Rhoticity in English

  (Redirected from Non-rhotic)

Rhoticity in English is the pronunciation of the historical rhotic consonant /r/ in all contexts by speakers of certain varieties of English. The presence or absence of rhoticity is one of the most prominent distinctions by which varieties of English can be classified. In rhotic varieties, the historical English /r/ sound is preserved in all pronunciation contexts. In non-rhotic varieties, speakers no longer pronounce /r/ in postvocalic environments—that is, when it is immediately after a vowel and not followed by another vowel.[1][2] For example, a rhotic English speaker pronounces the words hard and butter as /ˈhɑːrd/ and /ˈbʌtər/, whereas a non-rhotic speaker "drops" or "deletes" the /r/ sound, pronouncing them as /ˈhɑːd/ and /ˈbʌtə/.[a] When an r is at the end of a word but the next word begins with a vowel, as in the phrase "tuner amp", most non-rhotic speakers will pronounce the /r/ in that position (the linking R), since it is followed by a vowel in this case. Not all non-rhotic varieties use the linking R; for example, it is absent in non-rhotic varieties of Southern American English.[5]

The rhotic varieties of English include the dialects of South West England, Scotland, Ireland, and most of the United States and Canada. The non-rhotic varieties include most of the dialects of modern England, Wales, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa. In some varieties, such as those of some parts of the southern and northeastern United States,[6][2] rhoticity is a sociolinguistic variable: postvocalic r is deleted depending on an array of social factors such as the speaker's age, social class, ethnicity or the degree of formality of the speech event.

Evidence from written documents suggests that loss of postvocalic /r/ began sporadically during the mid-15th century, although these /r/-less spellings were uncommon and were restricted to private documents, especially ones written by women.[2] In the mid-18th century, postvocalic /r/ was still pronounced in most environments, but by the 1740s to 1770s it was often deleted entirely, especially after low vowels. By the early 19th century, the southern British standard was fully transformed into a non-rhotic variety, though some variation persisted as late as the 1870s.[7] This loss of postvocalic /r/ in British English influenced southern and eastern American port cities with close connections to Britain, causing their upper-class pronunciation to become non-rhotic while the rest of the United States remained rhotic.[8] Non-rhotic pronunciation continued to influence American prestige speech until the 1860s, when the American Civil War began to shift America's centers of wealth and political power to rhotic areas with fewer cultural connections to the old colonial and British elites.[9] The advent of radio and television in the 20th century established a national standard of American pronunciation that preserves historical /r/, with rhotic speech in particular becoming prestigious in the United States rapidly after the Second World War.[10]

HistoryEdit

EnglandEdit

 
Red areas indicate where rural English accents were rhotic in the 1950s.[11]
 
Red areas are where English dialects of the late 20th century were rhotic.[12]

The earliest traces of a loss of /r/ in English appear in the early 15th century and occur before coronal consonants, especially /s/, giving modern "ass (buttocks)" (Old English ears, Middle English ers or ars), and "bass (fish)" (OE bærs, ME bars).[2] A second phase of /r/-loss began during the 15th century, and was characterized by sporadic and lexically variable deletion, such as monyng "morning" and cadenall "cardinal".[2] These /r/-less spellings appear throughout the 16th and 17th centuries, but are uncommon and are restricted to private documents, especially ones written by women.[2] No English authorities describe loss of /r/ in the standard language prior to the mid-18th century, and many do not fully accept it until the 1790s.[2]

During the mid-17th century, a number of sources describe /r/ as being weakened but still present.[13] The English playwright Ben Jonson's English Grammar, published posthumously in 1640, records that /r/ was "sounded firme in the beginning of words, and more liquid in the middle, and ends."[7] The next major documentation of the pronunciation of /r/ appears a century later in 1740, when the British author of a primer for French students of English said: "...in many words r before a consonant is greatly softened, almost mute, and slightly lengthens the preceding vowel".[14]

By the 1770s, postvocalic /r/-less pronunciation was becoming common around London even in more formal, educated speech. The English actor and linguist John Walker used the spelling ar to indicate the long vowel of aunt in his 1775 rhyming dictionary.[4] In his influential Critical Pronouncing Dictionary and Expositor of the English Language (1791), Walker reported, with a strong tone of disapproval, that "... the r in lard, bard, [...] is pronounced so much in the throat as to be little more than the middle or Italian a, lengthened into baa, baad...."[7] Americans returning to England after the end of the American Revolutionary War in 1783 reported surprise at the significant changes in fashionable pronunciation.[15]

By the early 19th century, the southern British standard was fully transformed into a non-rhotic variety, though it continued to be variable as late as the 1870s.[7] The extent of rhoticity across England in the mid-19th century is summarized as widespread in the book New Zealand English: its Origins and Evolution:

[T]he only areas of England ... for which we have no evidence of rhoticity in the mid-nineteenth century lie in two separate corridors. The first runs south from the North Riding of Yorkshire through the Vale of York into north and central Lincolnshire, nearly all of Nottinghamshire, and adjacent areas of Derbyshire, Leicestershire, and Staffordshire. The second includes all of Norfolk, western Suffolk and Essex, eastern Cambridgeshire and Hertfordshire, Middlesex, and northern Surrey and Kent.[16]

North AmericaEdit

The loss of postvocalic /r/ in the British prestige standard in the late 18th and early 19th centuries influenced American port cities with close connections to Britain, and caused upper-class pronunciation in many eastern and southern port cities such as New York City, Boston, Alexandria, Charleston, and Savannah to become non-rhotic.[8] Like regional dialects in England, the accents of other areas in America remained rhotic in a display of linguistic "lag" that preserved the original pronunciation of /r/.[8]

Non-rhotic pronunciation continued to influence American prestige speech until the 1860s, when the American Civil War shifted America's centers of wealth and political power to areas with fewer cultural connections to the old colonial and British elite.[9] This largely removed the prestige associated with non-rhotic pronunciation in America, so that when the advent of radio and television in the 20th century established a national standard of American pronunciation, it became a rhotic variety that preserves historical /r/.[9] This trend seems to have accelerated after the Second World War.[10]

Modern pronunciationEdit

In most non-rhotic accents, if a word ending in written "r" is followed immediately by a word beginning with a vowel, the /r/ is pronounced—as in water ice. This phenomenon is referred to as "linking R". Many non-rhotic speakers also insert an epenthetic /r/ between vowels when the first vowel is one that can occur before syllable-final r (drawring for drawing). This so-called "intrusive R" has been stigmatized, but nowadays many speakers of Received Pronunciation (RP) frequently "intrude" an epenthetic /r/ at word boundaries, especially where one or both vowels is schwa; for example the idea of it becomes the idea-r-of it, Australia and New Zealand becomes Australia-r-and New Zealand, the formerly well-known India-r-Office and "Laura Norder" (Law and Order). The typical alternative used by RP speakers (and some rhotic speakers as well) is to insert a glottal stop where an intrusive R would otherwise be placed.[17][18]

For non-rhotic speakers, what was historically a vowel plus /r/ is now usually realized as a long vowel. This is called compensatory lengthening, lengthening that occurs after the elision of a sound. So in RP and many other non-rhotic accents card, fern, born are pronounced [kɑːd], [fɜːn], [bɔːn] or similar (actual pronunciations vary from accent to accent). This length may be retained in phrases, so while car pronounced in isolation is [kɑː], car owner is [ˈkɑːrəʊnə]. But a final schwa usually remains short, so water in isolation is [wɔːtə]. In RP and similar accents the vowels /iː/ and /uː/ (or /ʊ/), when followed by r, become diphthongs ending in schwa, so near is [nɪə] and poor is [pʊə], though these have other realizations as well, including monophthongal ones; once again, the pronunciations vary from accent to accent. The same happens to diphthongs followed by R, though these may be considered to end in /ər/ in rhotic speech, and it is the /ər/ that reduces to schwa as usual in non-rhotic speech: tire said in isolation is [taɪə] and sour is [saʊə].[19] For some speakers, some long vowels alternate with a diphthong ending in schwa, so wear may be [wɛə] but wearing [ˈwɛːɹɪŋ].

