User:Al Ameer son/Umayyad Caliphate

Sources edit

History edit

Origins edit

Early influence edit

During the pre-Islamic period, the Umayyads or "Banu Umayya" were a leading clan of the Quraysh tribe of Mecca.[1] By the end of the 6th century, the Umayyads dominated the Quraysh's increasingly prosperous trade networks with Syria and developed economic and military alliances with the nomadic Arab tribes that controlled the northern and central Arabian desert expanses, affording the clan a degree of political power in the region.[2] The Umayyads under the leadership of Abu Sufyan ibn Harb were the principal leaders of Meccan opposition to the Islamic prophet Muhammad, but after the latter captured Mecca in 630, Abu Sufyan and the Quraysh embraced Islam.[3][4] To reconcile the influential Quraysh, to which he belonged, Muhammad gave his former opponents, including Abu Sufyan, a stake in the new order.[5][6][7] Abu Sufyan and the Umayyads relocated to Medina, Islam's political center, to maintain their new-found political influence in the nascent Muslim community.[8]

Following Muhammad's death in 632, a succession crisis ensued and nomadic tribes throughout Arabia that had embraced Islam defected from the Medina-based Muslim state.[9] Abu Bakr, trusted by the Ansar and the Muhajirun (Muhammad's earliest supporters from Medina and Mecca, respectively) as one of Muhammad's closest friends and accepted by the late converts from the Quraysh as a native Meccan who assured their influential role in state matters, was chosen as caliph (political and religious leader of the Muslim community).[10] Abu Bakr showed favor to the Umayyads by awarding them command roles in the Muslim conquest of Syria. One of the appointees was Yazid, the son of Abu Sufyan, who owned property and maintained trade networks in Syria.[11][12]

Abu Bakr's successor, Caliph Umar (r. 634–644), though he actively curtailed the influence of the Qurayshi elite in favor of Muhammad's earlier supporters in the administration and military, did not disturb the growing foothold of Abu Sufyan's sons in Syria, which was all but conquered by 638.[13] When his overall commander over the province, Abu Ubayda ibn al-Jarrah, died in 639, he appointed Yazid governor of its Damascus, Palestine and Jordan districts.[13] Yazid died shortly after and Umar installed his brother Mu'awiya in his place.[14] Umar's exceptional treatment of Abu Sufyan's sons may have stemmed from his respect for the family, their burgeoning alliance with the powerful Banu Kalb tribe as a counterbalance to the influence of the Himyarite tribes in the Homs district or the lack of a suitable candidate at the time, particularly amid the plague of Amwas which had already killed Abu Ubayda and Yazid.[14] Under Mu'awiya's stewardship, Syria remained domestically peaceful, organized and well-defended from its former Byzantine rulers.[15]

Caliphate of Uthman edit

Umar's successor, Uthman ibn Affan, was a wealthy Umayyad and early Muslim convert with marital ties to Muhammad.[16] He was elected by the shura council, composed of Muhammad's cousin Ali, al-Zubayr ibn al-Awwam, Talha ibn Ubayd Allah, Sa'd ibn Abi Waqqas and Abd al-Rahman ibn Awf, all of whom were close, early companions of Muhammad and belonged to the Quraysh.[16][17] He was chosen over Ali because he would ensure the concentration of state power into the hands of the Quraysh, as opposed to Ali's determination to diffuse power among all of the Muslim factions.[18] From early in his reign, he displayed explicit favoritism to his kinsmen, in stark contrast to his predecessors.[16][17] He appointed his family members as governors over the regions successively conquered under Umar and himself, namely much of the Sasanian Empire, i.e. Iraq and Iran, and the former Byzantine territories of Syria and Egypt.[17] In Medina, he relied extensively on the counsel of his Umayyad cousins, the brothers al-Harith and Marwan ibn al-Hakam.[19] According to the historian Wilferd Madelung, this policy stemmed from Uthman's "conviction that the house of Umayya, as the core clan of Quraysh, was uniquely qualified to rule in the name of Islam".[16]

