration" and "a blessing to all in Europe".[71] Online, he described having attended an EDL rally in Bradford.[72] Robinson denied any EDL links with Breivik and deplored the killings;[73][74] however, after Breivik was convicted, some EDL members praised his actions.[75] In July 2011, Interpol requested Maltese police investigate Ray due to his links with Breivik;[76][77][78] he too condemned the killings, calling them "pure evil".[76] In December 2011, two EDL supporters—one a serving soldier in the British military—were convicted of plotting to bomb a mosque in Stoke-on-Trent.[79][80]

Building political links

The flag of St George displayed at an EDL demonstration in Newcastle in 2010

The EDL developed links with the British Freedom Party (BFP), a BNP breakaway founded in October 2010. The BFP was led by Eddy Butler, who had previously made an unsuccessful attempt to oust the BNP leader Nick Griffin.[79] The BFP wanted to move closer to mainstream politics by de-emphasizing the BNP's biological racism and imitating continental European right-wing groups like the Dutch Party for Freedom.[81] In May 2012, it was announced that Robinson and Carroll would join the BFP's executive council as joint vice chairs, cementing links between the BFP and the EDL.[82] Robinson soon resigned from this position, citing a desire to focus on the EDL, although critics suggested that this may have been to shield the BFP from criminal proceedings he then faced.[83]

In 2012, Carroll stood for election in the Police and Crime Commissioner elections.[68] In January 2013, he took charge of the BFP after its leader, Paul Weston, resigned.[83] The BFP did poorly at a series of local elections, failing to gain sufficient votes to have its deposits returned; its failure to correctly register led to the Electoral Commission deregistering it.[83] Among the EDL grassroots, there had been much opposition to association with the BFP; many feared that it would damage the EDL's reputation or stressed their desire to be part of a street movement rather than a political party.[84] The EDL subsequently established links with another BNP breakaway group; in February 2013, it provided a security force for an event by the far-right British Democratic Party (BDP), which was founded by Andrew Brons, who had previously represented the BNP at the European Parliament.[85]

Decline: 2013–present

By early 2013, commentators believed that the EDL had entered a decline, reflected in the decreasing numbers attending its events, Robinson's imprisonment, and its failure to enter electoral politics.[49] Groups which had closely allied to the EDL, such as Casuals United and March for England, were reasserting their individual identities.[61] Splinter groups appeared, among them the North West Infidels, North East Infidels, South East Alliance and Combined Ex-Forces.[86] Some of these, such as the North West Infidels and South East Alliance, adopted more extreme perspectives, cooperating with the fascist National Front and making reference to the white supremacist 14 words slogan on their social media.[61] Other activists moved away from the EDL to focus on campaigning for Brexit, the UK's exit from the European Union.[61] It is possible that the electoral growth of the right-wing UK Independence Party (UKIP) in this period also contributed to the EDL's decline, with many EDL supporters finding it easier to vote for UKIP than physically attend EDL events.[87] In April 2013, the EDL leadership requested that members use tactical voting to benefit UKIP; the latter responded by distancing itself from the EDL.[88]

The North West Infidels at an EDL rally; this was one of the splinter groups which emerged from the EDL as it fragmented

The EDL experienced a brief resurgence in its fortunes after Islamist militants killed the British Army soldier Lee Rigby in southeast London in May 2013.[89] The group tripled its number of Facebook followers in the 24 hours after the incident,[90] and organised several flash demonstrations.[85] At one such event, Robinson told members that "What you saw today [i.e. Rigby's killing] is Islam. Everyone's had enough."[90] On 27 May, the EDL held a demonstration in central London that attracted a thousand participants;[39] another, held in central Birmingham in July, attracted several hundred.[39]

On 8 October 2013, Robinson and Carroll announced that they were leaving the EDL following meetings with the think tank Quilliam. Robinson said that street protests were "no longer effective" and "acknowledged the dangers of far-right extremism". He stated his intention to continue to combat extremism by forming a new party. Both Robinson and Carroll had been taking lessons in Islam from a Quilliam member, Usama Hasan, and stated their intent to train in lobbying institutions.[91][92][93] Quilliam had given Robinson £8000 to facilitate his departure;[94] it hoped that in doing so it would "decapitate" the EDL.[95] Robinson's departure generated much anger among the grassroots, many of whom came to regard him as a traitor.[96] A meeting of the group's regional organisers led to the EDL's adoption of a new system of collective leadership, through which the 19 regional organisers formed a governing committee with a rotating chair.[97] The first to take on this role was Tim Ablitt;[98][99] in February 2014 he was succeeded by Steve Eddowes;[97] and in December 2015 by Ian Crossland, with the grassroots having been given a voice in his selection through an online vote.[100]

Although the EDL had declined, the sentiments feeding it—especially anger at immigration and Islam—remained widespread in white working-class communities across Britain.[101] Other far-right groups emerged to claim the space in British society that it left vacant, often utilising the EDL's tactics.[102] Britain First sought to court disenchanted EDL members,[97] although the two far-right groups were mutually hostile.[103] Like the EDL, Britain First utilised street protests, organising what it called "Christian patrols" through areas with Islamic communities,[61] as well as "mosque invasions" in which members marched into mosques to disrupt proceedings.[104] In December 2015, Robinson launched another anti-Islam street movement, Pegida UK, with fellow far-right activist Anne Marie Waters; his hope was to imitate the successes of the German Pegida movement.[105]


Political scientists identified the EDL as existing on the far-right of the left–right political spectrum.[1] Some academics used the terms "right-wing extremism",[106] and "extreme right" to characterise it,[107] while the sociologist Kevin Braouezec described it as one of the "new far-right extremist movements".[108] In various respects, it resembled other far-right groups,[109] particularly those that emerged across Europe in the early 21st century.[110] As noted by Chris Allen, the EDL is nevertheless "not a direct product of the traditional far-right milieu" in Britain,[111] differing from other groups in its willingness to reach out to communities that the far-right historically discriminates against, namely Jews, people of colour, and LGBT people.[109] The criminologists James Treadwell and Jon Garland suggested that the EDL reflected "both a continuation of and a departure from traditional far-right activity",[112] while Paul Jackson—a historian of the far-right—referred to it as part of the "new far right", a movement that presents itself as being more moderate than older far-right groups.[113]

[D]espite its claims to the contrary, there is much prima face evidence to place the EDL on the more radical fringes of the political right. This ranges from its populist, nationalist agenda; to its condemnation of leftwing figures on its various blogs and websites; to its strong associations with the US Tea Party movement; to its support for international far right figures, such as Geert Wilders. Moreover[…], key EDL figures, such as Steven Yaxley‐Lennon and Kevin Carroll, have historic links with the British National Party (BNP). Finally[…], extreme right‐wing movements, such as the Aryan Strike Force, have found the EDL a useful host organisation.

— Historian of the far right Paul Jackson[114]

Ideologically, the EDL was not wholly clear; it had no specific policies, goals, or manifesto, and no intellectual vanguard to lead it.[115]The political scientist Julian Richards suggested that one of the reasons that the EDL should be categorised as far-right was because of how many of its members acted, in contrast to what the group officially stated in its public pronouncements.[116] He observed that "There is no doubt that a considerable number of people with basic Far Right sentiments, including a general dislike of foreigners and ethnic minorities and a sympathy for Nazi movements and ideas can be found in and around the EDL."[116] From its early days, members of far-right political parties like the NF and BNP attended the EDL's demonstrations,[117] while a 2011 survey found that more EDL members intended to vote BNP than for any other party.[118] Although concurring that the EDL was ideologically far-right, the political scientists George Kassimeris and Leonie Jackson cautioned against blurring "the official ideology" of the EDL with the views of its supporters.[119]

The EDL disavows the label "far-right",[120] as do many other groups within the "counter-jihad" movement.[121] On its website, the EDL described itself as "non-political, taking no position on right-wing vs. left-wing. We welcome members from all over the political spectrum, and with varying views on foreign policy, united against Islamic extremism and its influence on British life."[122] Its online material nevertheless often condemns left-wingers,[114] and members regularly complain about "stupid lefties" who disagree with the EDL's views.[123] When examining the EDL's public statements, Jackson cautioned against automatically taking them at face value; as he noted, far-right groups typically present "front stage" messages for public consumption which conceal more aggressive views that are expressed in private.[124]

The EDL has also been characterised as being populist in ideology because of its claims to represent "ordinary people" against the liberal elites which it accuses of controlling the country.[125] Research suggests that many EDL supporters bore more hatred for mainstream politicians than for Muslims.[126] After her fieldwork with the group, the ethnographer Hilary Pilkington suggested that rather than referring to them as "far right", the EDL would be better classified as being part of the "populist radical right", a term earlier developed by the political scientist Cas Mudde.[127] Based on their research among EDL members, Simon Winlow, Steve Hall and James Treadwell argued that the EDL should also be seen "unequivocally, [as] a working-class political movement" due to the makeup of its membership.[128] In addition, they observed that it was "a fringe political group cut adrift from mainstream politics".[129]

Anti-Islamism and Islamophobia

Despite its fragile and sporadic existence, [the EDL] maintains core principles founded on a dissatisfaction with immigration policies and a desire to mobilise against the spread of what it sees as the hostile alien culture of radical Islamism. It hopes to defend the interests of the native population from the perceived threats posed by immigrants, multiculturalism and what it imagines to be the growing power and paramilitary forms of the Muslim faith in England.

— Simon Winlow, Steve Hall and James Treadwell on the EDL[130]

The EDL is part of a broader self-described international "counter-jihad" movement.[131] The political scientist Hilary Aked defined counter-jihadism as "a section of the far-right distinguished by its hostility to migrants, Muslims and Islam."[132] Another political scientist, Matthew Goodwin, noted that the counter-jihad movement was "united by their belief that Islam and Muslims are posing a fundamental threat to the resources, identities and even survival of Western states", and that counter-jihad groups were "more confrontational, chaotic and unpredictable than traditional anti-immigrant and ethnic nationalist movements in Western democracies".[133]

Pilkington characterised the EDL as an "anti-Islamist movement",[3] although noted that "there is slippage at movement level, and among individual supporters, into a broader anti-Islam or anti-Muslim position".[134] Officially, the EDL stated it only opposed certain types of Islam and certain types of Muslim,[135] being against the "Islamic extremist" but not the "ordinary Muslim",[136] a distinction also drawn by many of its activists.[137] However, the EDL's rhetoric regularly failed to make this distinction.[138] On its website, the two are often conflated: a 2011 article stated that "The sheer number of cases of Islamic extremism should suggest... that the problem should not be seen as being with a sub-sect of Islam that no one can really define... but as a problem with Islam itself."[139] It is likely that many who encountered the EDL's rhetoric were not able to appreciate a distinction between different interpretations of Islam,[135] and research among the group's grassroots found that many did not do so.[140]

The EDL's discourse constructed a binary division between Western culture and Islamic culture, the former presented as tolerant and progressive and the latter as intolerant and backward.[141] Islam is perceived as being anachronistic, having failed to adapt to the modern world;[142] EDL members regularly referred to it as an "ideology" or a "cult" rather than a "religion."[143] Like other right-wing populists across Europe, the EDL present Muslims as being intrinsically culturally incompatible, and threatening, to European societies, [107] evoking Samuel P. Huntington's notion of the Clash of Civilizations,[48] as well as the idea of Salafi Islamist militant groups such as Al Qaeda that the Western and Islamic worlds are fundamentally at conflict.[48] Although the EDL promotes a multi-racial concept of the English nation, its rhetoric explicitly distinguishes Muslims as being apart from this national group.[144] For the EDL, a Muslim cannot be truly English,[145] and the idea of an English Muslim or a British Muslim identity is not considered acceptable.[146]

Islam is not just a religious system, but a political and social ideology that seeks to dominate all non‐believers and impose a harsh legal system that rejects democratic accountability and human rights. It runs counter to all that we hold dear within our British liberal democracy.

— In the EDL mission statement[145]

EDL members characterised Islam as a threat to Western culture, presenting it as a misogynistic, homophobic, and dangerous force,[147] one which is discriminatory, intolerant, and hateful towards non-Muslims.[148] Muslims are associated in EDL discourse not just with the oppression of women, Jews, and gay people, but also with terrorism, rape, paedophilia, and incest.[141] The caricature of the Muslim in the EDL's discourse was similar to the anti-Semitic caricature of the Jew promoted in Nazi Germany.[149] The EDL consistently associated Muslims with negative behaviour and blamed this upon Islam itself, selectively identifying passages from the Qur'an which it claimed Muslims use to justify their anti-social and criminal behaviour.[150] The EDL's Facebook page shared news stories which depicted Muslims negatively,[151] while EDL members often engaged in confirmation bias, believing any negative claims about Muslims they encounter—whether true or not—that fit within their pre-accepted worldview in which Muslims are seen as inherently immoral and dangerous.[149]

EDL members believed that Muslims always protected their own while viewing non-Muslims as fair game for abuse and exploitation.[152] EDL supporters thought Muslims failed to respect non-Muslims, regarding them only as "infidels";[153] in turn, various EDL figures referred to themselves as "infidels" and the term was emblazoned on some EDL merchandise.[154] Various EDL members recalled incidents in which Muslims had been disrespectful towards them or to British and English culture. For instance, members cited instances in which Islamists burned remembrance poppies in protest at British military activities abroad; for the EDL, this was incredibly disrespectful toward the British people.[153] Other EDL members described more personal encounters; one woman described painting St George's flag on her face in preparation for an England football match, but being barred from boarding a bus by its Muslim driver who claimed that her display of the flag offended him. For her, this event was a catalyst for joining the EDL.[155]

Islamophobia and cultural racism

The English Defence League employed a culturally racist discourse of Islamophobia. Racist discourse construction involves the demarcation of an in-group and an out-group, where the in-group considers itself superior and claims the right to decide who can belong, and the out-group is represented as threatening its privileges and position. EDL discourse performed this function by racialising Muslim culture as the source of Muslim behaviour and conferring the role of arbiters of acceptability to culturally superior non-Muslims.

