Mass shootings in the United States

Mass shootings are incidents involving multiple victims of firearm-related violence. Definitions vary, with no single, broadly accepted definition.[2][3][4] One definition is an act of public firearm violence—excluding gang killings, domestic violence, or terrorist acts sponsored by an organization—in which a shooter kills at least four victims. Using this definition, one study found that nearly one-third of the world's public mass shootings between 1966 and 2012 (90 of 292 incidents) occurred in the United States.[5][6] Using a similar definition, The Washington Post records 163 mass shootings in the United States between 1967 and June 2019.[7] Mother Jones records 133 mass shootings between 1982 and July 2022.[8] The Associated Press records 59 mass shootings between 2006 and August 2022.

Montage of some of the deadliest mass shootings that occurred in the United States. Clockwise from top left: The 2017 Las Vegas shooting, the Orlando nightclub shooting, the Virginia Tech shooting, the Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting, and the 2019 El Paso shooting.
Total deaths in U.S. mass shootings from 1982 to 2021, shaded to indicate the beginning and end of the Federal Assault Weapons Ban.[1]

The United States has had more mass shootings than any other country.[5][9][10][11][12] Shooters generally either die by suicide afterward, or are restrained or killed by law enforcement officers. Mass shootings accounted for under 0.2% of homicides in the U.S. between 2000 and 2016.[13]

DefinitionsEdit

There is no fixed definition of a mass shooting in the United States,[4][14] and different researchers define "mass shootings" in different ways.[15] Among the various definitions are those that are:

  • Based on injuries:
  • Mass Shooting Tracker: Defines "mass shooting" as "an incident where four or more people are shot in a single shooting spree," including the perpetrator or police shootings of civilians around the perpetrator, and irrespective of the motive of the perpetrator or the location of the murders.[20][21]
  • Based on number of deaths:
  • Investigative Assistance for Violent Crimes Act of 2012, signed into law in January 2013: Defines a "mass killing" as the killing of at least three victims, excluding the perpetrator, and regardless of the weapon used.[4][22][23][24]
  • Everytown for Gun Safety, which tracks mass shootings based on press accounts, police records, and court papers, defines mass shooting as "any incident in which four or more people are shot and killed, excluding the shooter."[25]
  • Based on number of deaths and nature of attack:
  • Congressional Research Service (CRS) 2015 report titled Mass Murder with Firearms: Did not define "mass shooting" but defined "public mass shooting" for the purposes of its report as "a multiple homicide incident in which four or more victims are murdered with firearms, within one event, and in one or more locations in close proximity." The CRS further states that its report "attempts to refine the relatively broad concept of mass shooting...into a narrower formulation: public mass shootings."[26]
  • Mother Jones's open-source database of mass shootings: The magazine's database, established after the 2012 Aurora movie theater massacre and updated continuously since that time, defines "mass shootings" as "indiscriminate rampages in public places resulting in four or more victims killed by the attacker," excluding "shootings stemming from more conventionally motivated crimes such as armed robbery or gang violence" and shootings in which the perpetrator has not been identified.[1][27] This definition generally is consistent with the FBI's figures and the data used by criminologists.[1]

The appropriateness of a broad versus narrow definition of "mass shooting" has been the subject of debate. Some commentators argue in favor of a narrow definition of mass shootings that excludes the victims of street crime. Mark Follman of Mother Jones, which compiles an open-source database of mass shootings, contends that "While all the victims are important, conflating those many other crimes with indiscriminate slaughter in public venues obscures our understanding of this complicated and growing problem."[29] Northeastern University criminologist James Alan Fox argues against the use of the broad definition of "mass shooting" in the popular press, stating that it misleads readers.[30] Others, by contrast, argue that defining "mass shooting" solely as a shooting in a public place in which the perpetrator fires at random is too narrow.[21][31] For example, Mark Hay argues that although gang, party, and domestic violence "probably warrant different solutions" than random mass public shootings, a narrow definition fails "to capture and convey the full scope of large-scale gun violence in the United States" and its effect on marginalized communities.[31]