Uthman's nepotism gained him the ire of the Ansar and the members of the shura.[16][17] In 645/46, he added the Jazira (Upper Mesopotamia) to Mu'awiya's Syrian governorship and granted the latter's request to take possession of all Byzantine crown lands in Syria to help pay his troops.[20] He forwarded the surplus taxes from the wealthy provinces of Kufa and Egypt to the treasury in Medina, which he used at his personal disposal, frequently disbursing its funds and war booty to his Umayyad relatives.[21] Moreover, the lucrative Sasanian crown lands of Iraq, which Umar had designated as communal property for the benefit of the Arab garrison towns of Kufa and Basra, were turned into crown lands to be used at Uthman's discretion.[22] Mounting resentment against Uthman's rule in Iraq and Egypt and among the Ansar and Quraysh of Medina culminated in the siege and killing of the caliph in 656. In the assessment of the historian Hugh N. Kennedy, Uthman was killed because of his determination to centralize control over the Caliphate's government by the traditional elite of the Quraysh, particularly his Umayyad clan, which he believed possessed the "experience and ability" to govern, at the expense of the interests, rights and privileges of many early Muslims.[19]

First Fitna edit

In the aftermath of Uthman's assassination, Ali was recognized as caliph in Medina, though his support stemmed from the Ansar and the Iraqis, while the bulk of the Quraysh were wary of his rule.[19][23] Indeed, the first challenge to his authority came from the Qurayshi leaders al-Zubayr and Talha, who, though opposed to Uthman's empowerment of the Umayyad clan, feared that their own influence and the power of the Quraysh in general would dissipate under Ali.[24][25] Backed by one of Muhammad's wives, A'isha, they attempted to rally support against Ali among the troops of Basra, prompting the caliph to leave for Kufa, the other Iraqi garrison town, where he could better confront his challengers.[26] Ali defeated them at the Battle of the Camel, in which al-Zubayr and Talha were slain and A'isha consequently entered self-imposed seclusion.[27][26] Ali's sovereignty was thereafter recognized in Basra and Egypt and he established Kufa as the Caliphate's new capital.[27]

Though Ali was able to replace Uthman's governors in Egypt and Iraq with relative ease, Mu'awiya had developed a solid power-base and an effective military against the Byzantines from the Arab tribes of Syria, which he governed since Umar's reign.[26] Mu'awiya did not claim the caliphate, but was determined to retain control of Syria and opposed Ali in the name of avenging his kinsman Uthman, accusing the caliph of culpability in his death.[28][29][30] Following his victory in Basra, Ali marched against Mu'awiya, the two sides meeting at the Euphrates river boundary dividing their territories. The two sides fought to a stalemate in the ensuing Battle of Siffin in early 657, and Ali was compelled to settle the matter with Mu'awiya by arbitration.[31] The decision to arbitrate fundamentally weakened Ali's political position as he was forced to negotiate with Mu'awiya on equal terms, while it drove a significant number of his most pious supporters, who would become known as the Kharijites, to revolt.[32] Ali's coalition steadily disintegrated and many Iraqi tribal nobles secretly defected to Mu'awiya, while the latter's ally Amr ibn al-As ousted Ali's governor from Egypt in July 658.[31][33] In July 660, Mu'awiya was formally recognized as caliph in Jerusalem by his Syrian tribal allies.[31] Ali's attempt to once again march against Mu'awiya were aborted with Ali's assassination by a Kharijite in January 661.[34] His son al-Hasan succeeded him, but abdicated in return for compensation upon Mu'awiya's arrival to Iraq with his Syrian army in the summer.[31] At that point, Mu'awiya entered Kufa and received the allegiance of the Iraqis.[35]