— Political scientists George Kassimeris and Leonie Jackson[156]

Although there is little consensus as to how Islamophobia should be defined,[157] a range of scholars who have studied the EDL have characterised it as an Islamophobic organisation.[4] Allen noted that "The EDL is creating and perpetuating meanings about Muslims and Islam, whether real or imaginary, accurate or inaccurate, representative or misrepresentative, that are clearly ideologically Islamophobic."[135] As he noted, the EDL's presentation of all Muslims without distinction as the "irrefutable Other" was "clearly Islamophobic".[109] Similarly, Kassimeris and Jackson stated that in presenting non-Muslims as the "in-group" and Muslims as the "out-group" and then trying to "exclude Muslims from the national community" in Britain, the EDL were Islamophobic.[158]

The EDL rejected the idea that it is Islamophobic.[159] In a statement it declared that "the English Defence League do not 'fear' Islam, we do not have a 'phobia' about Islam, we just realise the very serious threat it poses".[160] In defining Islamophobia as a phobia or an affected prejudice—a definition rejected by the majority of academics and activists employing the term—the EDL sought to dismiss the concept as nonsense.[161] On its website, it stated that the biggest threat to Muslims is not "Islamophobia" but the "extremism that thrives in the Muslim community" itself, including "the embrace of violent and anti-democratic means, the intolerance, the separatism, the attacks on homosexuals and Jews, the hatred of 'the West', and the continued hosting of radical preachers."[162]

Various political scientists and other academic observers describe the EDL's Islamophobia as a form of cultural racism,[163] or the "new racism" described by Martin Baker in the early 1980s.[164] This emphasis on cultural racism—which entails stereotyping a group on the basis of cultural (as opposed to biological) features and presenting them as having a "culturally 'fixed' set of values" which are dangerous, inferior, and diametrically opposed to the cultural values of "the national community"—was a recurring trait among many of the "new far right" groups active in Europe, and differentiated them from earlier far right groups which tended to adopt biological racism.[14] The EDL rejected the idea that its stance on Muslims could be racist, stating that "Islam is not a race".[61] Conversely, EDL members have referred to Muslims as racist; one member was quoted as saying: "people say we're racist but, when you think about it, they're [i.e. Muslims] the ones that's racist. They're killing white people just because they're white. They're killing Christians because they're Christian. It's them that's declared a holy war. We are just reacting."[165]

Hatred of Muslims

Following their fieldwork among EDL supporters, Winlow, Hall and Treadwell noted that all those whom they had encountered expressed hatred of Muslims.[126] Many placed this hatred in relation to local issues and personal experiences; for instance, EDL members regarded being poorly treated by an Asian shopkeeper as evidence that Muslims intrinsically hate the white working-class.[166] Instances when Muslims have been friendly toward them are treated as evidence that Muslims are conniving, appearing friendly to white non-Muslims so as to catch them off guard.[152] EDL members expressed anger at what they perceived as Muslims' wealth—contrasting it to their own strained economic situation—and the fact that Muslim migrants received council housing and benefits which EDL members believed they had not earned;[167] EDL members commonly believed that the welfare system should only be available for native Britons and not migrants.[168] EDL supporters criticised the perceived ruthless entrepreneurship of Muslims, including the way that they profited off of the white working-class through charging high prices in their shops, also alleging that Muslims regularly avoided paying tax and helped other Muslims advance over white Britons.[169] EDL members expressed anger at perceived Muslim involvement in drug dealing and other crimes impacting their communities;[170] for many, the intimidating presence of Muslim gangs in their local area was seen as a more direct issue than Islamic terrorism.[171]

An EDL march in Newcastle, 2017

A topic of particular anger was the role of men from Muslim backgrounds in grooming gangs largely targeting underage white girls.[172] For instance, in highlighting that men from Islamic backgrounds were disproportionately represented in the Rochdale and West Midlands child sex grooming scandals, the EDL claimed these men found justification for their actions in Qur'anic references to non-Muslims being inferior and thus acceptable targets.[173] They also believed that Muslims legitimated such actions by reference to the fact that Islam's founder, Muhammad, married one of his wives, Aisha, when she was a child.[174] Such claims were made despite the absence of evidence that these sex offenders claimed "Islamic supremacism" as justification for their actions; it also ignores the fact that according to Crown Prosecution Service figures, 85% of UK sex offenders are white men.[139] When white sex offenders were exposed, EDL members were still angry but regarded the perpetrator's ethnicity or religion as irrelevant, a firm contrast to their response when the perpetrators were of Muslim background.[175] Some EDL members believed that white sex offenders were treated more harshly than their Muslim counterparts; one contrasted how Jimmy Savile was publicly reviled while Muhammad—whom EDL members typically considered a paedophile due to his marriage to Aisha—was revered.[148]

Online, supporters expressed comments that were derogatory of Islam like "Islam is a sick vile evil primitive barbaric cult that needs wiping from the earth."[176] Fieldwork among EDL members found many derogatory comments about Muslims; one member was quoted as stating that "They can't live like us cos they are not evolved for it, they are simple, made for backward villages in the mountain where they can sit around eating stinking curries and raping chickens."[177] On the EDL's social media, many supporters incited violence against Muslims: "we need to kill", "time to get violent", "Kill any muslim u see [sic]", "Kill the curry munching bastards", and "Petrol bomb your nearest mosque".[147] Chants during rallies included "We hate all Muslims",[39] "Die, Muslim, die",[39] "Give me a gun and I'll shoot the Muzzie scum",[178] "I hate Pakis more than you",[158] and "Burn our poppies and we'll burn your mosques".[179] Such sentiments also came from its ethnic minority supporters; Guramit Singh, the head of the EDL's Sikh Division, stated that Muslims will end up "burning in fucking hell",[180] and expressed the opinion that "I fucking hate the Pakis. India needs to go to war with Pakistan."[181]

Views on terrorism, extremism, and shariah

For the EDL, the construction of mosques in Britain (Birmingham Central Mosque pictured) reflects a desire by Muslims to dominate the country[182]

The EDL claimed that Britain's Muslims fail to speak out against Islamic extremism and thus implicitly support it.[183] It also alleged that British Muslims spend more time complaining about discrimination and attacking critics of Islam than eliminating extremism within their own ranks.[183] Because of this, the EDL alleged that British Muslims' commitment to "British values" is questionable.[183] The perception that "moderate" Muslims do little or nothing to counter "extremism" was also widespread among the group's grassroots.[184] In making this accusation, the EDL ignored the many examples of Islamic groups speaking out and campaigning against extremism and terrorism,[185] and—according to Jackson—promoted "a major distortion of reality" by repeatedly presenting extremism as the "dominant characteristic" of Muslim communities.[145]

EDL discourse repeatedly referred to what it called "Islamic supremacism", the belief that Muslims express a superiority complex over non-Muslims.[186] It feared that Muslims had imperialistic designs, wanting to dominate Britain,[187] claiming that this was being facilitated through higher birth rates among Muslims than non-Muslims.[143] Robinson for instance stated that "20 years down the line we'll be overrun by Islam",[135] while EDL rhetoric referred to Muslims "spreading across our country" and besieging the "patriotic people" of England.[188] The EDL portrayed Muslim attempts to participate in political life as entryism, an attempt to expand Islamic influence in the Britain,[189] and also claimed that the building of mosques reflected a desire to dominate the country.[182]

The EDL claimed that the greater Islam's reach, the more that non-Muslims would be victimised and discriminated against.[186] Meadowcroft and Morrow attended a Wolverhampton EDL meet-and-greet event where the local division leader stated that he joined "for my children and grandchildren because I don't want them to be taken to mosques as part of their school excursions and I don't want to see my granddaughter wearing a burqa or being punished for wearing a short skirt."[190] Similarly, Richards quoted one young woman at a 2010 Dudley protest as saying that she attended because "I don't want my daughters to grow up having to wear the burqa."[191] EDL members perceive the burqa and niqab as being intimidating towards non-Muslims, degrading to women, and facilitating the concealment of criminals and terrorists.[192]

The EDL believed Muslims wanted to impose sharia law on Britain and Western society.[193] The group generalises sharia as a uniform set of rules, ignoring the fact that it represents a diverse and often contradictory range of approaches to Islamic jurisprudence.[124] In opposing sharia, which it regards as inherently misogynistic, the EDL positions itself as the defenders of women,[194] employing the slogan "EDL Angels [i.e. women] stand beside their men, not behind them".[195] In presenting female members as angels, the EDL contrasts the image of Western women with the stereotype of the burqa-clad Muslim woman.[196] Alternately, in rejecting traditional Islamic attitudes to womanhood, many EDL women embrace the image of the "slut" who engages in binge drinking and can be "one of the lads", engaging in raucous and violent behaviour alongside their male counterparts.[197] EDL members expressed support for the French ban on face covering introduced in 2010.[198] The EDL also emphasised the cruelty of halal slaughter techniques, presenting them as rueller than kosher slaughter practices.[199] In its "Halal Campaign" launched in 2011, the EDL campaigned against stores and restaurants that sold halal meat without labelling it as such, citing this as evidence that Muslims were seeking to impose their practices on the rest of society.[199]

Nationalism and anti-immigration stance

The EDL is staunchly nationalist;[200] its members expressed a strong love of England and described themselves as patriots.[201] Jackson considered it ultra-nationalist,[202] while several academics argued that it embraced an ethnic conception of nationalism.[203] Copsey suggested that it was an identitarian form of English nationalism in which a "native English" identity was deployed as the main weapon against Islam.[5] In his view, the desire to protect "Englishness" as a form of "traditional ethno-national dominance" is strong among members.[204] Pilkington argued that although some members expressed nativist sentiment, for most members, pride in being English was not the same as the "white pride" expressed by fascist groups like the BNP.[205] The journalist Daniel Trilling nevertheless commented that the EDL's concept of "Englishness" was ambiguous;[206] similarly, Winlow, Hall and Treadwell observed that the EDL's conception of an "English way of life" was "poorly sketched out" — their EDL contacts could not agree on what it constituted, and the only thing that they agreed upon was that Muslims fundamentally rejected it.[207]

An EDL march in Newcastle in 2017

The EDL's attitude to nationhood is reflected in chants like "we want our country back";[208] the term Defence in its name presents English identity as something that is under threat.[209] The EDL's nationalist stance is also reflected in its nomenclature and choice of symbols, which regularly include the cross of St George;[200] its logo, for instance, features St George's cross on a shield.[122] Such imagery evokes the symbolism of the medieval Crusades, in which Christians battled Muslims for control of the Holy Land.[210] The motto featured on the logo is in Latin: "in hoc signo vinces", and was taken from that of the first Christian Roman Emperor, Constantine.[211] The name also reflects a militaristic stance, as did branded clothing with text like "Loyal Footsoldier",[190] while it also employs the martial slogan "NS", an abbreviation for "No Surrender", sometimes presented in the altered form of "Never Fucking Surrender Ever" (NFSE).[212] On the EDL discussion board, members regularly referred to a forthcoming war.[213]

Alessio and Meredith thought the EDL was anti-immigrant.[147] Although the EDL's founding mission statement did not mention migration,[214] in February 2014, the EDL stated its intention to include opposition to "mass immigration" in it.[215] In July 2014 an EDL demonstration was held in Hexthorpe, South Yorkshire to oppose the migration of Roma people to the area.[216] Anti-migrant sentiment was common among EDL members,[217] who often believed that official figures underestimated the number of immigrants in Britain.[218] Members often saw immigration as detrimental to the white British,[141] being socially divisive and fundamentally changing the nature of England.[219] EDL members saw migrants as economic competition, outcompeting white British workers for jobs by working for less that the legal minimum wage.[220] At the same time, they often expressed sympathy for migrants as individuals seeking a better life,[221] and typically distinguished between "good" migrants who worked hard and paid taxes and "bad" migrants who lived off the welfare state.[219] While accepting the multi-racial nature of England, EDL members almost uniformly rejected the ideology of multiculturalism,[222] portraying it as something mainstream politicians encouraged out of a desire to be seen as cosmopolitan and progressive and because of a fascination for the exoticism of other cultures.[223]

Views on race and sexuality

Robinson described the EDL as a 'multicultural organization made up of every community in this country'. If true, this would clearly make the EDL substantially different to anything typically seen in the traditionally 'all white' make-up of what is deemed to be the far right. And, indeed, this is a unique feature of the EDL. Reflecting its origins in football firms, not only does the EDL march behind banners that state 'Black and white unite against Islamic extremism'—it also marches carrying Israeli flags—but a number of those marching are of black, Asian or mixed heritages. Unlike other far-right organizations, the EDL is proud to recognize and proclaim its diversity.

— Political scientist Chris Allen[58]

The EDL stated that it was not a racist organisation.[224] It used the slogan: "Not racist, not violent, just no longer silent",[225] and on its website, described itself as taking an "actively anti-racist and anti-fascist stance".[122] The group's Nottingham Division stipulated that anyone engaging in "Racial abuse, Racist 'jokes', [or] Explicitly racist conduct" would be expelled.[147] Robinson stated that people of "all races and faiths" were welcome to join,[58] and it employed the slogan "Black and White unite: all races and religions are welcome in the EDL".[122] Individuals of Asian, African, and mixed heritage attended EDL events,[58] albeit in small numbers,[191] and the group formed specific divisions for Hindu, Sikh, Jewish, Greek and Cypriot, and Pakistani Christian supporters.[226] Pilkington noted that these ethnic minority supporters were often viewed as "trophy" members, with many white members asking to have their photographs taken with them at EDL events.[227]

Pilkington also found that white EDL members were keen to stress that they had friends and family members from ethnic minority backgrounds as a means of countering accusations of racism;[228] many accepted that England was a multi-racial and multi-cultural country and often regarded this as a good thing.[229] She noted that among many EDL members, "lack of racism towards one group is assumed to be evidence of lack of racism against all"; they believed that because they did not hate people of colour, they could not be racist, regardless of their anti-Muslim prejudices.[228] For the EDL, the Muslim identity was solely a "religious" one and not a "racial" one, and thus in their view prejudice against Muslims could not be "racism".[230] From her fieldwork, Pilkington found that EDL members adopted a simple, narrow definition of "racism", using the term in reference to hatred for another race and believing that racial categories were rooted in biological difference and demarcated by skin colour.[231]

Constructing links with non-white communities was not unprecedented among the British far-right; the BNP had earlier established links with anti-Islamic elements in the Hindu and Sikh communities.[232] Far-right football hooligan subcultures had become increasingly welcoming towards black people following the growth of black players in British football teams.[26] However, Busher observed that the racial slur "paki" was common at private EDL meetings;[217] Pilkington similarly recalled a car journey with EDL members who made comments like "dirty Paki" and "fucking filthy cunt" when passing Asians on the street.[233] Explicitly racist language was also used at demonstrations;[234] one chant used was "If we all hate Pakis, clap your hands",[233] while a 2010 video from Stoke City features an EDL protester shouting at a police officer: "You fucking Paki-loving bastard!"[147]

The LGBT rainbow flag was regularly flown at EDL events by LGBT members of the organisation

The EDL's discourse presents Muslims as being uniquely problematic in Britain, juxtaposing them unfavourably with the country's other ethnic and cultural minorities.[235] On its website, it contrasted Muslims with Sikhs, stating that the latter "have shown an impressive willingness to integrate, to accept the laws of the land, and to confront and defeat any form of extremism."[235] A Sikh Awareness Society representative spoke at an EDL event, where they noted that no other religious group has a "-phobia" attached to it, thus implying that Muslims were uniquely guilty in doing things to generate prejudice against them.[236] This attitude has also been reported among EDL members;[237] Treadwell and Garland quoted one young male EDL activist as stating that "The Paki, the Muslim, to me is the enemy, they are like everything we are not... [but] Sikhs and Hindus are not cunts, the Indians, they are ok. They are not like Pakis. Pakis are different... They come here to take advantage of us, they sell fucking smack, rob off whites but not their own, force young girls into prostitution. They are fucking scum."[238]