The compensatory lengthening view is challenged by Wells, who states that during the seventeenth century stressed vowels followed by /r/ and another consonant or word boundary underwent a lengthening process known as Pre-R Lengthening. This process was not a compensatory lengthening process but an independent development, which explains why modern pronunciations feature both [ɜː] (bird, fur) and [ɜːr] (stirring, stir it) according to their positions: [ɜːr] was the regular outcome of the lengthening, which shortened to [ɜː] after R-Dropping in the eighteenth century; the lengthening involved 'mid and open short vowels', meaning that the lengthening of /ɑː/ in car was not a compensatory process due to R-Dropping.[20]

Even General American speakers commonly drop the /r/ in non-final unstressed syllables when another syllable in the same word also contains /r/; this may be referred to as R-dissimilation. Examples include the dropping of the first /r/ in the words surprise, governor and caterpillar. In more careful speech, however, the /r/ sounds are all retained.[21]

DistributionEdit

 
Final post-vocalic /r/ in farmer in English rural dialects of the 1950s[22]
  [ə] (non-rhotic)
  [əʴ] (alveolar)
  [əʵ] (retroflex)
  [əʵː] (retroflex & long)
  [əʶ] (uvular)
  [ɔʶ] (back & rounded)

Rhotic accents include most varieties of Scottish English, Irish or Hiberno-English, North American English, Barbadian English, Indian English,[23] and Pakistani English.[24]

Non-rhotic accents include most varieties of English English, Welsh English, New Zealand English, Australian English, South African English and Trinidadian and Tobagonian English.

Semi-rhotic accents have also been studied, such as Jamaican English, in which r is pronounced (as in even non-rhotic accents) before vowels, but also in stressed monosyllables or stressed syllables at the ends of words (e.g. in "car" or "dare"); however, it is not pronounced at the end of unstressed syllables (e.g. in "water") or before consonants (e.g. "market").[25]

Variably rhotic accents are also widely documented, in which deletion of r (when not before vowels) is optional; in these dialects the probability of deleting r may vary depending on social, stylistic, and contextual factors. Variably rhotic accents comprise much of Caribbean English, for example, as spoken in Tobago, Guyana, Antigua and Barbuda, and the Bahamas.[26] They also include current-day New York City English,[27] New York Latino English, and some Boston English, as well as some varieties of Scottish English.[28]

Non-rhotic accents in the Americas include those of the rest of the Caribbean and Belize. Additionally, there are people with non-rhotic accents who are children of at least one rhotic-accented parent but grew up, or were educated, in non-rhotic countries like Australia, England, New Zealand, South Africa or Wales. By contrast, people who have at least one non-rhotic-accented parent but were raised, or started their education, in Canada, any rhotic Caribbean country, Ireland, Scotland or the United States, speak with rhotic accents.

EnglandEdit

Though most English varieties in England are non-rhotic today, stemming from a trend toward this in southeastern England accelerating in the very late 18th century onwards, rhotic accents are still found in the West Country (south and west of a line from near Shrewsbury to around Portsmouth), the Corby area, some of Lancashire (north and west of the centre of Manchester), some parts of Yorkshire and Lincolnshire, and in the areas that border Scotland. The prestige form, however, exerts a steady pressure toward non-rhoticity. Thus the urban speech of Bristol or Southampton is more accurately described as variably rhotic, the degree of rhoticity being reduced as one moves up the class and formality scales.[29]

ScotlandEdit

Most Scottish accents are rhotic, but non-rhotic speech has been reported in Edinburgh since the 1970s and Glasgow since the 1980s.[28]

United StatesEdit

 
Red dots show major U.S. cities where the 2006 Atlas of North American English found 50% or higher non-rhotic speech in at least one white speaker within their data sample.[10] (Non-rhotic speech may be found in speakers of African-American English throughout the country.)

American English is predominantly rhotic today, but at the end of the 1800s non-rhotic accents were common throughout much of the coastal Eastern and Southern U.S., including along the Gulf Coast. In fact, non-rhotic accents were established in all major U.S. cities along the Atlantic coast except for the Delaware Valley area, with its early Scots-Irish influence, centered around Philadelphia and Baltimore. Since the American Civil War and even more intensely during the early to mid-1900s (presumably correlated with the Second World War),[10] rhotic accents began to gain social prestige nationwide, even in the aforementioned traditionally non-rhotic areas. Thus, non-rhotic accents are increasingly perceived by Americans as sounding foreign or less educated due to an association with working-class or immigrant speakers in Eastern and Southern cities, while rhotic accents are increasingly perceived as sounding more "General American".[30]

Today, non-rhoticity in the American South is found primarily among older speakers, and only in some areas such as central and southern Alabama; Savannah, Georgia; and Norfolk, Virginia,[6] as well as in the Yat accent of New Orleans. The local dialects of eastern New England, especially Boston, Massachusetts, extending into the states of Maine and (less so) New Hampshire, show some non-rhoticity, as well as the traditional Rhode Island dialect; however, this feature has been receding in the recent generations. The New York City dialect is traditionally non-rhotic, though William Labov more precisely classifies its current form as variably rhotic,[31] with many of its sub-varieties now fully rhotic, such as in northeastern New Jersey.

African-American Vernacular English (AAVE) is largely non-rhotic, and in some non-rhotic Southern and AAVE accents, there is no linking r, that is, /r/ at the end of a word is deleted even when the following word starts with a vowel, so that "Mister Adams" is pronounced [mɪstə(ʔ)ˈædəmz].[32] In a few such accents, intervocalic /r/ is deleted before an unstressed syllable even within a word when the following syllable begins with a vowel. In such accents, pronunciations like [kæəˈlaːnə] for Carolina, or [bɛːˈʌp] for "bear up" are heard.[33] This pronunciation also occurs in AAVE[34] and also occurred for many older non-rhotic Southern speakers.[35]

Typically, even non-rhotic modern varieties of American English pronounce the /r/ in /ɜr/ (as in "bird," "work," or "perky") and realize it, as in most rhotic varieties, as [ɚ] ( listen) (an r-colored mid central vowel) or [əɹ] (a sequence of a mid central vowel and a postalveolar or retroflex approximant).

CanadaEdit

Canadian English is entirely rhotic except for small isolated areas in southwestern New Brunswick, parts of Newfoundland, and the Lunenburg English variety spoken in Lunenburg and Shelburne Counties, Nova Scotia, which may be non-rhotic or variably rhotic.[36]

IrelandEdit

The prestige form of English spoken in Ireland is rhotic and most regional accents are rhotic although some regional accents, particularly in the area around counties Louth and Cavan are notably non-rhotic and many non-prestige accents have touches of non-rhoticity. In Dublin, the traditional local dialect is largely non-rhotic but the more modern varieties, referred to by Hickey as "mainstream Dublin English" and "fashionable Dublin English", are fully rhotic. Hickey used this as an example of how English in Ireland does not follow prestige trends in England.[37]

AsiaEdit

The English spoken in Asia is predominantly rhotic. Many varieties of Indian English are rhotic owing to the underlying phonotactics of the native Indo-Aryan and Dravidian languages[23] whilst some tend to be non-rhotic. In the case of the Philippines, this may be explained because the English that is spoken there is heavily influenced by the American dialect. In addition, many East Asians (in Mainland China, Japan, Korea, and Taiwan) who have a good command of English generally have rhotic accents because of the influence of American English. This excludes Hong Kong, whose RP English dialect is a result of its almost 150-year history as a British Crown colony (and later, a British dependent territory). The lack of consonant /r/ in Cantonese also contributes to the phenomenon (although rhoticity started to exist due to the handover in 1997 and influence by US and East Asian entertainment industry). However, many older (and younger) speakers among South and East Asians have a non-rhotic accent.

Other Asian regions with non-rhotic English are Malaysia, Singapore, and Brunei.[38] A typical Malaysian's English would be almost totally non-rhotic due to the nonexistence of rhotic endings in both languages of influence, whereas a more educated Malaysian's English may be non-rhotic due to Standard Malaysian English being based on RP (Received Pronunciation). The classical English spoken in Brunei is non-rhotic. But one current change that seems to be taking place is that Brunei English is becoming rhotic, partly influenced by American English and partly influenced by the rhoticity of Standard Malay, also influenced by languages of Indians in Brunei (Tamil and Punjabi) (rhoticity is also used by Chinese Bruneians), although English in neighboring Malaysia, Singapore, and Australia remains non-rhotic; rhoticity in Brunei English is equal to Philippine and Indian dialects of English and Scottish and Irish dialects. Non-rhoticity is mostly found in older generations, its phenomenon is almost similar to the status of American English, wherein non-rhoticity reduced greatly.[39][40]

A typical teenager's Southeast Asian English would be rhotic,[41] mainly because of prominent influence by American English.[41] Spoken English in Myanmar is non-rhotic[citation needed], but there are a number of English speakers with a rhotic or partially rhotic pronunciation. Sri Lankan English may be rhotic.[citation needed]