Sufyanid period edit

Caliphate of Mu'awiya edit

The recognition of Mu'awiya in Kufa, referred to as the "year of unification of the community" in the Muslim traditional sources, is generally considered the start of his caliphate.[31] With his accession, the political capital and the caliphal treasury were transferred to Damascus, the seat of Mu'awiya's power.[36] Syria's emergence as the metropolis of the Umayyad Caliphate was the result of Mu'awiya's twenty-year entrenchment in the province, the geographic distribution of its relatively large Arab population throughout the province in contrast to their seclusion in garrison cities in other provinces, and the domination of a single tribal confederation, the Kalb-led Quda'a, as opposed to the wide array of competing tribal groups in Iraq.[37] These long-established, formerly Christian Arab tribes in Syria, having been integrated into the military of the Byzantine Empire and their Ghassanid client kings, were "more accustomed to order and obedience" than their Iraqi counterparts, according to the historian Julius Wellhausen.[38] Mu'awiya relied on the powerful Kalbite chief Ibn Bahdal and the Kindite nobleman Shurahbil ibn Simt alongside the Qurayshite commanders al-Dahhak ibn Qays al-Fihri and Abd al-Rahman, the son of the prominent general Khalid ibn al-Walid, to guarantee the loyalty of the key military components of Syria.[39] Mu'awiya preoccupied his core Syrian troops in nearly annual or bi-annual land and sea raids against Byzantium, which provided them with battlefield experience and war spoils, but secured no permanent territorial gains.[40] Toward the end of his reign the caliph entered a thirty-year truce with Byzantine emperor Constantine IV (r. 668–685),[41] obliging the Umayyads to pay the Empire an annual tribute of gold, horses and slaves.[42]

Mu'awiya's principal challenge was reestablishing the unity of the Muslim community and asserting the credibility of the Caliphate and his own power across the provinces amid the political and social disintegration of the First Fitna.[43] There remained significant opposition to his assumption of the caliphate and a strong central government in general.[44] The garrison towns of Kufa and Basra, populated by the Arab immigrants and troops who arrived during the conquest of Iraq in the 630s–640s, resented the transition of power to Syria.[45] They remained divided, nonetheless, as both cities competed for power and influence in Iraq and its eastern dependencies and remained divided between the Arab tribal nobility and the early Muslim converts, who were themselves divided between the pro-Alids (loyalists of Ali) and the Kharijites, who followed their own strict interpretation of Islam.[45] The caliph applied a decentralized approach to governing Iraq by forging alliances with its tribal nobility, such as the Kufan leader al-Ash'ath ibn Qays, and entrusting the administration of Kufa and Basra to highly experienced members of the Thaqif tribe, al-Mughira ibn Shu'ba and the latter's protege Ziyad ibn Abihi (whom Mu'awiya adopted as his half-brother), respectively.[46] In return for recognizing his suzerainty, maintaining order and the forwarding of a relatively token portion of the provincial tax revenues to Damascus, the caliph left his governors to their own devices.[45] After al-Mughira's death in 670, Mu'awiya attached Kufa and its dependencies to the governorship of Basra, making Ziyad the practical viceroy over the eastern half of the Caliphate.[47] Afterward, Ziyad launched a concerted campaign to firmly establish Arab rule in the massive Khurasan region east of Iran and restart the Muslim conquests in the surrounding areas.[48] Not long after Ziyad's death, he was succeeded by his son Ubayd Allah.[48] Meanwhile, Amr ibn al-As ruled Egypt from the provincial capital of Fustat as a virtual partner of Mu'awiya until his death in 663, after which loyalist governors were appointed and the province became a practical appendage of Syria.[49] Under Mu'awiya's direction, the Muslim conquest of Ifriqiya (central North Africa) was launched by the commander Uqba ibn Nafi in 670, which extended Umayyad control as far as Byzacena (modern southern Tunisia), where Uqba founded the permanent Arab garrison city of Kairouan.[50][51]

Succession of Yazid I and collapse of Sufyanid rule edit

In contrast to Uthman, Mu'awiya restricted the influence of his Umayyad kinsmen to the governorship of Medina, where the dispossessed Islamic elite, including the Umayyads, were suspicious or hostile toward his rule.[45][52] However, in an unprecedented move in Islamic politics, Mu'awiya nominated his own son, Yazid I, as his successor in 676, introducing hereditary rule to caliphal succession and, in practice, turning the office of the caliph into a kingship.[53] The act was met with disapproval or opposition by the Iraqis and the Hejaz-based Quraysh, including the Umayyads, but most were bribed or coerced into acceptance.[54] Yazid acceded after Mu'awiya's death in 680 and almost immediately faced a challenge to his rule by the Kufan partisans of Ali who had invited Ali's son and Muhammad's grandson Husayn to stage a revolt against Umayyad rule from Iraq.[55] An army mobilized by Iraq's governor Ubayd Allah intercepted and killed Husayn outside Kufa at the Battle of Karbala. Although it stymied active opposition to Yazid in Iraq, the killing of Muhammad's grandson left many Muslims outraged and significantly increased Kufan hostility toward the Umayyads and sympathy for the family of Ali.[56]