Frequency and locationsEdit

 
A New York Times study reported how outcomes of active shooter attacks varied with actions of the attacker, the police (42% of total incidents), and bystanders (including a "good guy with a gun" outcome in 5.1% of total incidents).[32]
 
Memorial at the Welcome to Fabulous Las Vegas sign following the 2017 Las Vegas shooting, which resulted in 61 people being killed (including the perpetrator) and 411 non-fatal injuries.[33][34][35]

Some studies indicate that the rate at which public mass shootings occur has tripled since 2011. Between 1982 and 2011, a mass shooting occurred roughly once every 200 days. However, between 2011 and 2014, that rate has accelerated greatly with at least one mass shooting occurring every 64 days in the United States.[36]

Under the definition used by the Gun Violence Archive, by the end of 2019, there were 417 mass shootings; by the end of 2020, there had been 611; and by the end of 2021, 693.[37] By mid-May 2021, there were 10 mass shootings per week on average; by mid-May 2022, there was a total of 198 mass shootings in the first 19 weeks of the year, which represents 11 mass shootings a week.[38] The FBI designated 61 "active shooter" incidents (defined as "one or more individuals actively engaged in killing or attempting to kill people in a populated area").[39] there were ten mass shootings in 2019, two in 2020, and six in 2021.[40] Under the substantially narrower 2022 National Institute of Justice/The Violence Project dataset definition, there were 172 mass public shootings (four or more killed with firearms in public, not connected to "underlying criminal activity or commonplace circumstance") in the U.S. from 1966 to 2019.[28]

In 2014, the Federal Bureau of Investigation conducted a review of active-shooter incidents in the U.S. from 2000 to 2013. The study found that 45.6% took place in a business or commercial setting, 16.9% occurred in schools, 7.5% in institutions of higher education, 9.4% in open spaces, 6.9% in (non-military) government properties, 3.1% in military sites, 4.4% in homes, 3.8% in places of worship, and 2.5% in healthcare settings. The same study found that 96 incidents (60%) ended before police arrived, and in 64 incidents (40%) the shooter committed suicide. The study found that 64 incidents (40%) also qualified as mass murder (defined as three or more killed in a single incident).[41]

A comprehensive report by USA Today tracked all mass killings from 2006 through 2017 in which the perpetrator willfully killed four or more people. For mass killings by firearm for instance, it found 271 incidents with a total of 1,358 victims.[42]

Under the Everytown for Gun Safety definition ("any incident in which four or more people are shot and killed, excluding the shooter") there were an average of 19 mass shootings in the U.S. each year from 2009 to 2020, with 947 wounded by gunfire and 1,363 fatally shot.[25] The report found that: "In nearly all mass shootings over this period, the shooter was an adult man who acted alone. Thirty-two percent of mass shooters, or 92 shooters, ended with the perpetrator dying by suicide, and another 24 shooters were killed by responding law enforcement. The remaining 145 mass shooters were taken into custody by law enforcement, while the outcomes and identities of 23 remain unknown."[25]

Mass shootings tend to occur in clusters. When one occurs another is likely to follow, according to research by the Violence Project.[43]

DemographicsEdit

According to The New York Times, almost all of the mass shooting perpetrators they have published stories about are male, most commonly white men.[44] However, according to a study, the proportion of mass shooters in the United States who are white is slightly less than the overall proportion of white people in the general population of the US.[45][46] According to the same study, Asians are overrepresented in mass shootings, having perpetrated 6.06% of attacks despite being 5.7% of the population.[47] The proportion of male mass shooters is considerably larger than the proportion of males in the general population.[46] According to the Associated Press, white men comprise nearly 50 percent of all mass shooters in the US.[48] According to the Center for Inquiry, mass shootings of family members (the most common) are usually carried out by white, middle-aged males. Felony-related mass shootings (connected with a previous crime) tend to be committed by young Black or Hispanic males with extensive criminal records, typically against people of the same ethnic group. Public mass shootings of persons unrelated to the shooter, and for a reason not connected with a previous crime (the rarest but most publicized) are committed by men whose racial distribution closely matches that of the nation as a whole.[49][50] Other than gender, the demographic profiles of public mass shooters are too varied to draw firm conclusions.[49]