AfricaEdit

The English spoken in most of Africa is based on RP and is generally non-rhotic. Pronunciation and variation in African English accents are largely affected by native African language influences, level of education and exposure to Western influences. The English accents spoken in the coastal areas of West Africa are primarily non-rhotic as are the underlying varieties of Niger-Congo languages spoken in that part of West Africa. Rhoticity may be present in English spoken in areas where rhotic Afro-Asiatic or Nilo Saharan languages are spoken across northern West Africa and in the Nilotic regions of East Africa. More modern trends show an increasing American influence on African English pronunciation particularly among younger urban affluent populations, where the American rhotic 'r' may be over-stressed in informal communication to create a pseudo-Americanised accent. By and large official spoken English used in post colonial African countries is non-rhotic. Standard Liberian English is also non-rhotic because liquids are lost at the end of words or before consonants.[42] South African English is mostly non-rhotic, especially Cultivated dialect based on RP, except for some Broad varieties spoken in the Cape Province (typically in -er suffixes, as in writer). It appears that postvocalic /r/ is entering the speech of younger people under the influence of American English, and maybe an influence of Scottish dialect brought by Scottish settlers.[43][44]

AustraliaEdit

Standard Australian English is non-rhotic. A degree of rhoticity has been observed in a particular sublect of Australian Aboriginal English spoken on the coast of South Australia, especially in speakers from the Point Pearce and Raukkan settlements. These speakers realise /r/ as [ɹ] in the preconsonantal postvocalic position – after a vowel but before another a consonant – but only within stems. For example: [boːɹd] "board", [tʃɜɹtʃ] "church", [pɜɹθ] "Perth"; but [flæː] "flour", [dɒktə] "doctor", [jɪəz] "years". It has been speculated that this feature may derive from the fact that many of the first settlers in coastal South Australia – including Cornish tin-miners, Scottish missionaries, and American whalers – spoke rhotic varieties.[45]

New ZealandEdit

Although New Zealand English is predominantly non-rhotic, Southland and parts of Otago in the far south of New Zealand's South Island are rhotic from apparent Scottish influence.[46] Older Southland speakers use /ɹ/ variably after vowels, but today younger speakers use /ɹ/ only with the NURSE vowel and occasionally with the LETTER vowel. Younger Southland speakers pronounce /ɹ/ in third term /ˌθɵːɹd ˈtɵːɹm/ (General NZE pronunciation: /ˌθɵːd ˈtɵːm/) but sometimes in farm cart /fɐːm kɐːt/ (same as in General NZE).[stress needed][47] However, non-prevocalic /ɹ/ among non-rhotic speakers is sometimes pronounced in a few words, including Ireland /ˈɑɪɹlənd/, merely /ˈmiəɹli/, err /ɵːɹ/, and the name of the letter R /ɐːɹ/ (General NZE pronunciations: /ˈɑɪlənd, ˈmiəli, ɵː, ɐː/).[48] The Māori accent varies from the European-origin New Zealand accent; some Māori speakers are semi-rhotic like most European New Zealand speakers, although it is not clearly identified to any particular region or attributed to any defined language shift. The Māori language itself tends in most cases to use an r with an alveolar tap [ɾ], like Scottish dialect.[49]

Mergers characteristic of non-rhotic accentsEdit

Some phonemic mergers are characteristic of non-rhotic accents. These usually include one item that historically contained an R (lost in the non-rhotic accent), and one that never did so. The section below lists mergers in order of approximately decreasing prevalence.

Batted–battered mergerEdit

This merger is present in non-rhotic accents which have undergone the weak vowel merger. Such accents include Australian, New Zealand, most South African speech, and some non-rhotic English speech (e.g. Norfolk, Sheffield). The third edition of Longman Pronunciation Dictionary lists /əd/ (and /əz/ mentioned below) as possible (though less common than /ɪd/ and /ɪz/) British pronunciations, which means that the merger is an option even in RP.

A large number of homophonous pairs involve the syllabic -es and agentive -ers suffixes, such as merges-mergers and bleaches-bleachers. Because there are so many, they are excluded from the list of homophonous pairs below.

Homophonous pairs
/ɪ̈/ /ər/ IPA Notes
batted battered ˈbætəd
betted bettered ˈbɛtəd
busted bustard ˈbʌstəd
butches butchers ˈbʊtʃəz
butted buttered ˈbʌtəd
charted chartered ˈtʃɑːtəd
chatted chattered ˈtʃætəd
founded foundered ˈfaʊndəd
humid humo(u)red ˈhjuːməd
masted mastered ˈmæstəd, ˈmɑːstəd
matted mattered ˈmætəd
modding modern ˈmɒdən With G-dropping.
patted pattered ˈpætəd
patting pattern ˈpætən With G-dropping.
satin Saturn ˈsætən
scatted scattered ˈskætəd
splendid splendo(u)red ˈsplɛndəd
tatted tattered ˈtætəd
tended tendered ˈtɛndəd
territory terror tree ˈtɛrətriː With happy-tensing and in British and Southern Hemisphere English. In the US, territory is /ˈtɛrətɔːriː/.

Bud–bird mergerEdit

A merger of /ɜː(r)/ and /ʌ/ occurring for some speakers of Jamaican English making bud and bird homophones as /bʌd/.[50] The conversion of /ɜː/ to [ʌ] or [ə] is also found in places scattered around England and Scotland. Some speakers, mostly rural, in the area from London to Norfolk exhibit this conversion, mainly before voiceless fricatives. This gives pronunciation like first [fʌst] and worse [wʌs]. The word cuss appears to derive from the application of this sound change to the word curse. Similarly, lurve is coined from love.

Homophonous pairs
/ʌ/ /ɜːr/ IPA Notes
blood blurred ˈblʌd
bub burb ˈbʌb
buck Burke ˈbʌk
Buckley Berkeley ˈbʌkli
bud bird ˈbʌd
bud burred ˈbʌd
budging burgeon ˈbʌdʒən With weak vowel merger and G-dropping.
bug berg ˈbʌɡ
bug burg ˈbʌɡ
bugger burger ˈbʌɡə
bugging bergen; Bergen ˈbʌɡən With weak vowel merger and G-dropping.
bummer Burma ˈbʌmə
bun Bern ˈbʌn
bun burn ˈbʌn
bunt burnt ˈbʌnt
bused; bussed burst ˈbʌst
bust burst ˈbʌst
but Bert ˈbʌt
but Burt ˈbʌt
butt Bert ˈbʌt
butt Burt ˈbʌt
button Burton ˈbʌtən
buzz burrs ˈbʌz
chuck chirk ˈtʃʌk
cluck clerk ˈklʌk
colo(u)r curler ˈkʌlə
coven curving ˈkʌvən With weak vowel merger and G-dropping.
cub curb ˈkʌb
cub kerb ˈkʌb
cud curd ˈkʌd
cud curred ˈkʌd
cud Kurd ˈkʌd
cuddle curdle ˈkʌdəl
cuff you curfew ˈkʌfju
cull curl ˈkʌl
culler curler ˈkʌlə
cunning kerning ˈkʌnɪŋ
cuss curse ˈkʌs
cut curt; Curt ˈkʌt
cutting curtain ˈkʌtɪn With G-dropping.
dost durst ˈdʌst
doth dearth ˈdʌθ
duck dirk ˈdʌk
ducked dirked ˈdʌkt
ducks dirks ˈdʌks
duct dirked ˈdʌkt
dust durst ˈdʌst
dux dirks ˈdʌks
fud furred ˈfʌd
fun fern ˈfʌn
fussed first ˈfʌst
fuzz furs ˈfʌz
gull girl ˈɡʌl
gully girly ˈɡʌli
gutter girder ˈɡʌɾə With intervocalic alveolar flapping.
hub herb ˈ(h)ʌb With or without H-dropping.
huck Herc ˈhʌk
huck irk ˈʌk With H-dropping.
huddle hurdle ˈhʌdəl
hull hurl ˈhʌl
hum herm ˈhʌm
Hun earn ˈʌn With H-dropping.
Hun urn ˈʌn With H-dropping.
hush Hirsch ˈhʌʃ
hut hurt ˈhʌt
love lurve ˈlʌv
luck lurk ˈlʌk
lucks lurks ˈlʌks
lunt learnt ˈlʌnt
luxe lurks ˈlʌks
much merch ˈmʌtʃ
muck merc ˈmʌk
muck mirk ˈmʌk
muck murk ˈmʌk
muddle myrtle ˈmʌɾəl With intervocalic alveolar flapping.
mudder murder ˈmʌdə
mull merl ˈmʌl
mutter murder ˈmʌɾə With intervocalic alveolar flapping.
mutton Merton ˈmʌtən
oven Irving ˈʌvən With weak vowel merger and G-dropping.
puck perk ˈpʌk
pudge purge ˈpʌdʒ
pup perp ˈpʌp
pus purse ˈpʌs
pussy (pus) Percy ˈpʌsi
putt pert ˈpʌt
scut skirt ˈskʌt
shuck shirk ˈʃʌk
spun spurn ˈspʌn
stud stirred ˈstʌd
such search ˈsʌtʃ
suck cirque ˈsʌk
suckle circle ˈsʌkəl
suffer surfer ˈsʌfə
sully surly ˈsʌli
Sutton certain ˈsʌtən With weak vowel merger.
thud third ˈθʌd
ton(ne) tern ˈtʌn
ton(ne) turn ˈtʌn
tough turf ˈtʌf
tuck Turk ˈtʌk
tucks Turks ˈtʌks
Tuttle turtle ˈtʌtəl
tux Turks ˈtʌks
us Erse ˈʌs
wont weren't ˈwʌnt