The next major challenge to Yazid's rule emanated from the Hejaz where Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr, the son of al-Zubayr ibn al-Awwam and grandson of Abu Bakr, advocated for a shura among the Quraysh to elect the caliph and rallied opposition to the Umayyads from his headquarters in Islam's holiest sanctuary, the Ka'aba in Mecca.[56] The Ansar and Quraysh of Medina also took up the anti-Umayyad cause and in 683 expelled the Umayyads from the city.[57] Yazid's Syrian troops routed the Medinese at the Battle of al-Harra and subsequently plundered Medina before besieging Ibn al-Zubayr in Mecca.[58] The Syrians withdrew upon news of Yazid's death in 683, after which Ibn al-Zubayr declared himself caliph and soon after gained recognition in most provinces of the Caliphate, including Iraq and Egypt.[59] In Syria Ibn Bahdal secured the succession of Yazid's son and appointed successor Mu'awiya II, whose authority was likely restricted to Damascus and Syria's southern districts.[58][60] Mu'awiya II had been ill from the beginning of his accession, with al-Dahhak assuming the practical duties of his office, and he died in early 684 without naming a successor.[61] His death marked the end of the Umayyads' Sufyanid ruling house, called after Mu'awiya I's father Abu Sufyan.[62] The eldest surviving Sufyanid, al-Walid ibn Utba, the son of Mu'awiya I's full brother, died shortly after Mu'awiya II's death, while another paternal uncle of the deceased caliph, Uthman ibn Anbasa ibn Abi Sufyan, who had support from the Kalb of the Jordan district, recognized the caliphate of his maternal uncle Ibn al-Zubayr.[60] Ibn Bahdal favored Mu'awiya II's brothers Khalid and Abd Allah for the succession, but they were viewed as too young and inexperienced by most of the pro-Umayyad tribal nobility in Syria.[63][64]

Early Marwanid period edit

Victory in the Second Fitna edit

Umayyad authority nearly collapsed in their Syrian stronghold after the death of Mu'awiya II.[65] Al-Dahhak in Damascus, the Qays tribes in Qinnasrin (northern Syria) and the Jazira, the Judham in Palestine, and the Ansar and South Arabian tribes of Homs all opted to recognize Ibn al-Zubayr.[66] Marwan ibn al-Hakam, the leader of the Umayyads expelled to Syria from Medina, was prepared to submit to Ibn al-Zubayr as well, but was persuaded to forward his candidacy for the caliphate by Ibn Ziyad. The latter had been driven out of Iraq and strove to uphold Umayyad rule.[65] During a summit of pro-Umayyad Syrian tribes, namely the Quda'a and their Kindite allies, organized by Ibn Bahdal in the old Ghassanid capital of Jabiya, Marwan was elected caliph in exchange for economic privileges to the loyalist tribes.[63][67] At the subsequent Battle of Marj Rahit in August 684, Marwan led his tribal allies to a decisive victory against a much larger Qaysite army led by al-Dahhak, who was slain.[63] Not long after, the South Arabians of Homs and the Judham joined the Quda'a to form the tribal confederation of Yaman.[67] The burgeoning feud between the two tribal coalitions led to the long-running Qays–Yaman conflict. The Qays regrouped in the Euphrates River fortress of Circesium under Zufar ibn al-Harith al-Kilabi and moved to avenge their losses from Marj Rahit.[68][69] Although Marwan regained full control of Syria in the months following Marj Rahit, the inter-tribal strife undermined the foundation of Umayyad power, the Syrian army.[70]