Analogously, in December 2013, the Journal of Forensic Sciences published a sociodemographic network characteristics and antecedent behaviors survey of 119 lone-actor terrorists in the United States and Europe that found that 96.6 percent were male (with a subset of 106 subjects for whom relationship data was available finding that 68.9 percent had never married or were divorced or separated from their spouse and only 27.7 percent were reported to have children), that lone-actor attacks were rarely sudden or impulsive, that a wide range of activities and experiences preceded lone actors attacks, that many but not all lone-actors were socially isolated, and that lone-actors regularly engaged in a detectable and observable range of activities with a wider pressure group, social movement, or terrorist organization.[51] The researchers have subsequently noted that a sizable subset of their subjects took preparations to maximize their chances of death by cop or suicide.[52][53]

A 2004 study by the FBI found that of 160 active shooter cases in 40 states and the District of Columbia between 2000 and 2013 (averaging approximately 11 cases annually), the perpetrator was female in only 6 incidents (4%). The same study found that in only 2 incidents (1%) was there more than one perpetrator.[41]

Contributing factorsEdit

High access to gunsEdit

Higher accessibility and ownership of guns has been cited as a reason for the U.S.'s high rate of mass shootings.[5][11][54] The US has the highest per-capita gun ownership in the world with 120.5 firearms per 100 people; the second highest is Yemen with 52.8 firearms per 100 people.[54]

A study published in PLOS One in 2015 examined mass shootings in the U.S. from 2005 to 2013 (and school shootings in the U.S. from 1998 to 2013). The study authors found that the "state prevalence of firearm ownership is significantly associated with the state incidence of mass killings with firearms, school shootings, and mass shootings."[55]

A 2019 study published in The BMJ conducted a cross-sectional time series study of U.S. states from 1998 to 2015; the study found that "States with more permissive gun laws and greater gun ownership had higher rates of mass shootings, and a growing divide appears to be emerging between restrictive and permissive states."[56] The study specifically found that "A 10% increase in state gun ownership was associated with a significant 35.1% (12.7% to 62.7%, P=0.001) higher rate of mass shootings. Partially adjusted regression analyses produced similar results, as did analyses restricted to domestic and non-domestic mass shootings."[56]

A 2020 study published in Law and Human Behavior examined the relationship of state guns laws and the incidence and lethality of mass shootings in the U.S. from 1976 to 2018.The study found that "laws requiring permits to purchase a gun are associated with a lower incidence of mass public shootings, and bans on large capacity magazines are associated with fewer fatalities and nonfatal injuries when such events do occur."[57] The study specifically found that large-capacity magazine bans were associated with approximately 38% fewer fatalities and 77% fewer nonfatal injuries when a mass shooting occurred.[57]

The American Psychiatric Association has endorsed assault weapons bans, high-capacity magazine bans, and universal background checks as a way to curb gun violence in the U.S.[58]

Mental health and suicidalityEdit

A panel of mental health and law enforcement experts has estimated that roughly one-third of acts of mass violence—defined as crimes in which four or more people were killed—since the 1990s were committed by people with a "serious mental illness" (SMI). However, the study emphasized that people with an SMI are responsible for less than 4% of all the violent acts committed in the United States.[59] The American Psychiatric Association (APA) states that gun violence is a public health crisis and has repeatedly noted that the overwhelming majority of people with mental illness are not violent[60][58] and "are far more likely to be victims of violent crime than perpetrators of violence."[58] The APA has endorsed red flag laws to remove firearm access from people at high risk of committing acts of violence.[58]