Commaletter mergerEdit

In the terminology of John C. Wells, this consists of the merger of the lexical sets comma and letter. It is found in all or nearly all non-rhotic accents,[51] and is even present in some accents that are in other respects rhotic, such as those of some speakers in Jamaica and the Bahamas.[51]

In some accents, syllabification may interact with rhoticity, resulting in homophones where non-rhotic accents have centering diphthongs. Possibilities include Korea–career,[52] Shi'a–sheer, and Maia–mire,[53] while skua may be identical with the second syllable of obscure.[54]

Homophonous pairs
/ə/ /ər/ IPA Notes
Ana honor ˈɑːnə With father-bother merger.
Anna honor ˈɑːnə In American English, with father-bother merger. In the UK, Anna can be pronounced /ˈænə/.
area airier ˈɛəriə
Basia basher ˈbæʃə In British English. In North America, Basia can be pronounced /ˈbɑːʃə/.
CAPTCHA capture ˈkæptʃə
Carla collar ˈkɑːlə With god-guard merger.
Carta Carter ˈkɑːtə
cheetah cheater ˈtʃiːtə
Darla dollar ˈdɑlə With god-guard merger.
Dinah diner ˈdaɪnə
coca coker ˈkoʊkə
coda coder ˈkoʊdə
cola coaler ˈkoʊlə
coma comber ˈkoʊmə
custody custardy ˈkʌstədi
data dater ˈdeɪtə
Dhaka darker ˈdɑːkə In American English. In the UK, Dhaka is /ˈdækə/.
Easton eastern ˈiːstən
FEMA femur ˈfiːmə
Ghana Garner ˈɡɑːnə
Helena Eleanor ˈɛlənə With h-dropping. Outside North America.
eta eater ˈiːtə
eyen iron ˈaɪən
feta fetter ˈfɛtə
formally formerly ˈfɔːməli
geta getter ˈɡɛtə
ion iron ˈaɪən
karma calmer ˈkɑːmə
kava carver ˈkɑːvə
Lena leaner ˈliːnə
Lima lemur ˈliːmə
Lisa leaser ˈliːsə
Luna lunar ˈl(j)uːnə
Maia Meier ˈmaɪə
Maia mire ˈmaɪə
Maya Meier ˈmaɪə
Maya mire ˈmaɪə
manna manner ˈmænə
manna manor ˈmænə
Marta martyr ˈmɑːtə
Mia mere ˈmɪə
miner myna(h); mina(h) ˈmaɪnə
minor myna(h); mina(h) ˈmaɪnə
Mona moaner ˈmoʊnə
Nia near ˈnɪə
Palma palmer; Palmer ˈpɑːmə
panda pander ˈpændə
parka Parker ˈpɑːkə
Parma palmer; Palmer ˈpɑːmə
Patton pattern ˈpætən
PETA peter; Peter ˈpiːtə
pharma farmer ˈfɑːmə
Pia peer ˈpɪə
Pia pier ˈpɪə
pita peter; Peter ˈpiːtə "pita" may also be pronounced ˈpɪtə and therefore not merged
Rhoda rotor ˈroʊɾə With intervocalic alveolar flapping.
Rita reader ˈriːɾə With intervocalic alveolar flapping.
Roma roamer ˈroʊmə
rota rotor ˈroʊtə
Saba sabre; saber ˈseɪbə
schema schemer ˈskiːmə
Sia sear ˈsɪə
Sia seer ˈsɪə
seven Severn ˈsɛvən
soda solder ˈsoʊdə "solder" may also be pronounced ˈsɒdə(r) and therefore not merged
soya sawyer ˈsɔɪə
Stata starter ˈstɑːtə Stata is also pronounced /ˈstætə/ and /ˈsteɪtə/.
taiga tiger ˈtaɪɡə
terra; Terra terror ˈtɛrə
Tia tear (weep) ˈtɪə
tuba tuber ˈt(j)uːbə
tuna tuner ˈt(j)uːnə
Vespa vesper ˈvɛspə
via veer ˈvɪə
Wanda wander ˈwɒndə
Weston western ˈwɛstən
Wicca wicker ˈwɪkə

Dough–door mergerEdit

In Wells' terminology, this consists of the merger of the lexical sets GOAT and FORCE. It may be found in some southern U.S. non-rhotic speech, some speakers of African-American English, some speakers in Guyana and some Welsh speech.[51]

Homophonous pairs
/oʊ/ /oʊr/ IPA Notes
beau boar ˈboʊ
beau bore ˈboʊ
bode board ˈboʊd
bode bored ˈboʊd
bone borne ˈboʊn
bone Bourne ˈboʊn
bow boar ˈboʊ
bow bore ˈboʊ
bowed board ˈboʊd
bowed bored ˈboʊd
chose chores ˈtʃoʊz
coast coursed ˈkoʊst
coat court ˈkoʊt
code cored ˈkoʊd
doe door ˈdoʊ
does doors ˈdoʊz
dough door ˈdoʊ
doze doors ˈdoʊz
floe floor ˈfloʊ
flow floor ˈfloʊ
foe fore ˈfoʊ
foe four ˈfoʊ
go gore ˈɡoʊ
goad gored ˈɡoʊd
hoe whore ˈhoʊ
hoed hoard ˈhoʊd
hoed horde ˈhoʊd
hoed whored ˈhoʊd
hoes whores ˈhoʊz
hose whores ˈhoʊz
lo lore ˈloʊ
load lord; Lord ˈloʊd
lode lord; Lord ˈloʊd
low lore ˈloʊ
moan mourn ˈmoʊn
Moe Moore ˈmoʊ
Moe more ˈmoʊ
Mona mourner ˈmoʊnə
mow Moore ˈmoʊ
mow more ˈmoʊ
mown mourn ˈmoʊn
O oar ˈoʊ
O ore ˈoʊ
ode oared ˈoʊd
oh oar ˈoʊ
oh ore ˈoʊ
owe oar ˈoʊ
owe ore ˈoʊ
owed oared ˈoʊd
Po pore ˈpoʊ
Po pour ˈpoʊ
Poe pore ˈpoʊ
Poe pour ˈpoʊ
poach porch ˈpoʊtʃ
poke pork ˈpoʊk
pose pores ˈpoʊz
pose pours ˈpoʊz
road roared ˈroʊd
rode roared ˈroʊd
roe roar ˈroʊ
rose roars ˈroʊz
row roar ˈroʊ
rowed roared ˈroʊd
sew soar ˈsoʊ
sew sore ˈsoʊ
sewed soared ˈsoʊd
sewed sored ˈsoʊd
sewed sword ˈsoʊd
shone shorn ˈʃoʊn
show shore ˈʃoʊ
shown shorn ˈʃoʊn
snow snore ˈsnoʊ
so soar ˈsoʊ
so sore ˈsoʊ
sow soar ˈsoʊ
sow sore ˈsoʊ
sowed soared ˈsoʊd
sowed sored ˈsoʊd
sowed sword ˈsoʊd
stow store ˈstoʊ
Thoth tort ˈtoʊt With th-stopping.
toad toward ˈtoʊd
toe tore ˈtoʊ
toed toward ˈtoʊd
tone torn ˈtoʊn
tote tort ˈtoʊt
tow tore ˈtoʊ
towed toward ˈtoʊd
woe wore ˈwoʊ
whoa wore ˈwoʊ With wine–whine merger.
yo yore ˈjoʊ
yo your ˈjoʊ

Face–square–near mergerEdit

The merger of the lexical sets FACE, SQUARE and NEAR is possible in Jamaican English and partially also in Northern East Anglian English. From a historical viewpoint, it is a complete absorption of /r/ into the preceding vowel (cf. father-farther merger and pawn-porn merger).