In 685, Marwan and Ibn Bahdal expelled the Zubayrid governor of Egypt and replaced him with Marwan's son Abd al-Aziz, who would rule the province until his death in 704/05.[71] Another son, Muhammad, was appointed to suppress Zufar's rebellion in the Jazira.[72] Marwan died in April 685 and was succeeded by his eldest son Abd al-Malik.[73] Although Ibn Ziyad attempted to restore the Syrian army of the Sufyanid caliphs, persistent divisions along Qays–Yaman lines contributed to the army's massive rout and Ibn Ziyad's death at the hands of the pro-Alid forces of Mukhtar al-Thaqafi of Kufa at the Battle of Khazir in August 686.[74] The setback delayed Abd al-Malik's attempts to reestablish Umayyad authority in Iraq,[69] while pressures from the Byzantine Empire and raids into Syria by the Byzantines' Mardaite allies compelled him to sign a peace treaty with Byzantium in 689 which substantially increased the Umayyads' annual tribute to the Empire.[75] During his siege of Circesium in 691, Abd al-Malik reconciled with Zufar and the Qays by offering them privileged positions in the Umayyad court and army, signaling a new policy by the caliph and his successors to balance the interests of the Qays and Yaman in the Umayyad state.[76][77] With his unified army, Abd al-Malik marched against the Zubayrids of Iraq, having already secretly secured the defection of the province's leading tribal chiefs. He defeated Iraq's ruler, Ibn al-Zubayr's brother Mus'ab, at the Battle of Maskin in 691.[69][78] Afterward, Abd al-Malik's commander al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf besieged Mecca and killed Ibn al-Zubayr in 692, marking the end of the Second Fitna and the reunification of the Caliphate under Umayyad rule.[79]

Domestic consolidation and centralization edit

 
A map depicting growth of the caliphate. The area highlighted in green depicts the expansion of its territory, in the Maghreb, Hispania, Sindh and Transoxiana, during al-Walid's reign

Iraq remained politically unstable and the garrisons of Kufa and Basra had become exhausted by warfare with Kharijite rebels.[80][69] In 694 Abd al-Malik combined both cities as a single province under the governorship of al-Hajjaj, who oversaw the suppression of the Kharijite revolts in Iraq and Iran by 698 and was subsequently given authority over the rest of the eastern Caliphate.[81][82] Resentment among the Iraqi troops towards al-Hajjaj's methods of governance, particularly his death threats to force participation in the war efforts and his reductions to their stipends culminated with a mass Iraqi rebellion against the Umayyads in c. 700. The leader of the rebels was the Kufan nobleman Ibn al-Ash'ath, grandson of al-Ash'ath ibn Qays.[83] Al-Hajjaj defeated Ibn al-Ash'ath's rebels at the Battle of Dayr al-Jamajim in April.[84][85] The suppression of the revolt marked the end of the Iraqi muqātila as a military force and the beginning of Syrian military domination of Iraq.[86][85] Iraqi internal divisions, and the utilization of disciplined Syrian forces by Abd al-Malik and al-Hajjaj, voided the Iraqis' attempt to reassert power in the province.[84]

To consolidate Umayyad rule after the Second Fitna, the Marwanids launched a series of centralization, Islamization and Arabization measures.[87][88] To prevent further rebellions in Iraq, al-Hajjaj founded a permanent Syrian garrison in Wasit, situated between Kufa and Basra, and instituted a more rigorous administration in the province.[84][85] Power thereafter derived from the Syrian troops, who became Iraq's ruling class, while Iraq's Arab nobility, religious scholars and mawālī became their virtual subjects.[84] Furthermore, the surplus taxes from the agriculturally rich Sawad lands were redirected from the muqātila to the caliphal treasury in Damascus to pay the Syrian troops in the province.[85][87] The system of military pay was fundamentally changed by salaries being restricted to those in active service. This marked an end to the system established by Umar, which paid stipends to veterans of the earlier Muslim conquests and their descendants.[89] The old system was considered a handicap on Abd al-Malik's executive authority and financial ability to reward loyalists in the army.[89] Thus, a professional army was established during Abd al-Malik's reign whose salaries derived from tax proceeds.[89]

In 693, the Byzantine gold solidus was replaced in Syria and Egypt with the dinar.[86][90] Initially, the new coinage contained depictions of the caliph as the spiritual leader of the Muslim community and its supreme military commander.[91] This image proved no less acceptable to Muslim officialdom and was replaced in 696 or 697 with image-less coinage inscribed with Qur'anic quotes and other Muslim religious formulas.[90] In 698/99, similar changes were made to the silver dirhams issued by the Muslims in the former Sasanian Persian lands of the eastern Caliphate.[92] Arabic replaced Persian as the language of the dīwān in Iraq in 697, Greek in the Syrian dīwān in 700, and Greek and Coptic in the Egyptian dīwān in 705/06.[90][93][94] Arabic ultimately became the sole official language of the Umayyad state,[92] but the transition in faraway provinces, such as Khurasan, did not occur until the 740s.[95] Although the official language was changed, Greek and Persian-speaking bureaucrats who were versed in Arabic kept their posts.[96] According to Gibb, the decrees were the "first step towards the reorganization and unification of the diverse tax-systems in the provinces, and also a step towards a more definitely Muslim administration".[86] Indeed, it formed an important part of the Islamization measures that lent the Umayyad Caliphate "a more ideological and programmatic coloring it had previously lacked", according to Blankinship.[97]