The EDL also condemned homophobia and established an LGBT division in March 2010.[226] It stated that "EDL welcomes gay people to join in the struggle to protect our values, especially as gay people would be some of those who suffer most under an islamic [sic] regime."[226] It had initially invited the anti-Islam American pastor Terry Jones—known for burning copies of the Qur'an—to attend one of its demonstrations, but withdrew the invitation, stating that it disapproved of Jones' views on sexuality and race.[239] Allen suggested that the EDL's support of LGBT rights marked it apart from Britain's "traditional far right".[232] This pro-LGBT rights stance allowed the EDL to criticise what it saw as the left's refusal to confront Islamic homophobia as well as to conflate Islamism with Nazism.[240] Pilkington argued that this pro-LGBT rights stance was not solely a cynical ploy by the EDL's leadership, but reflected widespread views within the movement.[241] She observed gay and transgender members speaking openly at EDL events and receiving a warm reception, while the LGBT rainbow flag was regularly flown at EDL rallies by the leader of its LGBT division;[242] at the same time, Pilkington heard homophobic comments at EDL events.[241]

Relationship to fascism and neo-Nazism

Several commentators argued that the EDL is not fascist.[85] Nigel Copsey, a historian of the far-right, stated that the EDL was not driven by the same "ideological end-goal" as neo-fascist and other fascist groups;[243] unlike fascist groups, the EDL has not expressed a desire for major structural change to the British state.[130] Several fascist groups sought to differentiate themselves from the EDL; one white nationalist stated that "The EDL—with its jew flag, nignog members, fag rainbow group, Sikh spokesman and sheeple attendees, are the antithesis of White Nationalism."[244] The BNP distanced itself from the EDL and declared it a proscribed organisation; BNP leader Nick Griffin claimed the EDL was a false flag operation manipulated by "Zionists".[245]

A march by the fascist National Front (NF) in Yorkshire during the 1970s. The EDL's tactics of street marches and demonstrations have been described as being similar to those of the NF.[246]

Conversely, the political scientists Dominic Alessio and Meredith Kristen stated that, while the EDL could not be labelled "a fascist organization", there was evidence of "a fascist tradition within the ideology of the EDL".[200] They suggested the EDL "embodied" many of the "key characteristics of fascism": a staunch nationalism and calls for national rebirth,[200] a propensity for violence,[247] and what they described as a "pronounced anti-democratic and anti-liberal tendencies" among its leaders.[248] Noting that it was "the actions and practices of members", rather than "just their words and slogans", which "lend themselves to a more coherently fascist ideology",[248] they compared the EDL's tactics with those of the Italian interwar squadristi, which formed a crucial element of Benito Mussolini's National Fascist Party.[249] They highlighted that much of the group's leadership came directly from the fascist BNP, and that EDL events have been supported by present and former members of fascist groups like the National Front (NF), the Racial Volunteer Force, Blood & Honour, and Combat 18.[250]

The EDL is not a neo-Nazi organisation,[39] and distanced itself from neo-Nazism.[147] In an October 2009 publicity stunt for the BBC's show Newsnight, EDL members burned a Nazi flag,[251] members carried the Israeli flag during demonstrations,[252] and the organisation created a Jewish division to distance itself from the anti-Semitism characteristic of Nazism.[147] However, early EDL demonstrations were advertised on the white supremacist website Stormfront,[253] and Holocaust denial has been espoused on the EDL's social media platforms.[39] Known neo-Nazis have attended EDL events,[147] where individuals have been recorded giving the Nazi straight-arm salute.[254] In 2011, the head of the EDL's Jewish Division, Roberta Moore, left the organisation, citing the presence of neo-Nazi and fascist individuals.[255]

The EDL sometimes expelled those it regarded as extremists. In late 2011, an individual was banned from EDL events after being photographed giving a Nazi salute.[256] In another case, Bill Baker—a senior figure in the London EDL and the leader of the English Nationalist Alliance—was ejected in early 2011 after he publicly expressed views the EDL considered racist.[256] At an October 2010 demonstration, Robinson publicly stated: "We're not Nazis, we're not fascists – we will smash Nazis the same way we will smash militant Islam. We are exactly about black and white unite, every single community in this country can come and join our ranks, fill our ranks. We don't care if you arrived here yesterday; you're welcome to protect our Christian culture and our way of life."[257] Pilkington found that this desire to expunge the EDL of neo-Nazi and fascist elements was not just a top-down exercise in public relations, but had the popular support of EDL members more broadly, who were keen to distinguish themselves from neo-Nazis.[258]

Organisation and structure

Academics characterise the EDL as a social movement,[259] and more specifically as a new social movement,[2] and a social movement organisation.[2] In its organisational structure, the EDL has been characterised by academic observers as a direct action or street-based protest movement.[260] It is a pressure group rather than a political party.[261] During fieldwork with the group, Joel Busher found that many EDL members stressed the idea that the group was not a political organisation, instead presenting it as a single-issue protest group or street movement.[262] Busher noted that these individuals were aware of the tactical advantages of doing so, believing that in presenting itself in this manner it could avoid associations both with older far-right groups like the NF and BNP and with accusations of racism.[263] Like several other counter-jihad groups operating in Western countries,[264] the EDL describes itself as a human rights organisation,[265] although this characterisation is not widely accepted among the British public.[266]

Leadership and branches

Robinson was the EDL's co-leader during its period of major growth and national attention

Until October 2013, the EDL was based in Luton.[40] The EDL's structure was informal and lacking in any strict hierarchy,[267] while it also lacked any clear leadership.[268] In its early years, the EDL was controlled by a leadership group referred to as the "team" and which were generally secretive about their operations;[269] they often remained anonymous or used pseudonyms.[47] As of June 2010, this group consisted of six men, including Robinson.[269] In the summer of 2010, the EDL went through a formal restructuring to deal with Robinson's absence.[270] The 2010 reforms included the introduction of a code of conduct which commanded members to respect and obey the leadership, to act in a unified manner, and to be aware that any comments that they made to the press would be taken as formal EDL statements.[271] Till October 2013, the EDL was led by Robinson and Carroll as co-leaders, supported by the regional organisers of the 19 regional divisions.[103] EDL members were expected to take an oath of allegiance to the organisation's leadership.[39] After that duo left the group, it was reorganised around a committee leadership which was headed by a rotating chair.[97]

The EDL lacked a central regulatory structure through which to impose a uniform approach to strategy or maintain ideological purity throughout.[272] It operated through a loose network of local divisions,[40] each of which had a good deal of autonomy.[115] Winlow, Hall, and Treadwell found that most members liked the group's "messy structure and imprecise goals" and did not want to be part of a highly structured organisation under firm leadership.[273] The EDL divided into at least ninety different divisions,[274] some of which are based on locality and others on specialist groups.[269] These have included a women's division, Jewish division, Sikh division, Hindu division, and LGBT division.[39] For a brief period it also had a disabled division,[226] as well as a green division,[226] and a soldiers' division.[269] These groups are designed to raise the profile of a particular social group within the EDL itself and helping the organisation to draw in recruits from sectors of society that would normally avoid membership in a far-right grouping, such as ethnic minorities and LGBT people.[275] In its early years it also formed a youth division, the English Defence Youth, which was led by Joel Titus; after Titus received a criminally-related anti-social behaviour order (CRASBO), preventing his further involvement in the EDL, the youth division became largely inactive.[276]

The local groups were organised into a series of nine areas: North West, North East, East Midlands, West Midlands, East Anglia, South West, South East, South East Central, and Greater London.[269] From the summer of 2010 onward, each of these had its own regional organiser.[277] The EDL was heavily reliant on these grassroots networks and the initiative of local and regional leaders.[202] Some of the local divisions covered whole cities or counties while in other cases there could be more than one division representing a single postcode, in part due to personal disputes.[278]

Branches typically held their meeting in pubs with sympathetic owners, which are referred to as "HQs".[279] Pilkington observed that these meetings always features alcohol consumption.[267] Such divisional meetings were infrequent and often poorly attended.[280] They were typically unstructured, lacking any formal agenda or the taking of minutes, and were mainly an opportunity for divisional organisers to inform members of their decisions.[280] Sometimes guest speakers were also invited to address the audience.[280] As well as these divisional meetings, the EDL divisions also held "meet and greet" events to attract new membership.[280] There was no system of official membership recognised through membership cards,[243] and no membership fees.[281] The EDL accepted donations and local divisions sought to raise funds by selling merchandise and holding fundraising events such as barbeques.[282]


EDL activism has taken place across a range of more or less public and managed spaces. These have included official street demonstrations of varying size, unofficial or 'flash' demonstrations, petitions against mosques, leafleting campaigns, attempted boycotts of restaurants selling halal food, organisational social media pages, personal social media pages of activists, memorials for symbolically significant events and various charity fundraisers.

— Political scientist Joel Busher[263]

The EDL's primary activity have been street protests,[283] which have regularly attracted media attention.[107] Its demonstrations came in three forms: national demonstrations that attracted activists from across the country, local demonstrations featuring largely the local EDL division, and the flash demonstrations held without giving the authorities prior warning of the event.[284] Members attending such flash demonstrations are only informed of the place and time of the protest several hours before it is due to take place.[285] This tactic arose following attempts by the Home Office to ban various organised EDL demonstrations.[286] Such protests included a picket outside of the family home of Member of the European Parliament Sajjad Karim, a Muslim, in July 2011.[287][288]

The EDL claims that it disavows violence,[289] and that it wants its protests to be peaceful, blaming violence on anti-fascist counter-protesters.[290] Despite this, many of those who attend its rallies seek the thrill of violent confrontation,[290] describing the pleasure and adrenalin rush they receive from it as a motivating factor in their attendance at the demonstrations.[291] Some also described violent clashes as being the best way of drawing media attention to their demonstrations and their cause.[292] Copsey argued that EDL demonstrations sought to deliberately provoke a violent confrontation from Muslim communities, which in turn would spur the government to take forceful action against British Muslims.[290] The use of aggressive street rallies has a longer history among the British far-right. In the 1930s, the British Union of Fascists marched through areas with high Jewish populations to intimidate and provoke them, while in the 1970s the National Front employed similar tactics in areas with large non-white communities, an approach also used in the 1980s and 1990s by the British National Party till being abandoned after 1999.[293]

In 2011, Bartlett and Littler stated their view that the EDL's largest demonstration contained between 2000 and 3000 protesters.[294] Copsey noted that the "overwhelming majority" of attendees at EDL demonstrations are "young, white, working-class males".[295] Although EDL demonstrations have included people of colour, in general they remain overwhelmingly white.[191] At events, many members sought to have their photograph taken with the few Sikhs who attended, thus seeking to bolster the idea that they were not personally racist.[296] Copsey suggested that many Sikhs who were sympathetic to the EDL were nevertheless put off from attending rallies due to an awareness that many of the EDL's white members would not be able to differentiate between Sikhs and Muslims.[297] The events were also numerically dominated by men, with relatively few women attending.[298] At demonstrations, speeches typically focus on the perceived threat of Islamification, but also raise issues like the dangers of political correctness and the errors of the political left.[216] During demonstrations, the EDL have regularly been met with opposition from anti-fascist groups like Unite Against Fascism,[299] and sometimes also from Islamic groups.[52] The clashes between the rival groups often resulted in violence and public disorder,[300] with the police seeking to keep the two apart.[52]

Street protest organised by the EDL in Newcastle, England. (The placard reads "Shut down the Mosque Command and Control Centre.")

To reach national events, local EDL groups often hired coaches to transport them to their destination;[301] en route, they often displayed EDL flags from the coach windows.[302] The coach provided a space in which these members engaged in singing, banter, story-telling, and practical jokes.[303] As well as being protests, these demonstrations served as social events for EDL members,[304] helping to forge a sense of solidarity and of the EDL as "one big family".[305] At demonstrations, many members—including those who may be too young to legally drink alcohol—consume large quantities of alcohol.[306] Many of these events begin and/or end at a pub, which is used as a meeting place.[307] Some members also take cocaine prior to attending demonstrations.[308]

EDL demonstrations were typified by continuous chanting with aggressive slogans aimed at Muslims.[309] Pilkington divided these chants into three types: those which were anti-Islam, those which were patriotic in referencing an English identity, and those which were identity affirming in making specific reference to the EDL itself.[310] Examples of the first category included "Muslim bombers off our streets",[311] "No surrender to the Taliban",[312] "Protect women, no to sharia",[313] "If you wear a burqa you're a cunt",[106] "You can stick your fucking Islam up your arse",[233] "You can shove your fucking Allah up your arse",[314] "Allah is a paedo",[315] and "Allah, Allah, who the fuck is Allah?".[316] Examples of the second category include "I'm England till I die",[106] "We want our country back",[313] and "Whose streets? Our streets!",[317] while the third included the chant "E... E... EDL".[318] When confronting counter-protesters from the UAF and other groups, EDL members often chanted "You're not English anymore".[319] Alongside chants, the EDL often employed songs, including the UK national anthem "God Save the Queen", patriotic songs like "Keep St George in my Heart, Keep me English"—sung to the tune of the hymn "Give Me Joy in My Heart"—and the anti-Islam themed "There were Ten Muslim Bombers in the Air".[310]

At the demonstrations, EDL members often displayed the English flag of St George as well as the British Union Jack; the Israeli and LGBT Pride flags were also often in attendance.[320] As with various older far-right street organisations like the Italian Squadristi or German Sturmabteilung, the EDL had a "street uniform" that members wore in the form of wristbands, t-shirts, and hoodies bearing the group's logo.[321] Many members also wore masks decorated with either the EDL logo or the St George's cross.[321] Some also wore pig face masks or masks of figures whom they wished to ridicule, such as the Salafi jihadist leader Osama bin Laden.[322] The use of the hoodie has symbolic connections with anti-social behaviour and the stereotype of the chav; it was thus selected for its intimidating atmosphere and as a reassertion of working-class status.[323] In wearing such a uniform, the EDL seek to construct a unified political identity.[324] Wearing this material helps to cement individual's loyalty to the group, particularly as they are likely to experience disapproval from other members of the public while wearing it.[304] Reflecting the place of football hooligans in the EDL, some of its male members wore expensive designer clothing to its rallies, most notably Fred Perry polo shirts, jeans or combat trousers, and Adidas trainers.[304] A number of attendees also display EDL-themed tattoos.[302]

Lager, cocaine, a bit of shouting and singing, the possibility of a punch-up, surrounded by friends and like-minded others - there was an air of adventure to proceedings, and some found all of this very attractive.