Additionally, in February 2021, Psychological Medicine published a survey reviewing 14,785 publicly reported murders in English language news worldwide between 1900 and 2019 compiled in a database by psychiatrists at the New York State Psychiatric Institute and the Columbia University Irving Medical Center which found that of the 1,315 personal-cause mass murders (i.e. driven by personal motivations and not occurring within the context of war, state-sponsored or group-sponsored terrorism, gang activity, or organized crime) only 11 percent of mass murderers and only 8 percent of mass shooters had an SMI (e.g. schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, major depressive disorder), that mass shootings have become more common than other forms of mass murder since 1970 (with 73 percent occurring in the United States alone), and that mass shooters in the United States were more likely to have legal histories, to engage in recreational drug use or alcohol abuse, and to display non-psychotic psychiatric or neurologic symptoms.[61][62][63]

In 2018, the FBI Behavioral Analysis Unit released a survey of 63 active shooter cases between 2000 and 2013 that found that while 62 percent of active shooters showed symptoms of mental health disorders, those symptoms may have been "transient manifestations of behaviors and moods that would not be sufficient to warrant a formal diagnosis of mental illness", and that only one-fourth of active shooters surveyed had a formal diagnosis of any mental health disorder (and a psychotic disorder in only 3 cases). The survey concludes that given the high lifetime prevalence of the symptoms of mental illness among the U.S. population, "formally diagnosed mental illness is not a very specific predictor of violence of any type, let alone targeted violence."[64][65]

In May 2022, Psychology, Public Policy, and Law published a survey of 172 mass shooters coded on 166 life history variables conducted by Jillian Peterson, sociologist James Densley (Peterson's co-founder of The Violence Project's database), and criminologists Kyle Knapp, Stasia Higgins, and Amanda Jensen that found that symptoms of psychosis played no role in 69 percent of mass shootings.[66]

In 2004, the U.S. Secret Service and the U.S. Department of Education issued a report analyzing 41 school shootings in the United States that found that 78 percent of the shooters surveyed had histories of suicidal ideation or attempted suicide.[67]

In December 2021, the Journal of Threat Assessment and Management published a study comparing 171 public mass shooters and 63 active shooters in the United States from 1966 to 2019 (using cases compiled in The Violence Project's database) to the general population, homicide offenders, and people who die by suicide.[68] In comparison to the general population, mass shooters were more likely to be unemployed, be unmarried, to have a history of mental health issues, to have lifetime thought disorders, and greater lifetime suicidal ideation, while in comparison to general homicide offenders, mass shooters four times more frequently premeditated their homicides, eight times more frequently killed strangers, were more likely to not be in an intimate relationship, and were more likely to experience suicidal ideation and commit suicide directly or by cop.[69] In comparison to people who committed suicide, mass shooters were actually more likely to have histories of suicidal ideation and were slightly more likely to premeditate the act.[53] However, like psychiatrist Jonathan Metzl,[65] the researchers emphasized that having a formal mental health disorder diagnosis is more predictive of being a victim of violence rather than a perpetrator.[69] Based upon the similarities in premeditation and lifetime suicidal ideation, James Densley has argued, "Many of these mass shootings are angry suicides."[52]

Jillian Peterson et al., in a cross-sectional study published in JAMA Network Open examining 170 perpetrators of mass public shootings from 1996 to 2019, found that 44.3% of mass shooters had leaked their plans prior to committing the act, and that "Leakage was associated with receiving counseling and suicidality, which suggests it may be best characterized as a cry for help from perpetrators prior to their act."[70] Peterson wrote: "These findings suggest that leakage is a critical moment for mental health intervention to prevent gun violence."[70]

Sociocultural factors and perpetrator characteristicsEdit

Survey coauthor psychiatrist Paul S. Appelbaum argued that the data from a database of mass shootings show that "difficulty coping with life events seem more useful foci for prevention [of mass shootings] and policy than an emphasis on serious mental illness,"[71] while psychiatrist Ronald W. Pies has suggested that psychopathology should be understood as a three-gradation continuum of mental, behavioral and emotional disturbance with most mass shooters falling into a middle category of "persistent emotional disturbance."[72]