In Jamaica, the merger occurs after deletion of the postvocalic /r/ in a preconsonantal position, so that fade can be homophonous with feared as [feːd], but day [deː] is normally distinct from dear [deːɹ], though vowels in both words can be analyzed as belonging to the same phoneme (followed by /r/ in the latter case, so that the merger of FACE and SQUARE/NEAR does not occur). In Jamaican Patois, the merged vowel is an opening diphthong [iɛ] and that realization can also be heard in Jamaican English, mostly before a sounded /r/ (so that fare and fear can be both [feːɹ] and [fiɛɹ]), but sometimes also in other positions. Alternatively, /eː/ can be laxed to [ɛ] before a sounded /r/, which produces a variable Mary-merry merger: [fɛɹ].[55]

It is possible in northern East Anglian varieties (to [e̞ː]), but only in the case of items descended from ME /aː/, such as daze. Those descended from ME /ai/ (such as days) have a distinctive /æi/ vowel. It appears to be receding, as items descended from ME /aː/ are being transferred to the /æi/ class; in other words, a pane-pain merger is taking place. In the southern dialect area, the pane-pain merger is complete and all three vowels are distinct: FACE is [æi], SQUARE is [ɛː] and NEAR is [ɪə].[56]

A near-merger of FACE and SQUARE is possible in General South African English, but the vowels typically remain distinct as [eɪ] (for FACE) and [eː] (for SQUARE). The difference between the two phonemes is so subtle that they're [ðeː] can be misheard as they [ðeɪ] (see zero copula). In other varieties the difference can be greater, e.g. [ðeː] vs. [ðʌɪ] in Broad SAE and [ðɛə] vs. [ðeɪ] in the Cultivated variety. Even in General SAE, SQUARE can be [ɛə] or [ɛː], strongly distinguished from FACE [eɪ]. NEAR remains distinct in all varieties, typically as [ɪə].[57][58]

In the Cardiff dialect SQUARE can also be similar to cardinal [e] (though long [], as in South Africa), but FACE typically has a fully close ending point [ei] and thus the vowels are more distinct than in the General South African accent. An alternative realization of the former is an open-mid monophthong [ɛː]. Formerly, FACE was sometimes realized as a narrow diphthong [eɪ], but this has virtually disappeared by the 1990s. NEAR is phonemically distinct, normally as [iːə].[59]

In Geordie, the merger of FACE and NEAR is recessive and has never been categorical (SQUARE [ɛː] has always been a distinct vowel), as FACE can instead be pronounced as the closing diphthong [eɪ] or, more commonly, the close-mid front monophthong []. The latter is the most common choice for younger speakers who tend to reject the centering diphthongs for FACE, which categorically undoes the merger for those speakers. Even when FACE is realized as an opening-centering diphthong, it may be distinguished from NEAR by the openness of the first element: [ɪə] or [eə] for FACE vs. [iə] for NEAR.[60][61][62]

Some of the words listed below may have different forms in traditional Geordie. For the sake of simplicity, the merged vowel is transcribed with ⟨⟩.

Homophonous pairs
/eɪ/ (from ME /aː/) /eɪ/ (from other sources) /eə/ /ɪə/ IPA Notes
A hay hair here ˈeː With h-dropping, in fully non-rhotic varieties.
A hay hare here ˈeː With h-dropping, in fully non-rhotic varieties.
A hey hair here ˈeː With h-dropping, in fully non-rhotic varieties.
A hey hare here ˈeː With h-dropping, in fully non-rhotic varieties.
aid aired eared ˈeːd
aid hared eared ˈeːd With h-dropping.
bade bared beard ˈbeːd
bade bared beered ˈbeːd
bade beared beard ˈbeːd
bade beared beered ˈbeːd
base Bierce ˈbeːs
bass Bierce ˈbeːs
bay bare beer ˈbeː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
bay bear beer ˈbeː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
bays bares beers ˈbeːz
bays bears beers ˈbeːz
day dare dear ˈdeː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
days dares dears ˈdeːz
days theirs dears ˈdeːz With th-stopping.
days there's dears ˈdeːz With th-stopping.
face fierce ˈfeːs
fade fared feared ˈfeːd
fade faired feared ˈfeːd
fay fare fear ˈfeː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
fay fair fear ˈfeː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
gay gear ˈɡeː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
gaze gays gears ˈɡeːz
hay hair here ˈheː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
hay hare here ˈheː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
haze hays airs ears ˈeːz With h-dropping.
haze hays airs here's ˈeːz With h-dropping.
haze hays hairs ears ˈeːz With h-dropping.
haze hays hairs here's ˈheːz
haze hays hares ears ˈeːz With h-dropping.
haze hays hares here's ˈheːz
haze hays heirs ears ˈeːz With h-dropping.
haze hays heirs here's ˈeːz With h-dropping.
hey hair here ˈheː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
hey hare here ˈheː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
jade jeered ˈdʒeːd
K Kay care Keir ˈkeː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
K Kay care kir ˈkeː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
may mare mere ˈmeː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
maze maize mares Mears ˈmeːz
nay near ˈneː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
nays nears ˈneːz
paid paired peered ˈpeːd
pay pair peer ˈpeː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
pay pear peer ˈpeː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
pays pairs peers ˈpeːz
pays pears peers ˈpeːz
raid reared ˈreːd
ray rare rear ˈreː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
raze raise rears ˈreːz
raze rays rears ˈreːz
shade shared sheered ˈʃeːd
shay share sheer ˈʃeː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
shays shares sheers ˈʃeːz
spade spared speared ˈspeːd
stade staid stared steered ˈsteːd
stade stayed stared steered ˈsteːd
stay stare steer ˈsteː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
stays stares steers ˈsteːz
they their ˈðeː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
they there ˈðeː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
they they're ˈðeː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
way wear Wear ˈweː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
way wear we're ˈweː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
way where Wear ˈweː With the wine-whine merger, in fully non-rhotic varieties.
way where we're ˈweː With the wine-whine merger, in fully non-rhotic varieties.
ways wears ˈweːz
ways where's ˈweːz With the wine-whine merger.
weigh wear Wear ˈweː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
weigh wear we're ˈweː In fully non-rhotic varieties.
weigh where Wear ˈweː With the wine-whine merger, in fully non-rhotic varieties.
weigh where we're ˈweː With the wine-whine merger, in fully non-rhotic varieties.
wade weighed where'd ˈweːd With the wine-whine merger.
weighs wears ˈweːz
weighs where's ˈweːz With the wine-whine merger.
whey wear Wear ˈweː With the wine-whine merger, in fully non-rhotic varieties.
whey wear we're ˈweː With the wine-whine merger, in fully non-rhotic varieties.
whey where Wear ˈweː With the wine-whine merger, in fully non-rhotic varieties.
whey where we're ˈweː With the wine-whine merger, in fully non-rhotic varieties.
vase veers ˈveːz

Father–farther and god–guard mergersEdit

In Wells' terminology, the father–farther merger consists of the merger of the lexical sets PALM and START. It is found in the speech of the great majority of non-rhotic speakers, including those of England, Wales, the United States, the Caribbean, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa. It may be absent in some non-rhotic speakers in the Bahamas.[51]

Minimal pairs are rare in accents without the father-bother merger. In non-rhotic British English (especially the varieties without the trap-bath split) and, to a lesser extent, Australian English, /ɑː/ most commonly corresponds to /ɑːr/ in American English, therefore it is most commonly spelled with ⟨ar⟩. In most non-rhotic American English (that includes non-rhotic Rhode Island, New York City,[63] some Southern U.S.,[64] and some African-American accents),[65] the spelling ⟨o⟩ is equally common in non-word-final positions due to the aforementioned father-bother merger. Those accents have the god-guard merger (a merger of LOT and START) in addition to the father–farther merger, yielding a three-way homophony between calmer (when pronounced without /l/), comma and karma, though minimal triplets like this are scarce.

The middle column (which only contains words with a preconsonantal vowel) participates in the merger only in the case of North American accents. In other accents, those words have a distinct vowel /ɒ/.