— Simon Winlow, Steve Hall, and James Treadwell on EDL demonstrations[325]

The police and local authorities initially allowed most EDL rallies to take place and did not often request banning orders.[326] In October 2010, West Yorkshire Police successfully requested a government ban on the EDL holding a rally in Bradford, fearing that it would spark violent racial tensions akin to those which had taken place in 2001.[326] In October 2010, the Home Secretary Theresa May granted Leicester Police's request to ban a planned EDL march in that city.[326] By September 2011, over 600 arrests had been made in connection with EDL demonstrations and the policing costs were estimated to have exceeded £10 million.[158] In some cases, the majority of those arrested during a demonstration have been from the EDL; on other instances the majority of those arrested have been from groups protesting against the EDL.[295] After the group's August 2009 rally in Birmingham for example, in which it first reached national attention, a number of young Asian counter-protesters attacked several unrelated white youths they found in the city, leading the police to pursue the counter-protesters.[253] Through her ethnographic fieldwork within the EDL, Pilkington found that more members felt that the group's tactics would be ineffective than deemed them effective; some even regarded them as counterproductive due to the presence of members who were drunk or who appeared idiotic by displaying the flag upside-down or placards with misspelled words.[327] Although some EDL members expressed reservations about the violent tactics adopted by others, this was not considered sufficient to stop many of them from returning to further events.[328]

Mobilising on local issues

In various cases, the EDL mobilised around localised tensions between Islamic and non-Muslim communities. These were often organised by local divisions rather than by the group's national leadership.[271] After a group of inebriated Somali women carried out a racist assault against a white woman, Rhea Page, in Leicester in June 2010, the EDL organised a protest rally in the city, attributing the attack to the supremacist attitude cultivated by Islam among its followers.[329] When, in the Hyde area of Greater Manchester, a man called Daniel Stringer-Prince was assaulted by Asian youths, the EDL again organised a demonstration in that area against the Stringer-Price family's wishes. The EDL blamed the attack on Muslims, although the religious background of the youths had not been ascertained by police.[162] In April 2011, the group held demonstrations in Blackburn in response to a number of hit and run incidents where Muslim drivers had hit non-Muslims; again, the EDL disregarded requests by the victim's families not to politicise the events.[330]

Branded EDL clothing listing the group's links with other organisations abroad

In the spring of 2011, the EDL launched a nationwide campaign titled "No New Mosques", which built upon earlier campaigns against mosque construction organised by various local divisions.[331] When a mosque was due to be built in West Bridgford, an EDL organiser for the Nottingham area, Christopher Payne, and three associates placed a severed pig's head on a pole at the site, while the slogan "No mosque here EDL Notts" was spray-painted on the adjacent pavement.[332] In April 2010, the group amassed a demonstration of 3000 supporters in Dudley to protest the construction of a new mosque, an issue that had already attracted local opposition.[333] Prior to the event, a cross-party group of local councillors—including members of the Labour Party, Liberal Democrats, Conservative Party, and UK Independence Party—issued a joint letter to the local press calling on the EDL to abandon its plans because of the detrimental impact they would have on community relations.[333] Two months later, a group of EDL members occupied the roof of the abandoned building on the site of the proposed mosque, displaying a banner saying "No to the burka" and expressing intentions to play the Islamic call to prayer from there five times a day to alert locals to the noise pollution they would suffer when the mosque was built. Police swiftly removed the demonstrators.[333] Dudley Council subsequently announced its intention to try and prevent further EDL demonstrations in the town, noting that the group's activities had cost the local council over £1 million.[334]

The EDL was aware that its demonstrations, which are often met by protests from anti-fascist groups, prove costly for local authorities.[335] The Dudley Metropolitan Borough Council for instance stated that the EDL protest in Dudley had forced the council to spent over £1 million of tax-payers money.[335] To deal with an EDL protest in Leicester, the Leicestershire Police Force had to put on its largest operation in 25 years, bringing in 2000 police officers to manage the demonstration.[295] The EDL used this leverage to pressurise local councils into agreeing to some of its demands; in 2010 it issued a letter stating that any local councils that held Winter-themed festivities rather than explicitly Christmas-themed ones could "have their town/city visited by the English Defence League throughout the following year".[336]


Video of damage being caused to a restaurant in Leicester. A supporter of the English Defence League was later convicted for his involvement in the attack, and admitted causing criminal damage worth £1500.[337]

Copsey noted that "it is hard to escape the conclusion that, on the ground, the EDL is a violent organisation."[204] In various cases, EDL demonstrators have damaged Asian-owned businesses and property;[338] in October 2011, EDL members stormed and ransacked an Ahmadiyya Islamic bookstore in Sandwell,[147][339] and in August 2011 an EDL member was convicted for vandalising a mosque.[340] Demonstrations have also led to physical attacks on Asians themselves.[287] Not all targets of EDL violence have been Muslim; in a July 2010 demonstration in Dudley, EDL members attacked a Hindu temple. It is unclear whether they mistook it for a mosque or whether it reflected broader racist attitudes among the demonstrators extending beyond Islamophobia.[191]

In other instances, EDL members have sought to disrupt the meetings of opponents; in September 2010 they disrupted a UAF meeting in Leicester, and later that month around twenty to thirty EDL activists attacked a meeting of the far-left Socialist Workers Party in Newcastle-upon-Tyne.[286] In June 2011, EDL members attacked an anti-fascist concert in Yorkshire.[341] EDL members also targeted left-wing bookshops and trade union buildings,[342] and members have been jailed for attacking staff at office buildings which had hosted anti-EDL meetings.[343] The EDL have also targeted demonstrators from the anti-capitalist Occupy movement; in November 2011, 179 EDL members were arrested near St Paul's Cathedral in central London for repeatedly threatening members of Occupy London.[53] It cited its targeting of these because "Trotskyists, Communists and left‐liberals have systematically and opportunistically supported the very Islamofascists the EDL is against."[331] Journalists that have covered EDL marches have received death threats;[344] for instance, journalist Jason N. Parkinson from The Guardian wrote about receiving a death threat by email from an EDL organiser, as well as death threats sent to Marc Vallée, a fellow journalist.[345]

Meadowcroft and Morrow argued that the opportunities that EDL rallies offered to engage in violence attracted many football hooligans to join the organisation; the fact that participants saw themselves as engaging in violence for a cause may have given them greater personal satisfaction.[52] These individuals may have found a decreasing number of opportunities to engage in violence at football matches themselves, due to greater use of banning orders targeting known hooligans, a more effective police presence, and increasing ticket prices that had becoming prohibitively high for those on low incomes.[52] Treadwell and Garland interviewed EDL members who had engaged in violence both independently and at demonstrations. One described how, at a protest, he attacked an Asian counter demonstrator: "[I] hit this Paki in the face and he just looked so shocked. So I hit him again and that put him down, then we gave him a fucking good kicking." This EDL member added that he felt "proud afterwards. It made me feel like I'd made a stand."[346]

Treadwell and Garland recorded accounts from various EDL members where they had carried out acts of racist violence on occasions outside those of EDL demonstrations. They for instance described the account of an 18 year old man from a White British working-class background who was a member of a local football firm and who reported that when drunk, he and two friends came upon "a pyjama wearing Paki kid" aged about 20. Robbie and his friends attacked the Asian youth, pushing him to the floor and kicking him repeatedly in the face. When questioned why he did this, Robbie explained that "I guess I was pissed, but really, he was a Paki Muslim youth, he just deserved it". He further explaining that a group of British Asian youth had similarly physically assaulted him when he was a school pupil, with his injuries necessitating hospitalisation.[347] Meadowcroft and Meadow thus suggested that among the EDL, "violence against the perceived enemies of England is legitimised and glorified and enhances the self-worth of the group members taking a stand against those enemies."[190] Treadwell and Garland similarly reported that those EDL members engaging in violence repeatedly presented it as a heroic act.[348]

Online activism

The EDL established a significant online presence through which it spread its ideology and sought to mobilise supporters to attend its events.[246] The EDL had an official website, but also made heavy use of social media platforms like Facebook and YouTube through which to promote its material.[107] In doing so, Copsey referred to the EDL as "a child of the Facebook revolution",[243] noting that the website was "a critical forum" for the EDL in promoting its views.[349] In making use of social media, the EDL sought to bypass the mainstream media, which it regarded as being biased against it.[350] These social media platforms are moderated by members of the EDL hierarchy, but these moderators do not appear to remove posts by supporters which advocated hatred and violence towards Muslims while blocking users who criticise the EDL and its ideology.[351] The use of Facebook also allowed the group to build momentum and expectancy among their members ahead of public events.[352] The EDL gained a total of 100,000 followers on Facebook, after which the Facebook corporation shut down the group's profile on the website.[353]

Distinguishing itself from political parties, the EDL did not produce leaflets expressing any political program,[354] nor did it print a magazine or newsletter.[352] On the EDL News section of its website it produced articles, commentary, and information on forthcoming events and campaigns, which were then linked to throughout its social media.[354] A study of these articles looking at those produced up to February 2012 found that, of the 117 publicly available articles, 86 discussed Islam or Muslims. Of these, 55.8% discussed extremism, 33.7% discussed terrorism, 31.4% discussed other violence, 24.4% discussed segregationary tendencies, 20.9% discussed supremacism, 20.9% discussed misogyny, and 18.6% described child grooming.[354]

The EDL also used its website as a venue through which to sell its branded merchandise, which included hoodies, t-shirts, caps, pin badges, and face masks.[352] Following internal allegations that EDL members were taking the money from this for themselves rather than using it for the organisation, the EDL pulled merchandise from its website in September 2010.[352] It has also sold its merchandise on the auction website eBay.[41] The EDL has also used the internet and in particular social media to broadcast their activities, such as the placing of severed pig heads outside mosques, the burning of copies of the Qur'an, or footage from demonstrations.[355]

International and domestic links

Despite its many unique features, the EDL is nonetheless representative of a wider political change that has swept across Europe over the past fifteen years. The combination of a deeply anti‐Muslim political agenda and populist ultrapatriotism, powered by grass‐roots critiques of mainstream politics, has been a core component of the 'new far right' in Europe. Unsurprisingly, the EDL has tried to develop connections with other 'new far right' groups on the Continent, while also cultivating links with populist right wing American figures too.

— Historian of the far right Paul Jackson[199]

As part of the international counter-jihad movement, the EDL formed links with various ideologically similar groups internationally, particularly elsewhere in Europe and in the United States.[356] These have included sectors of the Tea Party movement in the United States.[357] It was affiliated with the U.S.-based Stop Islamization of America run by Pamela Geller and Robert Spencer.[358] Geller who served as the EDL's bridge to the Tea Party movement,[358] but later distanced herself from it, claiming that the EDL contained neo-Nazi elements.[359] When Moore was head of the EDL's Jewish Division, she established links with a far right Jewish American group, the Jewish Task Force.[276] In September 2010, EDL representatives joined demonstrations in New York City's Lower Manhattan to protest against the construction of the "Ground Zero Mosque",[359] and in 2012 attended the "Stop Islamization of Nations" conference, again in New York City.[360] In October 2010, American Tea Party activist Rabbi Nachum Shifren travelled to England to speak at a rally.[361][362][363][364][365] In his speech, he called Muslims "dogs" and told the EDL that "history will be recorded that on this day, read by our children for eternity, one group lit the spark to liberate us from the oppressors of our two governments and the leftist, fifth column, quisling press, and that it was the EDL which started the liberation of England from evil."[366]

EDL members sometimes attended other events abroad; a small contingent travelled to Berlin in April 2010 to attend a rally in support of Geert Wilders—a right-wing populist politician who had been charged for comparing Islam to Nazism—outside the Dutch Embassy organised by the Pax Europa Citizens Movement.[367] In June 2010 two EDL representatives attended the Counter-Jihad 2020 conference held by the anti-Muslim International Civil Liberties Alliance in Zurich.[367] In October 2010, Robinson and other EDL members travelled to Amsterdam to protest outside Wilders' trial—although Wilders himself stated that he had no personal contact with the EDL—and it was here that Robinson announced the intention to form a "European Friendship Initiative" with the German, Dutch, and French Defence Leagues.[358] In April 2011 Robinson and other EDL representatives attended a small rally in Lyon, France alongside the French far-right group Bloc Identitaire; various participants, including Robinson, were arrested.[359] In June 2011, it sent representatives to a counter-jihadist conference organised by Pax Europa in Stuttgard.[359]

It has partnered with the Welsh Defence League, Scottish Defence League, and Ulster Defence League, none of which had the same success as their English counterpart.[269] The Scottish Defence League retained secret links with the BNP,[368] although in Scotland, it produced particularly difficult to bridge sectarian divisions between rival football firms under the same banner.[369] Sectarianism was also a major issue for the Ulster Defence League, which decided against holding any demonstrations in Northern Ireland itself.[352] The Welsh Defence League faced divisions between its contingent from Swansea, some of whom were former members of Combat 18, and the Casuals United-contingent from Cardiff.[352] After a BBC Wales investigation into the group revealed that a number of its members had neo-Nazi beliefs, in 2011 it was shut down and replaced by the Welsh Casuals.[276]

The Canadian Jewish Defense League held a demonstration in support of the EDL,[370] a move criticised by the Canadian Jewish Congress.[371] The EDL has established links to the Danish Defence League. The latter has established 10 chapters within its first year of operation.[372] However recent attempts to establish a presence in Denmark and the Netherlands have failed to attract support and were respectively described as "a humiliation" and as "a damp squib".[373] The Norwegian Defence League (NDL) is a sister organisation of the EDL. There are strong connections between the two organisations, and the leadership of the EDL is also actively involved in the leadership of NDL.[374] Members of the NDL have on several occasions travelled to England to participate in EDL protests.[375][376]

The English Volunteer Force is a small right-wing street protest movement[377] based in the United Kingdom, which Joe Mulhall considers to be an English Defence League splinter group.[378] Created by John Sheridan and Jason Lock in July 2012, the group calls for the halting of all Muslim immigration, prohibitions on the building of mosques and the sale of halal meat, the rejection of multiculturalism, and a rejection of what they term the 'Islamification' of Great Britain. The group plans to "Unite the Right". The group held its first demonstration in Birmingham in January 2013 which passed peacefully.[377]

Membership and support


EDL supporter and a police officer at an EDL march

The size of the EDL movement has been difficult to gauge.[6] Allen noted that within a year and a half of the group's formation it had "grown substantially" but that it is "extremely difficult to know exactly how big or how well supported the EDL is."[57] The organisation has no official system of membership,[379] or formal means of joining,[380] and thus no membership list.[381] In 2011, Bartlett and Littler estimated that between 25,000 and 35,000 people were active members in the EDL movement.[294] They believed that about half of these had attended demonstrations and that the highest concentration was in the Greater London area.[294] On the basis of her research with the group, Pilkington suggested that there was a "high turnover in the movement",[298] while Winlow, Hall, and Treadwell observed that members "drift in and out of its activities".[130] The internet hacktivist group Anonymous has published personal details of EDL members as part of a campaign against the group.[382]

Much of its support came from individuals that the group called "armchair warriors", those who may not attend street protests but support the organisation and its aims online and campaigning by email, letter writing, and telephoning.[57] Researchers found many individuals in white working-class areas who supported the EDL's views but did not want to attend its demonstrations, fearing violence, arrest, and the potential loss of their jobs.[383] Many supportive women saw the demonstrations as a "man's thing", while various older men explained their non-attendance by characterising these events as a "young man's thing".[383] Some female members also expressed frustration with the laddish culture that dominated the movement; one female member, whose father and partner were also members, complained that it was mostly "coked up bald headed blokes running round the streets".[384]

In July 2010, the EDL had 22,000 followers on Facebook;[352] following the killing of Lee Rigby in 2013 this had reached 160,000,[385] and as of February 2015, it had risen further to 184,000.[107] As of January 2016, its Angels Division for women had over 17,000 likes,[386] while that of its LGBT Division had 3,500 likes.[387] Its Facebook following was smaller than that of its rival, Britain First; in 2015, when the EDL had 181,000 followers, Britain First had 816,000.[388] Pilkington argued that the EDL's active membership, meaning those who attended its rallies and events, peaked between January and April 2010, when national demonstrations could accrue 2000 people, but by the end of that year this had declined to between 800 and 1000.[388] By 2012, the group's national demonstrations were typically only attracting between 300 to 700 people.[388]

Activists... are neither born, nor aggressively recruited, into the EDL. They are neither duped by a charismatic leader nor are they working-class anti-heroes. Their trajectories in and out of the movement are prosaic rather than heroic. Moreover, in contrast to the decisive entrances and exits into and from classic far right movements, activism in the EDL resembles rather a 'hokey kokey' in which activists repeatedly engage and 'step-back' as they marry the costs and consequences of participation with their wider lives.