In 2015, psychiatrists James L. Knoll and George D. Annas noted that considering that mass shootings committed by perpetrators with SMIs amount to less than 1 percent of all gun-related homicides (and that most gun deaths in the United States are suicides rather than homicides), the tendency of most media attention following mass shootings on mental health leads to sociocultural factors being comparatively overlooked.[73] Instead, Knoll and Annas cite research by social psychologists Jean Twenge and W. Keith Campbell on narcissism and social rejection in the personal histories of mass shooters, as well as cognitive scientist Steven Pinker's suggestion in The Better Angels of Our Nature (2011) that further reductions in human violence may be dependent upon reducing human narcissism.[74][75]

Psychologist Jillian Peterson and James Densley, co-founded The Violence Project, a National Institute of Justice-funded project in which researchers studied approximately 150 mass shooters and coded 50 life history variables for each.[76][77][65] Their data suggest that almost all mass shooting perpetrators had four qualities in common: they had (1) commonly experienced early childhood trauma and exposure to violence; (2) "reached an identifiable crisis point in the weeks or months leading up to the shooting," often linked to a specific grievance; (3) researched previous mass shootings, with many being radicalized through the internet; and (4) obtained the means (firearms) to carry out the plan, with perpetrators obtaining weapons from family members in 80% of school shootings, workplace shooters tending to use legally owned handguns, and other public shooters being more likely to acquire firearms illegally.[76] The Violence Project's comprehensive mass shooting database also showed that mass shooters share a sense of entitlement and seek scapegoats when they fail to achieve goals in life,[65] and that hate-motivated and fame-seeking mass shootings have increased since 2015.[78]

A 2021 article in the journal Injury Epidemiology found that from 2014 to 2019, 59.1% of mass shootings in the United States were related to domestic violence (DV), and the shooter either killed a family member or had a DV history in 68.2% of mass shootings.[79]

Other posited factors contributing to the prevalence of mass shootings include perpetrators' desire to seek revenge for perceived school or workplace bullying,[80] the widespread chronic gap between people's expectations for themselves and their actual achievement,[54] perpetrators' desire for fame and notoriety,[54][5] toxic masculinity (mass shootings are perpetrated almost exclusively by men and boys),[81] and a failure of government background checks due to incomplete databases and/or staff shortages.[82][83]

Mass shooting contagion (the "copycat phenomenon") has been studied.[5] A study published in PLOS One in 2015 examined mass shootings in the U.S. from 2005 to 2013 (and school shootings in the U.S. from 1998 to 2013). The study authors found that "significant evidence that mass killings involving firearms are incentivized by similar events in the immediate past," concluding that: "On average, this temporary increase in probability lasts 13 days, and each incident incites at least 0.30 new incidents (p = 0.0015). We also find significant evidence of contagion in school shootings, for which an incident is contagious for an average of 13 days and incites an average of at least 0.22 new incidents (p = 0.0001)."[55]

British criminologist Peter Squires argued that mass shooters in Europe and the U.S. "tend to be loners with not much social support who strike out at their communities, schools and families."[84] Activist Harriet Fraad and economist Richard D. Wolff contend that "American hyper-capitalism" fosters loneliness and social alienation among American men who become mass shooters.[85]

Weapons usedEdit

Several types of guns have been used in mass shootings in the United States, including semi-automatic handguns, semi-automatic rifles, revolvers, and shotguns.[86] Of the 172 events from 1966 to 2019 classified as mass public shootings (four or more victims killed) in the U.S. by the 2022 National Institute of Justice/The Violence Project dataset, perpetrators used handguns in 77.2% of cases and assault rifles in 25.1% of cases.[28] An earlier 2016 study by James Alan Fox and Emma E. Fridel similarly concluded that "rather than assault weapons, semiautomatic handguns are the weapons of choice for most mass shooters."[87] High-capacity magazines were used in more than half of mass shootings over the four decades up to 2018.[88] From 1966 to 2019, approximately 77% of mass shooters in the U.S. legally obtained the firearm used in the attacks.[28][89] Although semi-automatic rifles are used in only 1% of overall shootings in the U.S., they are used in 25% of mass shootings,[89] and (as of 2018) in six of the ten deadliest mass shooting events.[90][91]

