This article must adhere to the biographies of living persons (BLP) policy, even if it is not a biography, because it contains material about living persons. Contentious material about living persons that is unsourced or poorly sourced must be removed immediately from the article and its talk page, especially if potentially libellous. If such material is repeatedly inserted, or if you have other concerns, please report the issue to this noticeboard.If you are a subject of this article, or acting on behalf of one, and you need help, please see this help page. |
This article is rated Start-class on Wikipedia's content assessment scale. It is of interest to the following WikiProjects: | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|
Untitled
editOne of the most interesting things about Wilson's theories is the speed and comprehensiveness with which concepts of neighbourhood disadvantage have taken root in UK regeneration policy. Documents from the the Neighbourhood Renewal Unit replicate elements of work authentically, as do policy documents including Homes for All (1995) from the Office of the Deputy Prime Minister (now Department for Communities and Local Government). Research on the reasons for this is limited to discussions of New Labour's communitarian origins and consideration of the implications of institutional power dynamics is noticeably absent.
I just wanted to note that I edited the final section of the page to fix a problem with a citation, and wound up also amending some comments about Roger Waldinger's Still the Promised City. I did some research assistance for Roger's book, so I may not be unbiased, and I haven't read it or any of Wilson's work lately either and could easily be wrong in what I said, so ... In any event, Wilson has many critics, and though Roger may be one of them, I wouldn't have put him at the top of the list. A great deal of detail could easily be added to this page.