Homophonous pairs
/ɑː/ /ɒ/ (in AmE) /ɑːr/ IPA Notes
ah N/A are ˈɑː
ah N/A hour ˈɑː With smoothing.
ah N/A our ˈɑː With smoothing.
ah N/A R; ar ˈɑː
alms arms ˈɑːmz
alms harms ˈɑːmz With H-dropping.
Ana honor Arne ˈɑːnə
aunt aren't ˈɑːnt With the trap-bath split.
balmy barmy ˈbɑːmi
Bata barter ˈbɑːtə
bath barf ˈbɑːf With the trap-bath split and th-fronting.
bath Bart ˈbɑːt With the trap-bath split and th-stopping.
bob; Bob barb; Barb ˈbɑːb
bock bark ˈbɑːk
bocks barks ˈbɑːks
bocks Berks ˈbɑːks
bod bard ˈbɑːd
bod barred ˈbɑːd
boff barf ˈbɑːf
bot Bart ˈbɑːt
box barks ˈbɑːks
box Berks ˈbɑːks
calmer comma karma ˈkɑːmə Calmer can also be pronounced with /l/: /ˈkɑːlmə/.
calve carve ˈkɑːv With the trap-bath split.
cast karst ˈkɑːst With the trap-bath split.
caste karst ˈkɑːst With the trap-bath split.
cost karst ˈkɑːst
Chalmers charmers ˈtʃɑːməz
clock Clark; Clarke ˈklɑːk
clock clerk ˈklɑːk
cob carb ˈkɑːb
cod card ˈkɑːd
collar Carla ˈkɑːlə
collie Carlie ˈkɑːli
cop carp ˈkɑːp
cot cart ˈkɑːt
Dahmer dharma ˈdɑːmə
Dhaka docker darker ˈdɑːkə In American English. In the UK, Dhaka is /ˈdækə/.
dock dark ˈdɑːk
dollar Darla ˈdɑːlə
dolling darling ˈdɑːlɪŋ
don; Don darn ˈdɑːn
dot dart ˈdɑːt
fa N/A far ˈfɑː
fast farced ˈfɑːst With the trap-bath split.
father farther ˈfɑːðə
Ghana gonna Garner ˈɡɑːnə With the strong form of gonna (which can be /ˈɡɔːnə/ or /ˈɡoʊɪŋ tuː/ instead).
gob garb ˈɡɑːb
gobble garble ˈɡɑːbəl
god garred ˈɡɑːd
god guard ˈɡɑːd
Hamm harm ˈhɑːm In American English. In the UK, Hamm is /ˈhæm/.
hock hark ˈhɑːk
holly; Holly Harley ˈhɑːli
hominy harmony ˈhɑːməni With the weak vowel merger.
hop harp ˈhɑːp
hot hart ˈhɑːt
hot heart ˈhɑːt
hottie hardy ˈhɑːɾi With intervocalic alveolar flapping.
hottie hearty ˈhɑːɾi Normally with intervocalic alveolar flapping.
hough hark ˈhɑːk
hovered Harvard ˈhɑːvəd
Jah N/A jar ˈdʒɑː
Jahn yarn ˈjɑːn
Jan yarn ˈjɑːn Jan can be /ˈjæn/ instead.
Ka N/A car ˈkɑː
kava carver ˈkɑːvə
knock narc ˈnɑːk
knock nark ˈnɑːk
knocks narcs ˈnɑːks
knocks narks ˈnɑːks
Knox narcs ˈnɑːks
Knox narks ˈnɑːks
lava larva ˈlɑːvə
lock lark ˈlɑːk
Locke lark ˈlɑːk
lodge large ˈlɑːdʒ
lop larp ˈlɑːp
ma N/A mar ˈmɑː
mock mark; Mark ˈmɑːk
mocks marks; Mark's ˈmɑːks
mocks Marx ˈmɑːks
mod marred ˈmɑːd
modge Marge ˈmɑːdʒ
moll; Moll marl ˈmɑːl
molly; Molly Marley ˈmɑːli
mosh marsh ˈmɑːʃ
nock narc ˈnɑːk
nock nark ˈnɑːk
nocks narcs ˈnɑːks
nocks narks ˈnɑːks
Nox narcs ˈnɑːk
Nox narks ˈnɑːk
ox arcs ˈɑːks
ox arks ˈɑːks
pa N/A par ˈpɑː
Pali polly; Polly parley; Parley ˈpɑːli
Palma Parma ˈpɑːmə
palmer; Palmer Parma ˈpɑːmə
passed parsed ˈpɑːst With the trap-bath split.
past parsed ˈpɑːst With the trap-bath split.
path part ˈpɑːt With the trap-bath split and th-stopping.
pock park; Park ˈpɑːk
pocks parks; Park's ˈpɑːks
pot part ˈpɑːt
potch parch ˈpɑːtʃ
potty party ˈpɑːɾi Normally with intervocalic alveolar flapping.
pox parks; Park's ˈpɑːks
shod shard ˈʃɑːd
shock shark ˈʃɑːk
shop sharp ˈʃɑːp
shopping sharpen ˈʃɑːpən With the weak vowel merger and G-dropping.
ska N/A scar, SCAR[disambiguation needed] ˈskɑː
sock Sark ˈsɑːk
sod Sard ˈsɑːd
spa N/A spar, SPAR ˈspɑː
Spock spark ˈspɑːk
spotter Sparta ˈspɑːɾə Normally with intervocalic alveolar flapping.
Stata starter ˈstɑːtə
stock stark ˈstɑːk
tod tard ˈtɑːd
tod tarred ˈtɑːd
Todd tard ˈtɑːd
Todd tarred ˈtɑːd
top tarp ˈtɑːp
tot tart ˈtɑːt
yon yarn ˈjɑːn

Pawn–porn and caught–court mergersEdit

In Wells' terminology, the pawn–porn merger consists of the merger of the lexical sets THOUGHT and NORTH. It is found in most of the same accents as the father–farther merger described above, but is absent from the Bahamas and Guyana.[51]

Labov et al. suggest that, in New York City English, this merger is present in perception not production. As in, although even locals perceive themselves using the same vowel in both cases, they tend to produce the NORTH/FORCE vowel higher and more retracted than the vowel of THOUGHT.[66]

Most speakers with the pawn-porn merger also have the same vowels in caught and court (a merger of THOUGHT and FORCE), yielding a three-way merger of awe-or-ore/oar (see horse-hoarse merger). These include the accents of Southern England, non-rhotic New York City speakers, Trinidad and the Southern hemisphere.

The lot-cloth split coupled with those mergers produces a few more homophones, such as boss–bourse. Specifically, the phonemic merger of the words often and orphan was a running gag in the Gilbert and Sullivan musical, The Pirates of Penzance.

In cockney and some Estuary English the merged THOUGHT-NORTH-FORCE vowel has split into what can be analyzed as two separate phonemes which Wells writes /oː/ and /ɔə/ - see THOUGHT split.

Homophonous pairs
/ɔː/ /ɔːr/ /oʊr/ IPA Notes
alk orc ˈɔːk
auk orc ˈɔːk
aw or oar ˈɔː
aw or ore ˈɔː
awe or oar ˈɔː
awe or ore ˈɔː
awk orc ˈɔːk
balk bork ˈbɔːk
baud board ˈbɔːd
baud bored ˈbɔːd
bawd board ˈbɔːd
bawd bored ˈbɔːd
bawn born borne ˈbɔːn
bawn born bourn(e) ˈbɔːn
boss bourse ˈbɔːs With the lot-cloth split.
caught court ˈkɔːt
caulk cork ˈkɔːk
caw core ˈkɔː
caw corps ˈkɔː
cawed chord ˈkɔːd
cawed cord ˈkɔːd
daw door ˈdɔː
draw drawer ˈdrɔː
flaw floor ˈflɔː
fought fort ˈfɔːt
gaud gored ˈɡɔːd
gnaw nor ˈnɔː
haw whore ˈhɔː
hawk orc ˈɔːk With H-dropping.
hoss[67] horse ˈhɔːs With the lot-cloth split.
laud lord ˈlɔːd
law lore ˈlɔː
lawed lord ˈlɔːd
lawn lorn ˈlɔːn
maw more ˈmɔː
maw Moore ˈmɔː
moss Morse ˈmɔːs With the lot-cloth split.
off Orff; orfe; orf ˈɔːf With the lot-cloth split.
often orphan ˈɔːfən With the lot-cloth split. "Often" is pronounced with a sounded T by some speakers.
paw pore ˈpɔː
paw pour ˈpɔː
pawn porn ˈpɔːn
raw roar ˈrɔː
sauce source ˈsɔːs
saw soar ˈsɔː
saw sore ˈsɔː
sawed soared ˈsɔːd
sawed sword ˈsɔːd
Sean shorn ˈʃɔːn
shaw shore ˈʃɔː
Shawn shorn ˈʃɔːn
sought sort ˈsɔːt
stalk stork ˈstɔːk
talk torque ˈtɔːk
taught tort ˈtɔːt
taut tort ˈtɔːt
taw tor tore ˈtɔː
thaw Thor ˈθɔː
yaw yore ˈjɔː
yaw your ˈjɔː Your can be /ˈjʊə/ instead.