EffectsEdit

PoliticalEdit

A British Journal of Political Science study first published in 2017 (and in print in 2019) found that increase in proximity to mass public shootings in the U.S. was associated with statistically significant and "substantively meaningful" increases in support for stricter gun control laws.[92] The study also found that repeated events, magnitude, and recency of mass shootings play a role with "proximity to repeated events, more horrific events and more recent events" increasing "the salience of gun violence, and thus ... support for gun control."[92] However, the study found that the "most powerful effects" in support or opposition to gun control "are driven by variables related to local culture, with pronounced but expected differences emerging between respondents in rural, conservative, and gun-heavy areas and those residing in urban, liberal areas with few firearm stores."[92] A separate 2019 replication study, extending the earlier panel analysis, found no evidence that mass shootings caused a "significant or substantively meaningful main effect" on attitudes toward gun control.[93] However, the study did find evidence that mass shootings "have polarizing effects conditional on partisanship": "That is, Democrats who live near a mass shooting even tend to become more supportive of gun control restrictions, while Republican attitudes shift in the opposite direction."[93] The study authors concluded, "To the extent that mass shootings may affect public opinion, the result is polarizing rather than consensus building."[93]

A 2020 study published in the American Political Science Review using data on school shootings from 2006 to 2018 concluded the incidents had "little to no effect on electoral outcomes in the United States,"[94] whereas a 2021 study in the same journal covering a broader time period (1980–2016) found that the vote share of the Democratic Party increased by an average of almost 5 percentage points in counties that had experienced a "rampage-style" school shooting.[95] Both studies found no increase in voter turnout.[94][95]

A 2021 study published in PNAS concluded that "mass shootings have a strong impact on the emotions of individuals, but the impact is politicized, limited to individuals living within the town or city where the incident occurs, and fades within a week of the incident."[96] The study authors suggested that this phenomenon could help explain why mass shootings in the U.S. have not led to meaningful policy reform efforts.[96]

Public healthEdit

A review article first published online in 2015 and then printed in January 2017 in the journal Trauma, Violence, & Abuse, concluded that "mass shootings are associated with a variety of adverse psychological outcomes in survivors and members of affected communities" and that while "the psychological effects of mass shootings on indirectly exposed populations" is less well-understood, "there is evidence that such events lead to at least short-term increases in fears and declines in perceived safety."[97] Identified risk factors for adverse psychological outcomes have included, among others, demographics, greater proximity to the attack, acquaintance with victims, and less access to psychosocial resources.[97]

Deadliest mass shootings since 1949Edit

The following mass shootings are the deadliest to have occurred in modern U.S. history. Only incidents with ten or more fatalities, excluding those of the perpetrators, are included. This list starts in 1949, the year in which Howard Unruh committed his shooting, which was the first in modern U.S. history to incur ten or more fatalities.[98]