In 691/92, Abd al-Malik completed the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem,[98][99] It was possibly intended as a monument of victory over the Christians that would distinguish Islam's uniqueness within the common Abrahamic setting of Jerusalem, home of the two older Abrahamic faiths, Judaism and Christianity.[100][101] An alternative motive was to divert the focus of Muslims in the Umayyad realm from the Ka'aba in Zubayrid Mecca (683–692), where the Umayyads were routinely condemned during the Hajj.[100][102][101] In Damascus, al-Walid confiscated the cathedral of St. John the Baptist and founded the Great Mosque in its place as a "symbol of the political supremacy and moral prestige of Islam", according to historian Nikita Elisséeff.[103] Noting al-Walid's awareness of architecture's propaganda value, historian Robert Hillenbrand calls the Damascus mosque a "victory monument" intended as a "visible statement of Muslim supremacy and permanence".[104]

Expansion edit

Under Abd al-Malik's son and successor al-Walid I (r. 705–715) the Umayyad Caliphate reached its greatest territorial extent.[105] The war with the Byzantines had resumed under Abd al-Malik after the civil war,[86] with the Umayyads defeating the Byzantines at the Battle of Sebastopolis in 692.[86][106] The Umayyads launched constant raids against Byzantine Anatolia and Armenia in the following years.[86][107] By 705, Armenia was annexed by the Caliphate along with the principalities of Caucasian Albania and Iberia, which collectively became the province of Arminiya.[108][109][110]

In 695–698 the commander Hassan ibn al-Nu'man al-Ghassani restored Umayyad control over Ifriqiya after defeating the Byzantines and Berbers there.[111][112] Carthage was captured and destroyed in 698,[86][112] signaling "the final, irretrievable end of Roman power in Africa", according to Kennedy.[113] Kairouan was firmly secured as a launchpad for later conquests, while the port town of Tunis was founded and equipped with an arsenal on Abd al-Malik's orders to establish a strong Arab fleet.[86][112] Hassan al-Nu'man continued the campaign against the Berbers, defeating them and killing their leader, the warrior queen al-Kahina, between 698 and 703.[111] His successor in Ifriqiya, Musa ibn Nusayr, subjugated the Berbers of the Hawwara, Zenata and Kutama confederations and advanced into the Maghreb (western North Africa), conquering Tangier and Sus in 708/09. Musa's Berber mawla, Tariq ibn Ziyad, invaded the Visigothic Kingdom of Hispania (the Iberian Peninsula) in 711 and within five years most of Hispania was conquered.[105][114][115]

Al-Hajjaj managed the eastern expansion from Iraq.[116] His lieutenant governor of Khurasan, Qutayba ibn Muslim, launched numerous campaigns against Transoxiana (Central Asia), which had been a largely impenetrable region for earlier Muslim armies, between 705 and 715.[116] Despite the distance from the Arab garrison towns of Khurasan, the unfavorable terrain and climate and his enemies' numerical superiority,[117] Qutayba, through his persistent raids, gained the surrender of Bukhara in 706–709, Khwarazm and Samarkand in 711–712 and Farghana in 713.[116] He established Arab garrisons and tax administrations in Samarkand and Bukhara and demolished their Zoroastrian fire temples.[118] Both cities developed as future centers of Islamic and Arabic learning.[117] Umayyad suzerainty was secured over the rest of conquered Transoxiana through tributary alliances with local rulers, whose power remained intact.[119] From 708/09, al-Hajjaj's nephew Muhammad ibn Qasim conquered Sind (northwestern South Asia).[120][121] The massive war spoils netted by the conquests of Transoxiana, Sind and Hispania were comparable to the amounts accrued in the early Muslim conquests during the reign of Caliph Umar ibn al-Khattab (r. 634–644).[122]