Paw–poor mergerEdit

In Wells' terminology, this consists of the merger of the lexical sets THOUGHT and CURE. It is found in those non-rhotic accents containing the caughtcourt merger that have also undergone the pour–poor merger. Wells lists it unequivocally only for the accent of Trinidad, but it is an option for non-rhotic speakers in England, Australia and New Zealand. Such speakers have a potential four-way merger tawtortoretour.[68]

Homophonous pairs
/ɔː/ /ʊər/ IPA Notes
gaud gourd ˈɡɔːd
haw whore ˈhɔː
law lure ˈlɔː With yod-dropping.
maw moor ˈmɔː
maw Moore ˈmɔː
paw poor ˈpɔː
shaw sure ˈʃɔː
taw tour ˈtɔː
tawny tourney ˈtɔːni
yaw your ˈjɔː
yaw you're ˈjɔː

Shot–short mergerEdit

In Wells' terminology, this consists of the merger of the lexical sets LOT and NORTH. It may be present in some Eastern New England accents[69][70] and Singapore English.

Homophonous pairs
/ɒ/ /ɒr/ IPA Notes
bon born ˈbɒːn
box borks ˈbɒːks
cock cork; Cork ˈkɒːk
cocks corks; Cork's ˈkɒːks
cops corpse ˈkɒːps
cox corks; Cork's ˈkɒːks
cod chord ˈkɒːd
cod cord ˈkɒːd
con corn ˈkɒːn
dock dork ˈdɒːk
fox forks ˈfɒːks
dom dorm ˈdɒːm
mog morgue ˈmɒːɡ
mot Mort ˈmɒːt
not north ˈnɒːt With Th-stopping.
odder order ˈɒːɾə Normally with intervocalic alveolar flapping.
otter order ˈɒːɾə With intervocalic alveolar flapping.
ox orcs ˈɒːks
pond porned ˈpɒːnd
pock pork ˈpɒːk
posh Porsche ˈpɒːʃ
pot port ˈpɒːt
scotch; Scotch scorch ˈskɒːtʃ
shoddy shorty ˈʃɒːɾi With intervocalic alveolar flapping.
shot short ˈʃɒːt
snot snort ˈsnɒːt
sob Sorb ˈsɒːb
solder sorter ˈsɒːɾə With intervocalic alveolar flapping.
sot sort ˈsɒːt
Spock spork ˈspɒːk
spot sport ˈspɒːt
stock stork ˈstɒːk
swan sworn ˈswɒːn
swat swart ˈswɒːt
tock torque ˈtɒːk
tot tort ˈtɒːt
tox torques ˈtɒːks
wabble warble ˈwɒːbəl
wad ward ˈwɒːd
wad warred ˈwɒːd
wan warn ˈwɒːn
wand warned ˈwɒːnd
wanna Warner ˈwɒːnə
watt wart ˈwɒːt
whap warp ˈwɒːp With wine–whine merger.
what wart ˈwɒːt With wine–whine merger.
whop warp ˈwɒːp With wine–whine merger.
wobble warble ˈwɒːbəl
yock York ˈjɒːk

Show–sure mergerEdit

In Wells' terminology, this consists of the merger of the lexical sets GOAT and CURE. It may be present in those speakers who have both the dough–door merger described above, and also the pour–poor merger. These include some southern U.S. non-rhotic speakers, some speakers of African-American English and some speakers in Guyana.[51] It can be seen in the term "Fo Sho", an imitation of "for sure".

Homophonous pairs
/oʊ/ /ʊər/ IPA Notes
beau Boer ˈboʊ
beau boor ˈboʊ
bow Boer ˈboʊ
bow boor ˈboʊ
goad gourd ˈɡoʊd
hoe whore ˈhoʊ
lo lure ˈloʊ With yod-dropping.
low lure ˈloʊ With yod-dropping.
Moe moor ˈmoʊ
Moe Moore ˈmoʊ
mode moored ˈmoʊd
mow moor ˈmoʊ
mow Moore ˈmoʊ
mowed moored ˈmoʊd
Po poor ˈpoʊ
Poe poor ˈpoʊ
roe Ruhr ˈroʊ
row Ruhr ˈroʊ
shew sure ˈʃoʊ
show sure ˈʃoʊ
toad toured ˈtoʊd
toe tour ˈtoʊ
toed toured ˈtoʊd
tow tour ˈtoʊ
towed toured ˈtoʊd
yo your ˈjoʊ
yo you're ˈjoʊ

Up-gliding NURSEEdit

Up-gliding NURSE is a diphthongized vowel sound, [əɪ], used as the pronunciation of the NURSE phoneme /ɜ/. This up-gliding variant historically occurred in some non-rhotic dialects of American English and is particularly associated with the early twentieth-century (but now extinct or moribund) dialects of New York City, New Orleans, and Charleston,[71] likely developing in the prior century. In fact, in speakers born before World War I, this sound apparently predominated throughout older speech of the Southern United States, ranging from "South Carolina to Texas and north to eastern Arkansas and the southern edge of Kentucky."[72] This variant happened only before a consonant, so, for example, stir was never [stəɪ];[73] rather stir would have been pronounced [stɜ(r)].

Coil–curl mergerEdit

In some cases, particularly in New York City, the NURSE sound gliding from a schwa upwards even led to a phonemic merger of the vowel classes associated with the General American phonemes /ɔɪ/ as in CHOICE with the /ɜr/ of NURSE; thus, words like coil and curl, as well as voice and verse, were homophones. The merged vowel was typically a diphthong [əɪ], with a mid central starting point, rather than the back rounded starting point of /ɔɪ/ of CHOICE in most other accents of English. The merger is responsible for the "Brooklynese" stereotypes of bird sounding like boid and thirty-third sounding like toity-toid. This merger is known for the word soitanly, used often by the Three Stooges comedian Curly Howard as a variant of certainly in comedy shorts of the 1930s and 1940s. The songwriter Sam M. Lewis, a native New Yorker, rhymed returning with joining in the lyrics of the English-language version of Gloomy Sunday. Except for New Orleans English,[74][75][76] this merger did not occur in the South, despite up-gliding NURSE existing in some older Southern accents; instead, a distinction between the two phonemes was maintained due to a down-gliding CHOICE sound: something like [ɔɛ].

In 1966, according to a survey that was done by William Labov in New York City, 100% of the people over 60 used [əɪ] for bird. With each younger age group, however, the percentage got progressively lower: 59% of 50- to 59-year-olds, 33% of 40- to 49-year-olds, 24% of 20- to 39-year-olds, and finally, only 4% of people 8–19 years old used [əɪ]. Nearly all native New Yorkers born since 1950, even those whose speech is otherwise non-rhotic, now pronounce bird as [bɝd].[77] However, Labov reports this vowel to be slightly raised compared to other dialects.[78]

Homophonous pairs
/ɔɪ/ /ɜːr/ IPA Notes
adjoin adjourn əˈdʒəɪn
boil burl ˈbəɪl
Boyd bird ˈbəɪd
Boyle burl ˈbəɪl
coil curl ˈkəɪl
coin kern ˈkəɪn
coitus Curtis ˈkəɪɾəs With weak vowel merger, normally with intervocalic alveolar flapping.
foil furl ˈfəɪl
goitre; goiter girder ˈɡəɪɾər With intervocalic alveolar flapping.
hoist Hearst ˈhəɪst
hoist hurst; Hurst ˈhəɪst
Hoyle hurl ˈhəɪl
loin learn ˈləɪn
oil earl ˈəɪl
poil pearl ˈpəɪl
poise purrs ˈpəɪz
toyed turd ˈtəɪd
voice verse ˈvəɪs
Voight vert ˈvəɪt

Effect of non-rhotic dialects on orthographyEdit

Certain words have spellings derived from non-rhotic dialects or renderings of foreign words through non-rhotic pronunciation. In rhotic dialects, spelling pronunciation has caused these words to be pronounced rhotically anyway. Examples include:

See alsoEdit

NotesEdit

  1. ^ Other terms synonymous with "non-rhotic" include "/r/-deleting",[2] "r-dropping",[3] "r-vocalizing", and "r-less";[4] synonyms for "rhotic" include "/r/-pronouncing", "r-constricting", and "r-ful".[2][4]