— Ethnographer Hilary Pilkington on her fieldwork among the EDL grassroots[389]

The EDL forged what Busher described as "seemingly unlikely alliances. Long-term football hooligans marched alongside people waving gay pride flags, and people who had until recently been part of the extreme right scene stood next to people holding Israel flags."[390] The EDL brought together three main constituencies; football hooligans, longstanding far-right activists, and a range of socio-economically marginalised people, the majority of whom were young men.[391] Copsey noted that "beyond their antagonism towards Islam, there is no ideology that binds this ragbag coalition together", and that the EDL was therefore always susceptible to fracture.[392] The group initially drew much of its membership from established football violence networks but later gained recruits from established sectors of the far-right and from within the counter-jihad movement.[393] However, when the group was at its peak only a minority of its supporters had established far-right links,[256] and for the majority their membership of the EDL was the first time that they had been actively involved in a political group.[394]

Involvement with the EDL could bring various problems for its members which would dissuade their ongoing involvement; this included financial costs, the loss of friends, potential police scrutiny, and the restrictions it placed on their time.[304] Various members described having friendships and relationships with family members that ended because of their decision to join the EDL, while others concealed their involvement from their employer out of a fear that they would lose their job.[395] Some expressed fears that social services would take their children into foster care if their EDL membership was known,[396] or that they would be the target of violence from anti-fascists and Muslims.[397]

Meadowcroft and Morrow suggested that the EDL overcame the collective action problem by offering its members "access to violent conflict, increased self-worth and group solidarity".[398] They argued that for many working-class young men who have "little meaning or cause for pride" in their lives, membership of the EDL allows them to "reimagine" themselves as "heroic freedom fighters" battling to save their nation from its fundamental enemy, Islam, "thereby bolstering their sense of self-worth."[399] In addition, they argued that EDL membership gave individuals a sense of group identity and community which they might otherwise be lacking, citing various examples of members who described their local division as being like a family.[399] In various cases, EDL members grew closer to one another because they had lost many other groups outside the organisation as a result of their membership.[400] Pilkington similarly observed members describing the EDL as being akin to family, although noted that they often qualified this by describing certain individuals in the movement as "clowns", "nutters", "pricks", "idiots", and "backstabbers", either because they were suspected of being police informants or had defected to other groups.[401] She noted that a key source of tension within the group surrounded issues of romantic relationships, with various individuals accused of "shagging around" in the movement.[402]

Profile of members

[EDL members] spoke at length about the rise of political Islam and the ubiquitous terrorist threat. They spoke about the involvement of Muslim men in the sexual exploitation of vulnerable young white girls. They spoke about Sharia law and their unwillingness to yield a single additional yard on the field of cultural politics. And when they spoke about these things, they spoke in a forthright manner that reflected their desire to push past the cloying cultural sensitivities that have grown around the popular discussion of immigration, ethnic conflict and religious diversity.

— Simon Winlow, Steve Hall, and James Treadwell on their fieldwork among the EDL[403]

The EDL describe their members as "ordinary, non-racist citizens of England... who have had enough of being treated as second class citizens to Jihadis in our own country".[57] Studies found that the majority of EDL members were young, working-class, white men.[106] A recurring joke among the EDL membership was that the group's female supporters were mostly involved so that they could find men to engage in sexual and romantic relationships with; accordingly, one female member was quoted as describing the EDL's female division as the "sticky knicker brigade".[404]

On the basis of her ethnographic research among the EDL, Pilkington found that 74% of her respondents were under 35, in contrast to the older support base of the BNP and UKIP.[405] 77% were male to only 23% female, although women could be found in several senior positions.[406] 51% described themselves as being "White English", and 23% as "White British".[407] Only 6% of those she interviewed had either completed or were studying for a higher education degree; 20% had never completed their secondary school-level education.[408] 49% were unemployed, 20% were in either part-time or irregular employment, and only 11% were in full-time employment.[409] 57% lived in social housing, in contrast to only 17.5% of the general population.[410] She also found that EDL members had rarely been raised in "stable, strong and protective environments", that accounts of sexual abuse and violence in childhood were somewhat common, and that a number had been cared for by grandparents or in foster care because their own parents were unable to do so.[411] She noted that very few regarded themselves as Christian, and most had an ambivalent view of Christianity.[412] Pilkington also found that while all were critical of recent governments, none—barring the few neo-Nazis who attended EDL rallies but did not consider themselves members—desired a more authoritarian government, one-party state, or dictatorship.[413]

Once they hit their rhetorical stride, it was common for activists to reach beyond complaints ostensibly focused on Islam and Muslims to a more general lament that ranged across themes including immigration, overcrowded social housing, benefit fraud and, in the months after the English riots of August 2011, the supposed links between 'black culture' and a decline in law and order. They would, however, repeatedly return to the core EDL themes, making clear that where they had strayed from those themes they were 'just my opinions'.

— Political scientist Joel Busher on his fieldwork among the EDL grassroots[217]

In 2011, Bartlett and Littler surveyed 1,295 EDL Facebook supporters.[380] At the time, 81% of the EDL's Facebook supporters were male, to 19% female; among those surveyed by Bartlett and Littler most were young, with only 28% being over the age of thirty, and only 30% had attended either college or university.[414] Bartlett and Littler found that EDL supporters were disproportionately unemployed; among 16 to 24 year old EDL supporters, 28% were unemployed (to a national average of 20%), and among 25 to 64 year olds, 28% were unemployed (to a national average of 6%).[415] The issue that was most important to those surveyed was immigration; 42% considered immigration as one of the two largest issues affecting England, while only 31% cited Islamic extremism.[416] They also found 34% of them voted for the BNP, more than for any other party; 14% said they would vote UKIP and another 14% said they would vote for the Conservative Party. Only 9% said that they would vote Labour, and 3% Liberal Democrat.[118] When asked to rank their three most important personal values, 36% said security, 34% said strong government, 30% said rule of law, and 26% said individual freedom.[417] The surveyed EDL supporters also displayed significantly higher than average levels of distrust in the government, police, and judiciary; conversely, their levels of distrust of other institutions, such as political parties, the mainstream media, the army, trade unions, and the European Union were not significantly higher that those exhibited by the broader population.[418]

Additional research was carried out by Matthew Goodwin, David Cutts, and Laurence Janta-Lupinski, who drew upon the data gathered by YouGov in an October 2012 survey. This included 82 people who described themselves as members or expressed an interest in joining, and 298 who agreed with the EDL's values but did not wish to join; Goodwin et al called the latter "sympathisers".[419] Their research found that those who sympathised with the EDL tended to be "older men, have low education levels, are skilled workers, read right-wing tabloid newspapers and support right-wing parties at elections"; they also noted, however, that "they are not disproportionately more likely to be unemployed or live in social housing" that members of the population more broadly.[420] In contrast, those more committed to the movement, who were either members or wanted to join, displayed "greater financial insecurity", being more likely than average to be unemployed or in part-time employment, and more likely than average to live in social housing, rely on state benefits, and have no educational qualifications.[421] These members were found to be "extremely pessimistic about intergroup relationships, strongly xenophobic and considerably more likely than others to endorse the use of violence when defending their in-group from perceived threats".[422] 8% of sympathisers and 9% of members stated that they voted for either UKIP or the BNP, a figure four times higher than in the broader YouGov sample;[423] supporters of the Conservative Party were also found to be significantly more likely to sympathise with the EDL than non-Conservative voters.[424]

Perceptions of victimhood

The most consistent and emotionally charged narrative of 'self' identified among respondents in this study is that of 'second-class citizen'. This narrative is rooted in a sense of profound injustice based on the perception, almost universally expressed among respondents, that the needs of others are privileged over their own. While the perceived beneficiaries of that injustice might be racialised (as 'immigrants', 'Muslims' or ethnic minorities), and it is claimed that they are afforded preferential treatment in terms of access to benefits, housing and jobs, the agent responsible for this injustice is understood to be a weak-willed or frightened government that panders to the demands of a minority for fear of being labelled racist.

— Ethnographer Hilary Pilkington on her fieldwork among the EDL grassroots[425]

The political scientist Alexander Oaten argued that victimhood was "the central formulating point for the EDL's collective identity".[426] Similarly, Pilkington found that "the most consistent and emotionally charged narrative of 'self'" among the EDL was that of the self as a "second-class citizen" in Britain.[427] Every EDL member she encountered believed that the state prioritised the needs of others—especially immigrants and Muslims—over those of themselves.[427] In their view, non-whiteness or ethnic minority status was a powerful tool, given special recognition in law, that could be used against the white British.[428] Among the EDL, there was a widespread belief that the government gave preferential treatment to ethnic minorities when it came to welfare benefits, social housing, and employment.[429] Various members cited personal experiences where they believed that this had been the case.[429] They also saw this two-tiered system being reflected in the judicial system, comparing instances in which Muslims who burned poppies received more lenient sentences than white individuals who burned Qur'ans.[430]

EDL members frequently referenced incidents of racist abuse, bullying, violence, and murder against white British people which they felt went under-reported or inappropriately punished.[431] The most cited example was the 2004 murder of Kriss Donald, a racist attack committed by Pakistani men on a white teenager; EDL members thought the perpetrators received excessively lenient sentences and that the incident gained virtually no media attention compared to a white-perpetrated racist killing like that of Stephen Lawrence.[432] They also saw this two-tiered system in their perception that ethnic minorities were encouraged to display their own cultural symbols while the white English were not, citing examples in which their display of St George's flag had been censured amid accusations of racism.[430] They also highlighted reports, including personal accounts, of school authorities refusing to punish ethnic minority pupils who had bullied white English pupils.[433]

Winlow, Hall, and Treadwell similarly found EDL supporters repeatedly claiming the existence of "a creeping prejudice against the white heterosexual working class", with said members regarding themselves as "victims of a new systemic cultural injustice".[434] An analysis of posts to an EDL message board indicated that EDL supporters perceived themselves as victims and that their EDL mobilisation was a response to this victimisation.[435] The EDL regularly used this feeling of victimhood and victimisation to construct a sense of collective identity within the movement and an image of its external enemies.[436] Oaten suggested that the EDL had an "obsession with the cult of victimhood", and that this had been present in the movement since its beginnings.[437]

Recurring views

Busher felt that most of the EDL members he encountered "had a highly binary interpretation of the world, seeing themselves as engaged in a millennial struggle between good and evil – an existential fight for the future of their country and culture."[438] He noted that most activists rarely or never presented this struggle in terms of biological race, even in contexts where they expressed anti-foreigner and anti-migrant sentiments.[438] Both Busher and Pilkington encountered EDL members who came to the group from other sectors of the far-right and who claimed their views moderated as a result;[439] one London activist for instance stated that through his EDL membership he overcame his previous dislike of black people.[438] Busher suggested that this might be because the EDL ideology's shifted some individual's hostility from being directed at non-white Britons broadly toward Muslims specifically.[438] At the same time, he noted that as the EDL fragmented, members of some of its splinter groups adopted increasingly extreme white power views.[438]

Braouezec's interviews with EDL supporters found many frustrated with being labelled "far-right";[440] Pilkington found the same phenomenon, noting that distinguishing oneself from the traditional far-right was "central to definitions of 'self' for EDL members."[441] Even in private, many members did not identify as being either "far-right",[61] or "racist".[442] On the EDL message board studied by Cleland, Anderson, and Aldridge-Deacon, EDL members expressed frustration at how non-Muslims were portrayed in the media; one thread for instance included members criticising The Guardian newspaper after an EDL supporter's post to their online comment section was removed.[443] On this message board, EDL supporters also spoke regularly about a forthcoming civil war in Britain between Muslims and non-Muslims.[213]

Winlow, Hall, and Treadwell found that most of their EDL contacts were intending to vote for UKIP, a right-wing populist party led by Nigel Farage (pictured) in the build-up to the 2015 general election

Winlow, Hall, and Treadwell noted that members placed great importance on their working-class identity and class interests, and that many displayed clear bonds with their local communities.[403] Noting that EDL members expressed a "crude, forthright and hostile worldview",[444] they also opined that "inarticulate anger" was the "basic emotion" that typified "the EDL's cultural and political life".[445] Their EDL contacts all expressed hatred for Muslims, and even more so for mainstream politicians.[126] Winlow, Hall, and Treadwell believed that EDL supporters ultimately desired to live in a "mythical perfect world... in which they felt immediately at home and in which everything made sense", a world with a strong community, security, and order, where they had satisfying and well-paid employment, and felt listened to and represented in the political sphere.[446]

Many cited coming from families who were Labour voters and sometimes trade unionists,[447] but also expressed anger at Labour, regarding it as the party of multiculturalism, political correctness, mass immigration, and do-goodery.[448] Among EDL members, there was much talk of "stupid lefties" who were believed to hate the white working class.[123] One EDL supporter in his early twenties was quoted as saying: "I fucking hate those who oppose us, the fucking UAF and the fucking cultural Marxists. They are just queers, dirty spoilt whores who like ethnic cock, and middle-class pricks that don't know what life is really like when you live on a shitty fucking estate where everything is disappearing except the fucking foreign faces."[449] Winlow, Hall, and Treadwell observed that in the build-up to the 2015 general election, most of their EDL contacts intended to vote UKIP.[450]

Shifting class allegiances

Winlow, Hall, and Treadwell also engaged in fieldwork among EDL members, noting that it "draws the overwhelming majority of its support from Britain's old white working class".[128] They argued that many white working-class Britons—who had predominantly aligned with the political left during the twentieth century—had shifted to the far-right in the early twenty-first century because mainstream left-wing politicians had increasingly abandoned them.[451] After Tony Blair's New Labour project took control of the Labour Party in the 1990s, it increasingly shifted away from its traditional working-class base and focused attention on middle-class swing voters.[452] As well as no longer seeing the white working-classes as a viable electoral constituency—Winlow, Hall, and Treadwell argued—middle-class leftist politicians also increasingly regarded its cultural attitudes and values as an embarrassment.[453] At the same time, in the years following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, the mainstream British left ceased talking about regulating capitalism and there had been a narrowing in economic policy between Labour and the Conservatives.[451] As a result, Winlow, Hall and Treadwell found that few of the EDL members they contacted were aware that the British left had historically dedicated itself to improving the economic prospects of the working class.[454]

A participant in an EDL rally in Newcastle

While the white working classes felt increasingly rejected by the mainstream left, they also perceived it as expressing very visible support for cultural minorities.[455] EDL supporters expressed the view that mainstream politicians of both the centre-left and centre-right had been "seduced by the image of 'the exotic'", wanting to "embrace 'diversity' and cultural novelty" while presenting themselves as "cutting-edge, forward-looking, open, cosmopolitan and progressive". To this end—EDL supporters believed—mainstream politicians had encouraged immigration and multiculturalism while coming to loathe white working-class culture, pushing it "from the centre of English society and culture to the margins."[223] They believed that public policy increasingly favoured minorities—whether they be LGBT people, ethnic minorities, or religious minorities—by using affirmative action employment, drives to "diversify" workforces, or favourable media coverage, and that the state had encouraged these groups to present themselves as victims.[456] EDL supporters believed that the heterosexual white working class were left as the only cultural group in the UK that lacked vocal political representation.[126]