 
Abd al-Malik introduced an independent Islamic currency, the gold dinar, in 693, which originally depicted a human figure, likely the caliph, as shown in this coin minted in 695. In 697, the figural depictions were replaced solely by Qur'anic and other Islamic inscriptions

Reorganization of the army edit

Abd al-Malik shifted away from his predecessors' use of Arab tribal masses in favor of an organized army.[88][123] Likewise, Arab noblemen who had derived their power solely through their tribal standing and personal relations with a caliph were gradually replaced with military men who had risen through the ranks.[88][123] These developments have been partially obscured by the medieval sources due to their continued usage of Arab tribal terminology when referencing the army, such as the names of the tribal confederations Mudar, Rabi'a, Qays and Yaman.[88] According to Hawting, these do not represent the "tribes in arms" utilized by earlier caliphs; rather, they denote army factions whose membership was often (but not exclusively) determined by tribal origin.[88] Abd al-Malik also established a Berber-dominated private militia called al-Waḍḍāḥiya after their original commander, the caliph's mawlā al-Waddah, which helped enforce the authority of Umayyad caliphs through the reign of Marwan II.[124]}

Public works and social welfare edit

From the beginning of his rule, al-Walid inaugurated public works and social welfare programs on a scale unprecedented in the history of the Caliphate.[122] The efforts were financed by treasure accrued from the conquests and tax revenue.[122] Throughout his reign, the caliph and his brothers and sons built way-stations and dug wells along the roads in Syria and installed street lighting in the cities.[122] They invested in land reclamation projects, entailing irrigation networks and canals, which drove agricultural production.[122][125] Welfare programs included financial relief for the poor and servants to assist the handicapped, though this initiative was limited to Syria.[122][126]

Patronage of great mosques edit

Al-Walid is credited with the construction or expansion of numerous great mosques throughout the Caliphate, including (1) the Umayyad Mosque of Damascus (2) the Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem; and (3) the Prophet's Mosque in Medina. The mosques in Jerusalem and Medina have been significantly altered since al-Walid's era, while the Umayyad Mosque has maintained much of its original form.

The great mosque founded by al-Walid in Damascus, later known as the Umayyad Mosque, became one of his greatest architectural achievements. Under his predecessors, Muslim residents had worshipped in a small muṣallā (Muslim prayer room) attached to the 4th-century cathedral of John the Baptist, itself a successor to the temples of Hadad and then Jupiter.[127][128] However, by the time of al-Walid's reign, the muṣallā could not cope with the fast-growing Muslim community and no sufficient free spaces were available elsewhere in the urban space of Damascus for a large congregational mosque.[127] Thus, in 705, al-Walid had the church converted into a mosque, compensating local Christians with other properties in the city.[127][128] Most of the structure was demolished, with the exceptions of the exterior walls and corner towers, which were thenceforth covered by marble inlays and mosaics.[103][128] The caliph's architects replaced the demolished space with a large prayer hall and a courtyard bordered on all sides by a closed portico with double arcades.[103] A large cupola was installed at the center of the prayer hall and a high minaret was erected on the mosque's northern wall.[103] The mosque was completed in 711 and Blankinship notes that the field army of Damascus, numbering some 45,000 soldiers, were taxed a quarter of their salaries for nine years to pay for its construction.[122][103] The scale and grandeur of the great mosque made it a "symbol of the political supremacy and moral prestige of Islam", according to historian Nikita Elisséeff.[103] Noting al-Walid's awareness of architecture's propaganda value, historian Robert Hillenbrand calls the Damascus mosque a "victory monument" intended as a "visible statement of Muslim supremacy and permanence".[104] The mosque has maintained its original form until the present day.[116]

In Jerusalem, al-Walid continued his father's works on the Haram al-Sharif (Temple Mount).[129] A number of medieval-era Muslim accounts credit the construction of the al-Aqsa Mosque to al-Walid, while others credit his father.[129] Furthermore, it is likely that the currently unfinished administrative and residential structures that were built opposite the southern and eastern walls of the Haram, next to the mosque, date to the era of al-Walid, who died before they could be completed and were not finished by his successors.[130]