  Was previously the deadliest mass shooting
Incident Year Location Deaths Injuries Type of firearm(s) used Ref(s)
Las Vegas shooting 2017 Paradise, Nevada 60 (plus 1 perp.)[fn 1] 867 (413+ from gunfire) Semi-automatic rifles (some outfitted with bump stocks), bolt-action rifle, and revolver [99][100][101]
Orlando nightclub shooting   2016 Orlando, Florida 49 (plus 1 perp.) 58 (53 from gunfire) Semi-automatic rifle and pistol [99][100]
Virginia Tech shooting   2007 Blacksburg, Virginia 32 (plus 1 perp.) 23 (17 from gunfire) Semi-automatic pistols [99]
Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting 2012 Newtown, Connecticut 27 (plus 1 perp.) 2 Semi-automatic rifle, bolt-action rifle, and pistol [99]
Sutherland Springs church shooting 2017 Sutherland Springs, Texas 26 (plus 1 perp.)[fn 2] 22 Semi-automatic rifle [100][102]
Luby's shooting   1991 Killeen, Texas 23 (plus 1 perp.) 27 Semi-automatic pistols [99]
El Paso Walmart shooting 2019 El Paso, Texas 23[fn 3] 23 Semi-automatic rifle [103][104][105]
San Ysidro McDonald's massacre   1984 San Diego, California 21 (plus 1 perp.) 19 Semi-automatic carbine, pistols, and shotgun [99]
Robb Elementary School shooting 2022 Uvalde, Texas 21 (plus 1 perp.) 18 Semi-automatic rifle [106][107]
University of Texas tower shooting   1966 Austin, Texas 17 (plus 1 perp.)[fn 2][fn 4] 31 Bolt-action rifle, semi-automatic carbine, revolver, semi-automatic pistols, and pump-action shotgun [99]
Stoneman Douglas High School shooting 2018 Parkland, Florida 17 17 Semi-automatic rifle [108]
Edmond post office shooting 1986 Edmond, Oklahoma 14 (plus 1 perp.) 6 Semi-automatic pistols [99]
Fort Hood shooting 2009 Killeen, Texas 14[fn 2] 32 (plus 1 perp.) Semi-automatic pistol and revolver [109][110]
San Bernardino attack 2015 San Bernardino, California 14 (plus 2 perps.) 24 Semi-automatic rifles [99][100]
Camden shootings   1949 Camden, New Jersey 13 3 Semi-automatic pistol [111][112]
Wilkes-Barre shootings 1982 Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania 13 1 Semi-automatic rifle [113][114][115]
Wah Mee massacre 1983 Seattle, Washington 13 1 Semi-automatic pistol(s) and/or revolver(s)[fn 5] [116]
Columbine High School massacre 1999 Columbine, Colorado 13 (plus 2 perps.) 24 (21 from gunfire) Semi-automatic carbine, semi-automatic pistol, and shotguns [117]
Binghamton shooting 2009 Binghamton, New York 13 (plus 1 perp.) 4 Semi-automatic pistols [118]
Aurora theater shooting 2012 Aurora, Colorado 12 70 (58 from gunfire) Semi-automatic rifle, pistol, and shotgun [119][100][120]
Day-trading firms shooting 1999 Stockbridge and Georgia, Atlanta 12 (plus 1 perp.) 13 Semi-automatic pistols, revolver and hammer [121]
Washington Navy Yard shooting 2013 Washington, D.C. 12 (plus 1 perp.) 8 (3 from gunfire) Semi-automatic pistol and shotgun [122][123]
Thousand Oaks shooting 2018 Thousand Oaks, California 12 (plus 1 perp.)[fn 6] 16 (1 from gunfire) Semi-automatic pistol [124][125]
Virginia Beach shooting 2019 Virginia Beach, Virginia 12 (plus 1 perp.) 4 Semi-automatic pistols [126]
Easter Sunday Massacre 1975 Hamilton, Ohio 11 0 Semi-automatic pistols and revolver [127]
Pittsburgh synagogue shooting 2018 Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania 11 6 (plus 1 susp.) Semi-automatic rifle and pistols [128]
Palm Sunday massacre 1984 Brooklyn, New York 10 0 Semi-automatic pistols [129]
Geneva County shootings 2009 Geneva County, Alabama 10 (plus 1 perp.) 6 Semi-automatic rifles, revolver, and shotgun [130][131]
Santa Fe High School shooting 2018 Santa Fe, Texas 10 13 (plus 1 susp.) Shotgun and revolver [132]
Boulder shooting 2021 Boulder, Colorado 10 1 (plus 1 susp.)[fn 7] Semi-automatic pistols [133][134]
Buffalo shooting 2022 Buffalo, New York 10 3 Semi-automatic rifle [135]

See alsoEdit

NotesEdit

  1. ^ including 2 victims who died due to complications in 2019 and 2020
  2. ^ a b c The fatality total includes an unborn child.
  3. ^ including 1 victim who died due to complications in 2020
  4. ^ including 1 victim who died due to complications in 2001
  5. ^ During the massacre, the perpetrators used three .22 caliber handguns of an unknown type that were never recovered by the authorities.
  6. ^ One of the victims was killed by stray police gunfire
  7. ^ The civilian injury was indirect