At the same time, economic shifts had seen traditional working-class jobs increasingly replaced by low-grade service sector jobs, which were non-unionised and often part time, for instance on zero hour contracts;[457] EDL members were aware of this economic shift, believing that their parents and grandparents' generations had had a better quality of life.[458] According to Winlow, Hall and Treadwell, it was the resulting "background of broadly felt anger and frustration" among the white working class, a "sense of disempowerment, abandonment and growing irrelevance", from which the EDL was able to develop.[459] The EDL provided these working-class individuals with "a very basic means of understanding their frustrations", pointing the finger of blame for their economic insecurity and sense of cultural marginalisation at Muslims and recently arrived migrants.[460] At the same time, Winlow, Hall and Treadwell added that the EDL's identification of Islam as the source of white working-class problems "cannot be justified. At least not rationally."[459] They finished their study by cautioning that unless the left succeeded in reattaching itself to the white working-class—and in doing so ceasing to become "lost in identity politics and dominated by right-on metropolitan liberals" who did nothing to improve the economic life of working class people—then the UK would enter a period dominated by the political right.[461]

Reception and impact

Counter-protest to the EDL organised by the Unite trade union, held in Newcastle in 2017

The EDL represented "the biggest populist street movement in a generation" in Britain,[380] reviving a tradition of far-right street protests that had been largely dormant during the 2000s.[293] The political scientists Matthew J. Goodwin, David Cutts, and Laurence Janta-Lipinski suggested that from 2009 to 2013, it represented "the most significant anti-Islam movement in Europe".[385] In 2011, James Treadwell and Jon Garland described the EDL as "one of the most notable political developments of the past few years",[462] while in 2013, the political scientist Julian Richards stated that the EDL had been "one of the more intriguing developments on the Far Right in recent years".[463]

Although the majority of the British population did not share all of the EDL's views on Islam,[464] the group's rhetoric resonated with and fed into broader animosity towards Muslims in British society.[465] The 2010 British Social Attitudes Survey found that 55% would be bothered by having a mosque built in their street,[466] while a 2011 survey found 48% of UK citizens agreeing with the statement that Islam was "a religion of intolerance".[467] Various commentators attributed this sentiment to elements of the tabloid media, such as the Daily Mail, The Sun, and the Daily Star.[468] The EDL itself faced derision from much of the mainstream media,[266] with EDL members expressing anger at how they felt the mainstream media misrepresented them by, for instance, interviewing those members at demonstrations who were evidently drunk or unarticulate.[469] Those outside the EDL typically perceived the group as being fascist, racist, or mindlessly violent.[400] A 2012 poll by Extremis and YouGov found that only a third of those surveyed had heard of the EDL, and that of those who had, only 11% would consider joining.[282] Of that third, 74% considered the group racist.[470][471][472]


Police with police dogs in attendance at an EDL demonstration

The government regarded the EDL as a major threat to societal cohesion and integration,[289] and there were fears that the group sought to spark racial-aggravated urban disturbances akin to those of 2001.[473] In 2009, the UK Communities Secretary John Denham condemned the EDL and compared its tactics to those used by the British Union of Fascists in the 1930s.[326] In 2010, the Conservative Party leader—and subsequent Prime Minister—David Cameron described the EDL as "terrible people", adding that "if we needed to ban them, we would".[326][474] In 2010, the Association of Pakistani Lawyers asked the government to do so, although the latter declined.[326] Copsey noted because the EDL did not openly glorify terrorism it could not be proscribed under Britain's counter-terrorism legislation and that if banned, it would soon be replaced by a similar group.[326] Police reported that EDL activities hampered their own counter-terror operations among British Muslim communities.[289][475][476]

Foremost among the counter-protesters at EDL events was Unite Against Fascism (UAF),[477] who mirrored the tactics used by the Anti-Nazi League in the 1970s.[478] Dominated by the Socialist Workers Party, the UAF understood the EDL through a largely Marxist interpretation.[479] The UAF believed in opposing the EDL at every juncture so as to demoralise its members;[480] the UAF's common chant was "Fascist scum off our streets".[326] Political scientists noted that this confrontational approach gave the EDL exactly what it wanted,[481] and that it could contribute to further radicalisation on all sides.[482]

Counter-protest to the EDL held in Leicester in 2012

Another anti-fascist group, Hope not Hate, differed in not believing that every EDL rally must meet forceful opposition.[62] It argued that anti-fascists should adapt their tactics to the wishes of local community members in a given area,[480] and emphasised bringing together different religious and ethnic groups in peaceful protest.[62] Hope not Hate also foregrounded the need to establish long-term strategies to counter the EDL and far-right politics, focusing on reconnecting disenfranchised people with the established political process.[62] Online, various leftist websites played a role in monitoring the EDL's activities.[62]

Britain's Islamic community was divided on how to respond to the EDL; some Muslims joined UAF counter-protests, although other Islamic voices called for Muslims to avoid the protests altogether.[480] Another response was the formation of the Muslim Defence League in 2010, the stated purpose of which was to oppose Islamophobia and counter misinformation about Islam. In various instances, it supported UAF counter-protests.[483] In 2013, six Islamists pleaded guilty to plotting a bomb and gun attack on an EDL march in Dewsbury.[484] Other religious communities also responded to the EDL. A group called Sikhs Against the EDL was formed in response to the involvement of some Sikhs in the organisation,[478] while the Board of Deputies of British Jews expressed disappointment at the formation of the EDL Jewish Division.[59]