ReferencesEdit

  1. ^ Paul Skandera, Peter Burleigh, A Manual of English Phonetics and Phonology, Gunter Narr Verlag, 2011, p. 60.
  2. ^ a b c d e f g h i Lass (1999), p. 114.
  3. ^ Wells (1982), p. 216.
  4. ^ a b c Labov, Ash, and Boberg (2006): 47.
  5. ^ Gick (1999:31), citing Kurath (1964)
  6. ^ a b Labov, Ash, and Boberg, 2006: pp. 47–48.
  7. ^ a b c d Lass (1999), p. 115.
  8. ^ a b c Fisher (2001), p. 76.
  9. ^ a b c Fisher (2001), p. 77.
  10. ^ a b c d Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), pp. 5, 47.
  11. ^ Based on H. Orton, et al., Survey of English Dialects (1962–71). Some areas with partial rhoticity, such as parts of the East Riding of Yorkshire, are not shaded on this map.
  12. ^ Based on P. Trudgill, The Dialects of England.
  13. ^ Lass (1999), pp. 114–15.
  14. ^ Original French: "...dans plusieurs mots, l'r devant une consonne est fort adouci, presque muet, & rend un peu longue la voyale qui le precede". Lass (1999), p. 115.
  15. ^ Fisher (2001), p. 73.
  16. ^ Gordon, Elizabeth; Campbell, Lyle; Hay, Jennifer; Maclagan, Margaret; Sudbury, Peter; Trudgill, Andrea, eds. (2004). New Zealand English: Its Origins and Evolution. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p. 174.
  17. ^ Wells, Accents of English, 1:224-225.
  18. ^ Gimson, Alfred Charles (2014), Cruttenden, Alan (ed.), Gimson's Pronunciation of English (8th ed.), Routledge, pp. 119–120, ISBN 978-1-4441-8309-2
  19. ^ Shorter Oxford English Dictionary
  20. ^ Wells, J. C. (1995). Accents of English 1: An Introduction. Gateshead: Cambridge University Press. p. 201.
  21. ^ Wells, Accents of English, p. 490.
  22. ^ Wakelyn, Martin: "Rural dialects in England", in: Trudgill, Peter (1984): Language in the British Isles, p.77
  23. ^ a b Wells, J. C. (1982). Accents of English 3: Beyond the British Isles. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. p. 629. ISBN 0-521-28541-0.
  24. ^ Mesthrie, Rajend; Kortmann, Bernd; Schneider, Edgar W., eds. (18 January 2008), "Pakistani English: phonology", Africa, South and Southeast Asia, Mouton de Gruyter, doi:10.1515/9783110208429.1.244, ISBN 9783110208429, retrieved 16 April 2019
  25. ^ Wells, Accents of English, pp. 76, 221
  26. ^ Schneider, Edgar (2008). Varieties of English: The Americas and the Caribbean. Walter de Gruyter. p. 396.
  27. ^ McClear, Sheila (2 June 2010). "Why the classic Noo Yawk accent is fading away". New York Post. Retrieved 13 April 2013.
  28. ^ a b Stuart-Smith, Jane (1999). "Glasgow: accent and voice quality". In Foulkes, Paul; Docherty, Gerard (eds.). Urban Voices. Arnold. p. 210. ISBN 0-340-70608-2.
  29. ^ Trudgill, Peter (1984). Language in the British Isles. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-28409-7.
  30. ^ Milla, Robert McColl (2012). English Historical Sociolinguistics. Edinburgh University Press. pp. 25–26. ISBN 978-0-7486-4181-9.
  31. ^ Trudgill, Peter (2010). Investigations in Sociohistorical Linguistics. Cambridge University Press.
  32. ^ Gick, Bryan. 1999. A gesture-based account of intrusive consonants in English Archived 12 April 2013 at the Wayback Machine. Phonology 16: 1, pp. 29–54. (pdf). Retrieved 12 November 2010.
  33. ^ Harris 2006: pp. 2–5.
  34. ^ Pollock et al., 1998.
  35. ^ Thomas, Erik R. "Rural white Southern accents" (PDF). p. 16. Retrieved 4 April 2019.
  36. ^ Trudgill, Peter (2000). "Sociohistorical linguistics and dialect survival: a note on another Nova Scotian enclave". In Magnus Leung (ed.). Language Structure and Variation. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International. p. 197.
  37. ^ Hickey, Raymond (1999). "Dublin English: current changes and their motivations". In Foulkes, Paul; Docherty, Gerard (eds.). Urban Voices. Arnold. p. 272. ISBN 0-340-70608-2.
  38. ^ Demirezen, Mehmet (2012). "Which /r/ are you using as an English teacher? rhotic or non-rhotic?" (PDF). Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences. Elsevier. 46: 2659–2663. doi:10.1016/j.sbspro.2012.05.542. ISSN 1877-0428. OCLC 931520939.
  39. ^ Salbrina, S.; Deterding, D. (2010). "Rhoticity in Brunei English". English World-Wide. 31: 121–137.
  40. ^ Nur Raihan Mohamad (2017). "Rhoticity in Brunei English : A diachronic approach". Southeast Asia: A Multidisciplinary Journal. 17: 1–7.
  41. ^ a b Gupta, Anthea F.; Hiang, Tan Chor (January 1992). "Post-Vocalic /r/ in Singapore English" (PDF). York Papers in Linguistics. 16: 139–152. ISSN 0307-3238. OCLC 2199758.
  42. ^ Brinton, Lauren and Leslie Arnovick. The English Language: A Linguistic History. Oxford University Press: Canada, 2006
  43. ^ Bowerman (2004), p. 940.
  44. ^ Lass (2002), p. 121.
  45. ^ Sutton, Peter (1989). "Postvocalic R in an Australian English dialect". Australian Journal of Linguistics. 9 (1).
  46. ^ Clark, L., "Southland dialect study to shed light on language evolution," New Zealand Herald. 9 December 2016. Retrieved 19 March 2019.
  47. ^ "5. – Speech and accent – Te Ara Encyclopedia of New Zealand". Teara.govt.nz. 5 September 2013. Retrieved 15 January 2017.
  48. ^ Bauer & Warren (2004), p. 594.
  49. ^ Hogg, R.M., Blake, N.F., Burchfield, R., Lass, R., and Romaine, S., (eds.) (1992) The Cambridge history of the English language. (Volume 5) Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521264785 p. 387. Retrieved from Google Books.
  50. ^ Wells, John C. (1982). Accents of English. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-22919-7., pp. 136–37, 203–6, 234, 245–47, 339–40, 400, 419, 443, 576
  51. ^ a b c d e f Wells (1982)
  52. ^ Wells (1982), p. 225
  53. ^ Upton, Clive; Eben Upton (2004). Oxford rhyming dictionary. Oxford University Press. p. 59. ISBN 0-19-280115-5.
  54. ^ Upton, Clive; Eben Upton (2004). Oxford rhyming dictionary. Oxford University Press. p. 60. ISBN 0-19-280115-5.
  55. ^ Devonish & Harry (2004), pp. 460, 463, 476.
  56. ^ Trudgill (2004), pp. 170, 172.
  57. ^ Lass (1990), pp. 277–279.
  58. ^ Bowerman (2004), p. 938.
  59. ^ Collins & Mees (1990), pp. 92–93, 95–97.
  60. ^ Watt (2000), p. 72.
  61. ^ Watt & Allen (2003), pp. 268–269.
  62. ^ Beal (2004), pp. 123, 126.
  63. ^ Wells (1982), p. 504
  64. ^ Wells (1982), p. 544
  65. ^ Wells (1982), p. 577
  66. ^ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), p. 235
  67. ^ Dialectal variant of "horse"
  68. ^ Wells, p. 287
  69. ^ Wells, p. 520
  70. ^ Dillard, Joey Lee (1980). Perspectives on American English. The Hague; New York: Walter de Gruyter. p. 53. ISBN 90-279-3367-7.
  71. ^ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), p. 259
  72. ^ Thomas (2006), p. 8
  73. ^ Wells (1982), pp. 508 ff
  74. ^ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), p. 260
  75. ^ Canatella, Ray (2011). The YAT Language of New Orleans. iUniverse. pp. 67, ... ISBN 978-1-4620-3295-2. MOYCHANDIZE – Translation: Merchandise. "Dat store seem to be selling nutin' but cheap moychandize"
  76. ^ Trawick-Smith, Ben (1 September 2011). "On the Hunt for the New Orleans Yat". Dialect Blog. Retrieved 1 December 2019.
  77. ^ Labov (1966)
  78. ^ Labov (1966), p. 216

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