ReferencesEdit

  1. ^ a b c "US Mass Shootings, 1982–2022: Data From Mother Jones' Investigation". Mother Jones. Retrieved June 12, 2022.
  2. ^ Borchers, Callum (October 4, 2017). "The squishy definition of 'mass shooting' complicates media coverage". Washington Post. Retrieved August 26, 2018. ...'mass shooting' is a term without a universally-accepted definition.
  3. ^ Bjelopera, Jerome (March 18, 2013). "Public Mass Shootings in the United States" (PDF). Congressional Research Service. Archived from the original (PDF) on September 9, 2013. Retrieved August 26, 2018. There is no broadly agreed-to, specific conceptualization of this issue, so this report uses its own definition for public mass shootings.
  4. ^ a b c Greenberg, Jon; Jacobson, Louis; Valverde, Miriam (February 14, 2018). "What we know about mass shootings". PolitiFact. Tampa Bay Times. Retrieved February 20, 2018. As noted above, there is no widely accepted definition of mass shootings. People use either broad or restrictive definitions of mass shootings to reinforce their stance on gun control. After the 2012 Sandy Hook school shooting, Congress defined "mass killings" as three or more homicides in a single incident. The definition was intended to clarify when the U.S. Attorney General could assist state and local authorities in investigations of violent acts and shootings in places of public use.
  5. ^ a b c d e Christensen, Jen (October 5, 2017). "Why the US has the most mass shootings". CNN. Retrieved November 6, 2017.
  6. ^ Lankford, Adam (2016). "Public Mass Shooters and Firearms: A Cross-National Study of 171 Countries". Violence and Victims. 31 (2): 187–99. doi:10.1891/0886-6708.VV-D-15-00093. PMID 26822013. S2CID 207266615.
  7. ^ Berkowitz, Bonnie; Gamio, Lazaro; Lu, Denise; Uhrmacher, Kevin; Lindeman, Todd. "The terrible numbers that grow with each mass shooting". Washington Post. Retrieved November 5, 2017.
  8. ^ Follman, Mark; Aronsen, Gavin; Pan, Deanna. "US mass shootings, 1982–2022: Data from Mother Jones' investigation". Mother Jones. Retrieved August 5, 2022.
  9. ^ Palazzolo, Joe; Flynn, Alexis (October 3, 2015). "U.S. Leads World in Mass Shootings". The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved October 2, 2017.
  10. ^ Healy, Melissa (August 24, 2015). "Why the U.S. is No. 1 – in mass shootings". Los Angeles Times. Retrieved October 2, 2017.
  11. ^ a b Michaels, Samantha (August 23, 2015). "The United States Has Had More Mass Shootings Than Any Other Country". Mother Jones. Retrieved October 2, 2017.
  12. ^ Fox, Kara (March 9, 2018). "How US gun culture compares with the world in five charts". CNN.
  13. ^ "Mass shootings are rare – firearm suicides are much more common, and kill more Americans". PBS NewsHour. March 30, 2021. Retrieved March 20, 2022.
  14. ^ Cherney, Elyssa (August 5, 2019). "The Same Weekend as Massacres in El Paso and Dayton, 15 People Were Shot in 2 Chicago Incidents. Why Aren't Those Called Mass Shootings Too?". Chicago Tribune. Retrieved August 7, 2019. Different organizations use a variety of measures to determine whether an act of gun violence meets the criteria of a mass shooting.... How you define the term results in vastly different counts: The Gun Violence Archive has tallied 255 mass shootings in 2019 so far, while Mother Jones lists the number at seven. Some databases also exclude gang-related or domestic shootings.... Researchers on both sides of the spectrum say that data about mass shootings can be misleading if not presented with a clear methodology.
  15. ^ Jon Greenberg, Joe Biden said mass shootings tripled when the assault weapon ban ended. They did, PolitiFact (May 25, 2022).
  16. ^ "General Methodology". Gun Violence Archive. Retrieved February 21, 2018.
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