  1. ^ a b Allen 2011, p. 294; Treadwell & Garland 2011, p. 623; Richards 2013, p. 178; Brindle 2016, p. 444.
  2. ^ a b c d e Jackson 2011, p. 14.
  3. ^ a b Pilkington 2016, p. 4.
  4. ^ a b Copsey 2010, p. 11; Allen 2011, p. 294; Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 111; Kassimeris & Jackson 2015, p. 172.
  5. ^ a b Copsey 2010, p. 11.
  6. ^ a b Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 106.
  7. ^ Brindle 2016, p. 445; Pilkington 2016, p. 4.
  8. ^ "EDL Appoints Tim Ablitt As New Chairman After Departure of Tommy Robinson And Kevin Carroll". Huffington Post UK. 10 October 2013. Retrieved 13 July 2017.
  9. ^ Phillips, Leigh (31 August 2010). "Football hooligans to launch 'European Defence League' in Amsterdam". EUobserver. Retrieved 13 July 2017.
  10. ^ "EDL steps up prison protest". Bedfordshire Local News. 11 September 2011. Retrieved 4 October 2011.
  11. ^ "So, who are the English Defence League exactly?". Leicester Mercury. 7 October 2010. Retrieved 13 July 2017.
  12. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 6.
  13. ^ Allen 2011, p. 281; Jackson 2011, p. 9.
  14. ^ a b Jackson 2011, p. 9.
  15. ^ Lambert 2013, p. 53.
  16. ^ Allen 2011, pp. 281–282.
  17. ^ Allen 2011, p. 282.
  18. ^ Allen 2011, p. 283.
  19. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 8; Pilkington 2016, p. 37.
  20. ^ Copsey 2010, pp. 8–9; Allen 2011, p. 283; Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 106.
  21. ^ a b Garland & Treadwell 2010, p. 21.
  22. ^ Copsey 2010, pp. 8–9; Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 106.
  23. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 9; Allen 2011, p. 263; Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 106.
  24. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 8; Allen 2011, p. 283; Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 106.
  25. ^ Copsey 2010, pp. 9–10; Allen 2011, p. 283; Jackson 2011, p. 15; Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 106.
  26. ^ a b Jackson 2011, p. 18.
  27. ^ a b c d Allen 2011, p. 284.
  28. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 8; Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 106.
  29. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 10.
  30. ^ Goodwin 2013, p. 5.
  31. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 9.
  32. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 8; Jackson 2011, p. 15.
  33. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 8; Garland & Treadwell 2010, p. 23; Jackson 2011, p. 15.
  34. ^ Allen 2011, p. 284; Richards 2013, p. 181.
  35. ^ Jackson 2011, pp. 15–16.
  36. ^ a b Copsey 2010, p. 13.
  37. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 14; Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 107.
  38. ^ Jackson 2011, p. 18; Meadowcroft & Morrow 2017, p. 378.
  39. ^ a b c d e f g h i Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 112.
  40. ^ a b c d e Busher 2018, p. 326.
  41. ^ a b Jackson 2011, p. 21.
  42. ^ a b c Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 107.
  43. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 15; Trilling 2012, p. 184.
  44. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 15; Pilkington 2016, p. 48.
  45. ^ Townsend, Mark; Traynor, Ian (30 July 2011). "Norway attacks: How far right views created Anders Behring Breivik". The Guardian. Retrieved 14 August 2011.
  46. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 48.
  47. ^ a b Trilling 2012, p. 183.
  48. ^ a b c Richards 2013, p. 187.
  49. ^ a b Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 104.
  50. ^ Braouezec 2016, p. 638.
  51. ^ Richards 2013, p. 181; Meadowcroft & Morrow 2017, p. 379.
  52. ^ a b c d e Meadowcroft & Morrow 2017, p. 379.
  53. ^ a b c Trilling 2012, p. 189.
  54. ^ Jackson 2011, p. 28; Trilling 2012, p. 193.
  55. ^ Thomson, Alex (11 August 2011). "Police clash with vigilantes in Eltham". Channel 4 News. Retrieved 17 September 2011.
  56. ^ Ferran, Lee (10 August 2011). "London Riots: Police Warn Against Vigilante Groups". ABC News. Retrieved 17 September 2011.
  57. ^ a b c d Allen 2011, p. 285.
  58. ^ a b c d Allen 2011, p. 286.
  59. ^ a b c Copsey 2010, p. 21.
  60. ^ Orange, Richard (19 January 2012). "The anti-Islam English Defense League plans a massive European rally". Globalpost. Retrieved 19 June 2013.
  61. ^ a b c d e f g h Busher 2018, p. 327.
  62. ^ a b c d e Jackson 2011, p. 29.
  63. ^ Jackson 2011, pp. 29–30.
  64. ^ Jackson 2011, p. 30.
  65. ^ Trilling 2012, p. 191.
  66. ^ Rowland Hill, Matt (18 October 2013). "Who is the real Tommy Robinson?". The Daily Telegraph. Retrieved 20 October 2013.
  67. ^ Williams, Rob (7 January 2013). "Leader of the English Defence League, Stephen Lennon, is jailed for using false passport". The Independent. Retrieved 20 April 2013.
  68. ^ a b Pilkington 2016, p. 45.
  69. ^ Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 105; Elliott 2017, p. 155.
  70. ^ Jackson 2011, p. 27.
  71. ^ Jackson 2011, p. 27; Trilling 2012, p. 190.
  72. ^ Rayner, Gordon (26 July 2011). "Norway killer Anders Behring Breivik emailed 'manifesto' to 250 British contacts". The Daily Telegraph. Retrieved 27 November 2018.
  73. ^ Elliott 2017, p. 156.
  74. ^ Márquez, Miguel; Ferrán, Lee (26 July 2011). "Norway Terror Suspect Claims Templar Knight 'Cells', Police Doubtful". ABC News. Retrieved 17 September 2011.
  75. ^ Townsend, Mark (1 September 2012). "British far-right extremists voice support for Anders Breivik". The Guardian. Retrieved 27 November 2018.
  76. ^ a b Elliott 2017, p. 146.
  77. ^ "Interpol Requests Maltese police to investigate Norway mass-murderer's Malta-based 'mentor'". The Malta Independent. 31 July 2011. Retrieved 27 November 2018.
  78. ^ Micallef, Mark (31 July 2011). "The extremists in our midst". The Times of Malta. Retrieved 10 August 2011.
  79. ^ a b Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 113.
  80. ^ "Ex-soldier sent to jail for blast plot at mosque – Local". Retrieved 10 December 2011.
    "Simon Beech and Garreth Foster jailed for Regent Road mosque attack". This is Staffordshire. 30 November 2011. Retrieved 10 December 2011.
    - "Stoke-on-Trent mosque arsonists jailed". BBC News. 5 December 2011. Retrieved 10 December 2011.
    - "Hanley Mosque arson accused Simon Beech was member of the BNP". This is Staffordshire. 30 November 2011. Retrieved 10 December 2011.
  81. ^ Richards 2013, p. 180.
  82. ^ Alessio & Meredith 2014, pp. 113–114.
  83. ^ a b c Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 114.
  84. ^ Busher 2018, pp. 333–334.
  85. ^ a b c Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 105.
  86. ^ Jackson 2011, p. 30; Busher 2018, p. 327.
  87. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 148.
  88. ^ Morris, Nigel (5 April 2013). "English Defence League backs Ukip in local elections". The Independent. Retrieved 1 November 2013.
  89. ^ Pilkington 2016, pp. 39–40; Cleland, Anderson & Aldridge-Deacon 2017, p. 2; Busher 2018, p. 327.
  90. ^ a b Kassimeris & Jackson 2015, p. 173.
  91. ^ "EDL leader Tommy Robinson quits group". BBC News. 8 October 2013. Retrieved 8 October 2013.
  92. ^ Siddique, Haroon (8 October 2013). "Tommy Robinson quits EDL saying it has become 'too extreme'". The Guardian. Retrieved 8 October 2013.
  93. ^ Milmo, Cahal (8 October 2013). "EDL leader Tommy Robinson turns his back on his own party over 'dangers of far-right extremism'". The Independent. Retrieved 8 October 2013.
  94. ^ Aked 2017, p. 173.
  95. ^ Oaten 2014, p. 347.
  96. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 40.
  97. ^ a b c d Pilkington 2016, p. 41.
  98. ^ Brindle 2016, p. 445; Pilkington 2016, p. 41.
  99. ^ "EDL Select Dorset's Tim Ablitt as New Leader After Tommy Robinson Quits". International Business Times UK. 10 October 2013. Retrieved 6 November 2013.
  100. ^ Pilkington 2016, pp. 41, 47.
  101. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, pp. 12–13.
  102. ^ Alessio & Meredith 2014, pp. 104–105.
  103. ^ a b Pilkington 2016, p. 42.
  104. ^ Aked 2017, p. 172.
  105. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 41; Aked 2017, p. 174; Elliott 2017, p. 163.
  106. ^ a b c d Meadowcroft & Morrow 2017, p. 375.
  107. ^ a b c d e Brindle 2016, p. 445.
  108. ^ Braouezec 2016, p. 237.
  109. ^ a b c Allen 2011, p. 294.
  110. ^ Richards 2013, pp. 178–179.
  111. ^ Allen 2011, p. 293.
  112. ^ Treadwell & Garland 2011, p. 623.
  113. ^ Jackson 2011, pp. 5, 8.
  114. ^ a b Jackson 2011, p. 7.
  115. ^ a b Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 184.
  116. ^ a b Richards 2013, p. 191.
  117. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 12.
  118. ^ a b Bartlett & Littler 2011, pp. 5, 21–22.
  119. ^ Kassimeris & Jackson 2015, p. 175.
  120. ^ Jackson 2011, p. 7; Richards 2013, p. 189.
  121. ^ Aked 2017, p. 174.
  122. ^ a b c d Richards 2013, p. 185.
  123. ^ a b Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 117.
  124. ^ a b Jackson 2011, p. 11.
  125. ^ Bartlett & Littler 2011, p. 3; Jackson 2011, p. 7; Brindle 2016, p. 445; Pilkington 2016, p. 4.
  126. ^ a b c d Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 109.
  127. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 1.
  128. ^ a b Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 9.
  129. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 6.
  130. ^ a b c Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 7.
  131. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 5; Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 106; Braouezec 2016, p. 639.
  132. ^ Aked 2017, p. 163.
  133. ^ Goodwin 2013, p. 3.
  134. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 224.
  135. ^ a b c d Allen 2011, p. 292.
  136. ^ Kassimeris & Jackson 2015, p. 182; Pilkington 2016, p. 130.
  137. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 130.
  138. ^ Allen 2011, p. 292; Kassimeris & Jackson 2015, p. 182.
  139. ^ a b Kassimeris & Jackson 2015, p. 179.
  140. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 131.
  141. ^ a b c Brindle 2016, p. 457.
  142. ^ Pilkington 2016, pp. 132–133.
  143. ^ a b Pilkington 2016, p. 136.
  144. ^ Allen 2011, p. 291; Jackson 2011, p. 14.
  145. ^ a b c Jackson 2011, p. 12.
  146. ^ Garland & Treadwell 2010, p. 29.
  147. ^ a b c d e f g h i Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 111.
  148. ^ a b Pilkington 2016, p. 134.
  149. ^ a b Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 165.
  150. ^ Kassimeris & Jackson 2015, pp. 178, 179.
  151. ^ Brindle 2016, p. 446.
  152. ^ a b Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 167.
  153. ^ a b Pilkington 2016, p. 147.
  154. ^ Richards 2013, p. 188.
  155. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 146.
  156. ^ Kassimeris & Jackson 2015, pp. 184–185.
  157. ^ Allen 2011, p. 290.
  158. ^ a b c Kassimeris & Jackson 2015, p. 172.
  159. ^ Allen 2011, p. 280; Jackson 2011, p. 7.
  160. ^ Allen 2011, p. 280.
  161. ^ Kassimeris & Jackson 2015, p. 184.
  162. ^ a b Kassimeris & Jackson 2015, p. 177.
  163. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 5; Allen 2011, pp. 291, 293; Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 111; Kassimeris & Jackson 2015, p. 172.
  164. ^ Allen 2011, pp. 291, 293; Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 111.
  165. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 98.
  166. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 155.
  167. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, pp. 155–156, 158.
  168. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 162.
  169. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, pp. 162–163.
  170. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 163.
  171. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 141.
  172. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 133; Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, pp. 156–158.
  173. ^ Kassimeris & Jackson 2015, p. 179; Pilkington 2017, p. 250.
  174. ^ Pilkington 2017, pp. 249–250.
  175. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, pp. 166–67.
  176. ^ Brindle 2016, p. 450.
  177. ^ Garland & Treadwell 2010, p. 30; Jackson 2011, p. 19.
  178. ^ Garland & Treadwell 2010, p. 32; Kassimeris & Jackson 2015, p. 172.
  179. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 138.
  180. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 22; Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 112.
  181. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 22.
  182. ^ a b Kassimeris & Jackson 2015, p. 182; Pilkington 2016, p. 137.
  183. ^ a b c Kassimeris & Jackson 2015, p. 180.
  184. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 142.
  185. ^ Kassimeris & Jackson 2015, pp. 180–181.
  186. ^ a b Kassimeris & Jackson 2015, p. 182.
  187. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 135.
  188. ^ Allen 2011, p. 291.
  189. ^ Kassimeris & Jackson 2015, p. 182; Pilkington 2016, p. 136.
  190. ^ a b c Meadowcroft & Morrow 2017, p. 381.
  191. ^ a b c d Richards 2013, p. 183.
  192. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 164.
  193. ^ Jackson 2011, p. 12; Pilkington 2016, p. 136.
  194. ^ Brindle 2016, p. 451.
  195. ^ Pilkington 2017, p. 243–244.
  196. ^ Richards 2013, p. 189.
  197. ^ Richards 2013, pp. 188–189.
  198. ^ Braouezec 2016, p. 645.
  199. ^ a b c Jackson 2011, p. 25.
  200. ^ a b c d Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 115.
  201. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 109.
  202. ^ a b Jackson 2011, p. 5.
  203. ^ Jackson 2011, p. 8; Brindle 2016, p. 457.
  204. ^ a b Copsey 2010, p. 30.
  205. ^ Pilkington 2016, pp. 109–110.
  206. ^ Trilling 2012, p. 185.
  207. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 164.
  208. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 111.
  209. ^ Elliott 2017, p. 160.
  210. ^ Richards 2013, p. 187; Elliott 2017, pp. 166–167.
  211. ^ Elliott 2017, p. 166.
  212. ^ Cleland, Anderson & Aldridge-Deacon 2017, pp. 11–12; Elliott 2017, p. 167.
  213. ^ a b Cleland, Anderson & Aldridge-Deacon 2017, pp. 11–12.
  214. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 114.
  215. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 115; Busher 2018, p. 329.
  216. ^ a b Busher 2018, p. 329.
  217. ^ a b c Busher 2018, p. 330.
  218. ^ Braouezec 2016, p. 642.
  219. ^ a b Pilkington 2016, p. 115.
  220. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 115; Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, pp. 140–141.
  221. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 116.
  222. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 113; Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 139.
  223. ^ a b Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, pp. 109–110.
  224. ^ Allen 2011, p. 279; Kassimeris & Jackson 2015, p. 172.
  225. ^ Kassimeris & Jackson 2015, p. 172; Pilkington 2016, p. 92.
  226. ^ a b c d e Allen 2011, p. 287.
  227. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 101.
  228. ^ a b Pilkington 2016, p. 103.
  229. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 113.
  230. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 123.
  231. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 104.
  232. ^ a b Allen 2011, p. 288.
  233. ^ a b c Pilkington 2016, p. 140.
  234. ^ Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 111; Pilkington 2016, p. 139.
  235. ^ a b Kassimeris & Jackson 2015, p. 178.
  236. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 149.
  237. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 140.
  238. ^ Treadwell & Garland 2011, p. 630; Oaten 2014, p. 335.
  239. ^ Allen 2011, p. 288; Jackson 2011, p. 26.
  240. ^ Pilkington 2017, p. 250.
  241. ^ a b Pilkington 2016, p. 122.
  242. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 122; Pilkington 2017, pp. 247–248.
  243. ^ a b c Copsey 2010, p. 5.
  244. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 25.
  245. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 14.
  246. ^ a b Cleland, Anderson & Aldridge-Deacon 2017, p. 2.
  247. ^ Alessio & Meredith 2014, pp. 110–111.
  248. ^ a b Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 110.
  249. ^ Alessio & Meredith 2014, pp. 105–106.
  250. ^ Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 116.
  251. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 12; Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 111; Busher 2018, pp. 326–327.
  252. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 12; Allen 2011, p. 286; Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 112.
  253. ^ a b Garland & Treadwell 2010, p. 24.
  254. ^ Richards 2013, p. 183; Busher 2018, p. 329.
  255. ^ Jackson 2011, p. 20; Alessio & Meredith 2014, pp. 111–112.
  256. ^ a b c Busher 2018, p. 331.
  257. ^ Garland & Treadwell 2010, p. 28.
  258. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 98.
  259. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 11; Jackson 2011, pp. 5, 14; Pilkington 2016, p. 8.
  260. ^ Jackson 2011, p. 7; Treadwell & Garland 2011, p. 261; Kassimeris & Jackson 2015, p. 171.
  261. ^ Richards 2013, p. 190.
  262. ^ Busher 2018, pp. 323–324.
  263. ^ a b Busher 2018, p. 328.
  264. ^ Aked 2017, p. 165.
  265. ^ Jackson 2011, p. 12; Kassimeris & Jackson 2015, p. 172; Braouezec 2016, p. 638; Pilkington 2016, p. 4; Romdenh-Romluc 2016, p. 601.
  266. ^ a b Romdenh-Romluc 2016, p. 602.
  267. ^ a b Pilkington 2016, p. 44.
  268. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 183.
  269. ^ a b c d e f Copsey 2010, p. 19.
  270. ^ Jackson 2011, pp. 21–22.
  271. ^ a b Jackson 2011, p. 22.
  272. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 184; Brindle 2016, p. 445.
  273. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 182.
  274. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 20; Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 112.
  275. ^ Copsey 2010, pp. 20–21.
  276. ^ a b c Jackson 2011, p. 20.
  277. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 19; Jackson 2011, p. 21.
  278. ^ Pilkington 2016, pp. 42–43.
  279. ^ Pilkington 2016, pp. 15, 44.
  280. ^ a b c d Pilkington 2016, p. 43.
  281. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 20; Pilkington 2016, p. 49.
  282. ^ a b Pilkington 2016, p. 49.
  283. ^ Brindle 2016, p. 445; Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 7.
  284. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 14.
  285. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 15.
  286. ^ a b Copsey 2010, p. 31.
  287. ^ a b Trilling 2012, p. 188.
  288. ^ "MEP Sajjad Karim 'threatened' over EDL protest by home". BBC News. 5 July 2011. Retrieved 17 September 2011.
  289. ^ a b c Bartlett & Littler 2011, p. 13.
  290. ^ a b c Copsey 2010, p. 26.
  291. ^ Pilkington 2016, pp. 182–183.
  292. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 184.
  293. ^ a b Meadowcroft & Morrow 2017, p. 376.
  294. ^ a b c Bartlett & Littler 2011, p. 4.
  295. ^ a b c Copsey 2010, p. 29.
  296. ^ Meadowcroft & Morrow 2017, p. 384.
  297. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 23.
  298. ^ a b Pilkington 2016, p. 30.
  299. ^ Braouezec 2016, p. 644.
  300. ^ Kassimeris & Jackson 2015, p. 171; Brindle 2016, p. 445; Meadowcroft & Morrow 2017, p. 375.
  301. ^ Pilkington 2016, pp. 14, 181.
  302. ^ a b Pilkington 2016, p. 187.
  303. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 181.
  304. ^ a b c d Meadowcroft & Morrow 2017, p. 383.
  305. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 180.
  306. ^ Meadowcroft & Morrow 2017, p. 383; Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 7.
  307. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 15; Meadowcroft & Morrow 2017, p. 383.
  308. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 181; Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 149.
  309. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 30; Meadowcroft & Morrow 2017, p. 375.
  310. ^ a b Pilkington 2016, p. 196.
  311. ^ Pilkington 2016, pp. 140, 185.
  312. ^ Garland & Treadwell 2010, p. 26; Meadowcroft & Morrow 2017, p. 375.
  313. ^ a b Garland & Treadwell 2010, p. 25.
  314. ^ Garland & Treadwell 2010, p. 32; Meadowcroft & Morrow 2017, p. 375.
  315. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 133; Busher 2018, p. 329.
  316. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 140; Meadowcroft & Morrow 2017, p. 375.
  317. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 195; Meadowcroft & Morrow 2017, p. 375.
  318. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 185.
  319. ^ Pilkington 2016, pp. 31, 197.
  320. ^ Pilkington 2016, pp. 187–188.
  321. ^ a b Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 108.
  322. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 193.
  323. ^ Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 108; Pilkington 2016, p. 191.
  324. ^ Alessio & Meredith 2014, p. 109.
  325. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 185.
  326. ^ a b c d e f g h Copsey 2010, p. 32.
  327. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 53.
  328. ^ Meadowcroft & Morrow 2017, p. 380.
  329. ^ Kassimeris & Jackson 2015, pp. 177–178.
  330. ^ Jackson 2011, p. 19.
  331. ^ a b Jackson 2011, p. 24.
  332. ^ Jackson 2011, pp. 22–23.
  333. ^ a b c Allen 2013, p. 193.
  334. ^ Allen 2013, p. 194.
  335. ^ a b Allen 2011, p. 289.
  336. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 31; Allen 2011, p. 289; Jackson 2011, p. 24.
  337. ^ "Man broke window in EDL demo". Leicester Mercury. 23 March 2011. Retrieved 30 July 2011.
  338. ^ Trilling 2012, p. 188; Kassimeris & Jackson 2015, p. 172.
  339. ^ "Mindless EDL thugs storm Muslim exhibition in Cradley Heath market". Halesowen News. Retrieved 10 December 2011.
  340. ^ Wilkinson, Tom (19 August 2011). "EDL member admits mosque attack". The Independent. UK. Retrieved 17 September 2011.
  341. ^ "Arrests after Yorkshire anti-racism gig stormed". Yorkshire Evening Post. UK
  342. ^ Jackson 2011, p. 24; Trilling 2012, p. 189.
  343. ^ Kennedy, Rob (3 December 2011). "EDL gang jailed for attack at Newcastle Irish Centre". Chronicle News. Retrieved 10 December 2011.
  344. ^ "Death threats for journalists covering far right demos" (Press release). National Union of Journalists. 2 November 2009. Retrieved 5 November 2009.
  345. ^ Parkinson, Jason N. (4 November 2009). "Far right embraces fatwas". The Guardian. London.
  346. ^ Treadwell & Garland 2011, pp. 629–630.
  347. ^ Treadwell & Garland 2011, pp. 627–628.
  348. ^ Treadwell & Garland 2011, p. 631.
  349. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 35.
  350. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 51.
  351. ^ Brindle 2016, pp. 456–457.
  352. ^ a b c d e f g Copsey 2010, p. 20.
  353. ^ Cleland, Anderson & Aldridge-Deacon 2017, pp. 2–3.
  354. ^ a b c Kassimeris & Jackson 2015, p. 176.
  355. ^ Jackson 2011, p. 23.
  356. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 5; Jackson 2011, p. 25.
  357. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 5; Bartlett & Littler 2011, p. 11; Jackson 2011, p. 26.
  358. ^ a b c Copsey 2010, p. 24.
  359. ^ a b c d Jackson 2011, p. 26.
  360. ^ Goodwin 2013, p. 6.
  361. ^ "Surfing Rabbi rallies with British anti-Islam group outside Israel embassy". Haaretz. 24 October 2010. Retrieved 17 September 2011.
  362. ^ Townsend, Mark (10 October 2010). "English Defence League forges links with America's Tea Party". The Guardian. London. Retrieved 10 October 2010.
  363. ^ "'Surfer rabbi' joins EDL march against UK 'Islamification'". The Jerusalem Post. IL. 25 October 2010
  364. ^ "UK far-right group boasts Tea Party links". CNN. 2 November 2010
  365. ^ Verkaik, Robert (27 November 2010). "Jewish? Gay? Join us, white extremists say". The Independent. London
  366. ^ "Rabbi Shifre's speech at EDL demonstration". The Jewish Chronicle. 25 October 2010. Retrieved 17 September 2011.
  367. ^ a b Copsey 2010, p. 24; Jackson 2011, p. 25.
  368. ^ Alison Campsie (13 December 2009). "Revealed: the secret links between the Scottish Defence League and the BNP". Sunday Herald. Retrieved 12 November 2011.
  369. ^ Copsey 2010, pp. 19–20.
  370. ^ "JDL rally for anti-Islamist group draws protesters". 20 January 2011. Retrieved 17 September 2011.
  371. ^ "Violent demonstration opposes Jewish defense alliance". JTA. 12 January 2011. Retrieved 17 September 2011.
  372. ^ Orange, Richard (18 January 2012). "Anti-Islamic groups across Europe to attend far-Right rally". The Daily Telegraph. London. Retrieved 15 March 2012.
  373. ^ Townsend, Mark (31 March 2012). "EDL summit in Denmark humiliated by low attendance". The Guardian. London.
  374. ^ Beyer-Olsen, Audun (6 August 2011). "Leder den islamfiendlige organisasjonen NDL" [Leads the Islam-hostile organisation NDL]. Tønsbergs Blad (in Norwegian). Tønsberg, Norway. Retrieved 3 February 2012.
  375. ^ Sønsteby, Christian (5 February 2011). "Norske Remi i England på anti-muslimsk markering" [Norwegian Remi in England at anti-muslim event] (in Norwegian). Bergen, Norway: TV 2. Retrieved 3 February 2012.
  376. ^ Brustad, Line; Røst, Espen (4 September 2011). "Jeg ble stoppet fordi jeg hadde et norsk flagg på genseren min, og jeg ble kalt terrorist" [I was stopped because I had a Norwegian flag on my sweater, and I says he was called a terrorist]. Dagbladet (in Norwegian). Oslo, Norway. Retrieved 3 February 2012.
  377. ^ a b Jonny Greatrex (27 January 2013). "English Volunteer League protest in Birmingham's Centenary Square finishes trouble-free". Birmingham Mail. Retrieved 10 February 2013.
  378. ^ Mulhall, Joe (12 October 2012). "Beginner's guide to new groups on Britain's far right". Extremis Project. Retrieved 10 February 2013.
  379. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 5; Cleland, Anderson & Aldridge-Deacon 2017, p. 2; Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 6.
  380. ^ a b c Bartlett & Littler 2011, p. 3.
  381. ^ Bartlett & Littler 2011, p. 3; Brindle 2016, p. 445.
  382. ^ Quinn, Ben (28 May 2013). "Anonymous-linked groups publish EDL supporters' personal information". The Guardian. Retrieved 27 November 2018.
  383. ^ a b Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, pp. 146–147.
  384. ^ Pilkington 2017, p. 246.
  385. ^ a b Goodwin, Cutts & Janta-Lipinski 2016, p. 5.
  386. ^ Pilkington 2017, p. 243.
  387. ^ Pilkington 2017, p. 247.
  388. ^ a b c Pilkington 2016, p. 39.
  389. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 225.
  390. ^ Busher 2018, p. 334.
  391. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 36; Richards 2013, p. 182.
  392. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 36.
  393. ^ Busher 2018, pp. 325–326.
  394. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 75.
  395. ^ Pilkington 2016, pp. 87–88; Meadowcroft & Morrow 2017, pp. 383–384.
  396. ^ Pilkington 2016, pp. 87–88.
  397. ^ Pilkington 2016, pp. 88–89.
  398. ^ Meadowcroft & Morrow 2017, p. 374.
  399. ^ a b Meadowcroft & Morrow 2017, p. 382.
  400. ^ a b Meadowcroft & Morrow 2017, p. 385.
  401. ^ Pilkington 2016, pp. 198, 200.
  402. ^ Pilkington 2016, pp. 200–201.
  403. ^ a b Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 10.
  404. ^ Pilkington 2016, pp. 64, 66; Pilkington 2017, p. 243.
  405. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 61.
  406. ^ Pilkington 2016, pp. 62, 64.
  407. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 71.
  408. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 66.
  409. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 69.
  410. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 77.
  411. ^ Pilkington 2016, pp. 80–83.
  412. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 144.
  413. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 217.
  414. ^ Bartlett & Littler 2011, pp. 5, 16.
  415. ^ Bartlett & Littler 2011, pp. 5, 18.
  416. ^ Bartlett & Littler 2011, p. 5.
  417. ^ Bartlett & Littler 2011, p. 24.
  418. ^ Bartlett & Littler 2011, pp. 25–27.
  419. ^ Goodwin, Cutts & Janta-Lipinski 2016, p. 8.
  420. ^ Goodwin, Cutts & Janta-Lipinski 2016, p. 6.
  421. ^ Goodwin, Cutts & Janta-Lipinski 2016, pp. 8–9.
  422. ^ Goodwin, Cutts & Janta-Lipinski 2016, p. 19.
  423. ^ Goodwin, Cutts & Janta-Lipinski 2016, p. 10.
  424. ^ Goodwin, Cutts & Janta-Lipinski 2016, p. 16.
  425. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 228.
  426. ^ Oaten 2014, p. 337.
  427. ^ a b Pilkington 2016, p. 154.
  428. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 169.
  429. ^ a b Pilkington 2016, p. 159.
  430. ^ a b Pilkington 2016, p. 165.
  431. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 171.
  432. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 172.
  433. ^ Pilkington 2016, pp. 172–173.
  434. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 79.
  435. ^ Cleland, Anderson & Aldridge-Deacon 2017, pp. 5–6.
  436. ^ Oaten 2014, p. 332.
  437. ^ Oaten 2014, p. 345.
  438. ^ a b c d e Busher 2018, p. 332.
  439. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 107; Busher 2018, p. 332.
  440. ^ Braouezec 2016, p. 641.
  441. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 38.
  442. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, pp. 96–97; Busher 2018, p. 327.
  443. ^ Cleland, Anderson & Aldridge-Deacon 2017, p. 7.
  444. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 5.
  445. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 8.
  446. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, pp. 174.
  447. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 45.
  448. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 101.
  449. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 135.
  450. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 76.
  451. ^ a b Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, pp. 13–14.
  452. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 35.
  453. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 69.
  454. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 151.
  455. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 68.
  456. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 110.
  457. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, pp. 14–15.
  458. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, pp. 84–85.
  459. ^ a b Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 83.
  460. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, pp. 77, 78.
  461. ^ Winlow, Hall & Treadwell 2017, p. 208.
  462. ^ Treadwell & Garland 2011, p. 621.
  463. ^ Richards 2013, p. 178.
  464. ^ Romdenh-Romluc 2016, pp. 601–602.
  465. ^ Allen 2011, p. 292; Cleland, Anderson & Aldridge-Deacon 2017, p. 14.
  466. ^ Allen 2011, pp. 292–293.
  467. ^ Goodwin 2013, p. 12.
  468. ^ Garland & Treadwell 2010, p. 31; Trilling 2012, p. 187.
  469. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 50.
  470. ^ Pilkington 2016, p. 92.
  471. ^ Katwala, Sunder (12 October 2012). "What do the British people think of the English Defence League?". openDemocracy. Retrieved 27 November 2018.
  472. ^ "A survey of public attitudes towards the English Defence League (EDL) reveals that there is some sympathy for the movement's values, although these supporters are very much in a minority". London School of Economics. Archived from the original on 17 June 2013. Retrieved 15 April 2014.
  473. ^ Garland & Treadwell 2010, p. 26.
  474. ^ Authi, Jasbir (24 October 2012). "David Cameron makes dash to West Midlands". Birmingham Mail. Retrieved 28 August 2010.
  475. ^ "English Defence League demos 'feed Islamic extremism'". BBC News. 19 November 2010. Retrieved 27 November 2018.
  476. ^ Fentiman, Paula (19 November 2010). "EDL fuel Islamic extremism claim police". The Independent. Retrieved 27 November 2018.
  477. ^ Jackson 2011, p. 28.
  478. ^ a b Richards 2013, p. 186.
  479. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 32; Jackson 2011, p. 28.
  480. ^ a b c Copsey 2010, p. 33.
  481. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 34.
  482. ^ Copsey 2010, p. 34; Jackson 2011, p. 29.
  483. ^ Copsey 2010, pp. 33–34; Jackson 2011, p. 28.
  484. ^ "Six admit planning to bomb English Defence League rally". BBC News. 30 April 2013. Retrieved 27 November 2018.


Aked, Hilary (2017). "Islamophobia, Counter-extremism and the Counterjihad Movement". In Narzanin Massoumi, Tom Mills, and David Miller (eds.) (eds.). What is Islamophobia? Racism, Social Movements and the State. London: Pluto Press. pp. 163–185. ISBN 978-0-7453-9957-7.CS1 maint: Uses editors parameter (link)
Alessio, Dominic; Meredith, Kristen (2014). "Blackshirts for the Twenty–First Century? Fascism and the English Defence League". Social Identities. 20 (1). pp. 104–118. doi:10.1080/13504630.2013.843058.
Allen, Chris (2011). "Opposing Islamification or Promoting Islamophobia? Understanding the English Defence League". Patterns of Prejudice. 45 (4). pp. 279–294. doi:10.1080/0031322X.2011.585014.
Allen, Chris (2013). "Between Critical and Uncritical Understandings: A Case Study Analyzing the Claims of Islamophobia Made in the Context of the Proposed 'Super-Mosque' in Dudley, England". Societies. 3. pp. 186–203. doi:10.3390/soc3020186.
Bartlett, Jamie; Littler, Mark (2011). Inside the EDL: Populist Politics in a Digital Age (PDF) (Report). London: Demos.
Braouezec, Kevin (2016). "Identifying Common Patterns of Discourse and Strategy among the New Extremist Movements in Europe: The Case of the English Defence League and the Bloc Identitaire". Journal of Intercultural Studies. 37 (6). pp. 637–648. doi:10.1080/07256868.2016.1235023.
Brindle, Andrew (2016). "Cancer has Nothing on Islam: A Study of Discourses by Group Elite and Supporters of the English Defence League". Critical Discourse Studies. 13 (4). pp. 444–459. doi:10.1080/17405904.2016.1169196.
Busher, Joel (2018). "Why Even Misleading Identity Claims Matter: The Evolution of the English Defence League". Political Studies. 66 (2). pp. 323–338. doi:10.1177/0032321717720378.
Cleland, Jamie; Anderson, Chris; Aldridge-Deacon, Jack (2017). "Islamophobia, War and Non-Muslims as Victims: An Analysis of Online Discourse on an English Defence League Message Board". Ethnic and Racial Studies. 41 (9). pp. 1541–1557. doi:10.1080/01419870.2017.1287927.
Copsey, Nigel (2010). The English Defence League: Challenging our Country and our Values of Social Inclusion, Fairness and Equality (Report). London: Faith Matters.
Elliott, Andrew B. R. (2017). Medievalism, Politics and Mass Media: Appropriating the Middle Ages in the Twenty-First Century. Medievalism Volume 10. Woodbridge: Boydell. ISBN 978-1-84384-463-1.
Garland, Jon; Treadwell, James (2010). "'No Surrender to the Taliban': Football Hooliganism, Islamophobia and the Rise of the English Defence League" (PDF). Papers from the British Criminology Conference. 10: 19–35.
Goodwin, Matthew (2013). The Roots of Extremism: The English Defence League and the Counter-Jihad Challenge (PDF) (Report). London: Chatham House.
Goodwin, Matthew J.; Cutts, David; Janta-Lipinski, Laurence (2016). "Economic Losers, Protestors, Islamophobes or Xenophobes? Predicting Public Support for a Counter-Jihad Movement". Political Studies. 64 (1). pp. 4–26. doi:10.1111/1467-9248.12159.
Jackson, Paul (2011). The EDL: Britain's 'New Far Right' Social Movement (Report). Northampton: University of Northampton.
Kassimeris, George; Jackson, Leonie (2015). "The Ideology and Discourse of the English Defence League: 'Not Racist, Not Violent, Just No Longer Silent'". The British Journal of Politics and International Relations. 17. pp. 171–188. doi:10.1111/1467-856X.12036.
Lambert, Robert (2013). "Anti-Muslim Prejudice in the UK: Extremist Nationalist Involvement and Influence". In Max Taylor, P. M. Currie, and Donald Holbrook (eds) (eds.). Extreme Right Wing Political Violence and Terrorism. London: Bloomsbury Publishing. pp. 31–63. ISBN 978-1441140876.CS1 maint: Uses editors parameter (link)
Meadowcroft, John; Morrow, Elizabeth A. (2017). "Violence, Self-Worth, Solidarity and Stigma: How a Dissident, Far-Right Group Solves the Collective Action Problem". Political Studies. 65 (2). pp. 373–390. doi:10.1177/0032321716651654.
Oaten, Alexander (2014). "The Cult of the Victim: An Analysis of the Collective Identity of the English Defence League". Patterns of Prejudice. 48 (4). pp. 331–349. doi:10.1080/0031322X.2014.950454.
Pilkington, Hilary (2016). Loud and Proud: Passion and Politics in the English Defence League. Manchester: Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-1-7849-9259-0.
Pilkington, Hilary (2017). "'EDL angels stand beside their men… not behind them': The Politics of Gender and Sexuality in an Anti-Islam(ist) Movement". Gender and Education. 29 (2). pp. 238–257. doi:10.1080/09540253.2016.1237622.
Richards, Julian (2013). "Reactive Community Mobilization in Europe: The Case of the English Defence League". Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression. 5 (3). pp. 177–193. doi:10.1080/19434472.2011.575624.
Romdenh-Romluc, Komarine (2016). "Hermeneutical Injustice: Bloodsports and the English Defence League". Social Epistemology. 30 (5–6). pp. 592–610. doi:10.1080/02691728.2016.1172363.
Treadwell, James; Garland, Jon (2011). "Masculinity, Marginalization and Violence: A Case Study of the English Defence League". The British Journal of Criminology. 51 (4). pp. 621–634. JSTOR 23639102.
Trilling, Daniel (2012). Bloody Nasty People: The Rise of Britain's Far Right. London: Verso. ISBN 978-1-84467-959-1.
Winlow, Simon; Hall, Steve; Treadwell, James (2017). The Rise of the Right: English Nationalism and the Transformation of Working-Class Politics. Bristol: Policy Press. ISBN 978-1447328483.

Further reading

Busher, Joel (2013). "Grassroots Activism in the English Defence League: Discourse and Public (Dis)Order". In Max Taylor, P. M. Currie, and Donald Holbrook (eds) (eds.). Extreme Right Wing Political Violence and Terrorism. London: Bloomsbury Publishing. pp. 65–84. ISBN 978-1441140876.CS1 maint: Uses editors parameter (link)
Busher, Joel (2015). The Making of Anti-Muslim Protest: Grassroots Activism in the English Defence League. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0415502672.
Meleagrou-Hitchens, Alexander; Brun, Hans (2013). A Neo-Nationalist Network: The English Defence League and Europe's Counter-Jihad Movement (PDF) (Report). London: The International Centre for the Study of Radicalism and Political Violence.
Treadwell, J. (2014). "Controlling the New Far Right on the Streets: Policing the English Defence League in Policy and Praxis". In J. Garland and N. Chakraborti (eds) (eds.). Responding to Hate Crime: The Case for Connecting Policy and Research. Bristol: Policy Press. pp. 127–139.CS1 maint: Uses editors parameter (link)

External links