In 706/707, al-Walid instructed Umar ibn Abd al-Aziz to significantly enlarge the Prophet's Mosque in Medina.[131][132] Its redevelopment entailed the demolition of the living quarters of Muhammad's wives and the expansion of the structure to incorporate the graves of Muhammad and the first two caliphs, Abu Bakr (r. 632–634) and Umar ibn al-Khattab.[116][133][134] The vocal opposition to the demolition of Muhammad's home from local religious circles was dismissed by the caliph.[131] An ornate enclosure was built around the graves and fitted with a concave miḥrāb (prayer niche), four minarets and a pentagonal-shaped entrance.[134] Al-Walid lavished large sums for the mosque's reconstruction and supplied Umar with mosaics and Greek and Coptic craftsmen.[133] According to Hillenbrand, the building of a large scale mosque in Medina, the original center of the Caliphate, was an "acknowledgement" by al-Walid of "his own roots and those of Islam itself" and possibly an attempt to appease Medinese resentment at the loss of their city's political importance to Syria under the Umayyads.[131] Other mosques that al-Walid is credited for expanding in the Hejaz include the Sanctuary Mosque around the Ka'aba in Mecca and the mosque of Ta'if.[122]

Caliphate of Umar II edit

Later Marwanid period edit

Caliphate of Hisham and end of expansion edit

Third Fitna edit

Fall edit

Government edit

Culture edit

Economy edit

Legacy edit

References edit

  1. ^ Della Vida 2000, p. 838.
  2. ^ Donner 1981, p. 51.
  3. ^ Hawting 2000, pp. 22–23. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFHawting2000 (help)
  4. ^ Wellhausen 1927, pp. 40–41.
  5. ^ Hawting 2000, p. 23. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFHawting2000 (help)
  6. ^ Donner 1981, p. 77.
  7. ^ Wellhausen 1927, p. 20.
  8. ^ Wellhausen 1927, pp. 20–21.
  9. ^ Donner 1981, p. 82.
  10. ^ Donner 1981, pp. 83–84.
  11. ^ Madelung 1997, p. 45.
  12. ^ Donner 1981, p. 114.
  13. ^ a b Madelung 1997, pp. 60–61.
  14. ^ a b Madelung 1997, p. 61.
  15. ^ Kennedy 2016, pp. 62–64.
  16. ^ a b c d e Madelung 1997, p. 80.
  17. ^ a b c d Wellhausen 1927, p. 45.
  18. ^ Kennedy 2016, p. 70.
  19. ^ a b c Kennedy 2016, p. 75.
  20. ^ Kennedy 2016, p. 63.
  21. ^ Madelung 1997, pp. 80–81.
  22. ^ Madelung 1997, p. 81.
  23. ^ Madelung 1997, p. 141.
  24. ^ Kennedy 2016, pp. 75–76.
  25. ^ Hawting 2000, p. 27. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFHawting2000 (help)
  26. ^ a b c Kennedy 2016, p. 76.
  27. ^ a b Wellhausen 1927, p. 53.
  28. ^ Kennedy 2016, pp. 76, 78.
  29. ^ Wellhausen 1927, pp. 55–56.
  30. ^ Madelung 1997, p. 190.
  31. ^ a b c d e Hinds 1993, p. 265.
  32. ^ Kennedy 2016, p. 79.
  33. ^ Kennedy 2016, p. 80.
  34. ^ Hinds 1993, p. 59.
  35. ^ Wellhausen 1927, p. 59.
  36. ^ Wellhausen 1927, pp. 59–60.
  37. ^ Hawting 2000, p. 842. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFHawting2000 (help)
  38. ^ Wellhausen 1927, p. 55.
  39. ^ Kennedy 2004, pp. 86–87.
  40. ^ Kaegi 1990, p. 247.
  41. ^ Kennedy 2004, pp. 87–88.
  42. ^ Lilie 1976, pp. 81–82.
  43. ^ Kennedy 2004, p. 82.
  44. ^ Kennedy 2004, pp. 82–83.
  45. ^ a b c d Kennedy 2004, p. 83.
  46. ^ Kennedy 2004, pp. 83–85.
  47. ^ Kennedy 2004, p. 85.
  48. ^ a b Kennedy 2004, p. 86.
  49. ^ Kennedy 2004, p. 87.
  50. ^ Kennedy 2007, p. 209.
  51. ^ Christides 2000, p. 790.
  52. ^ Wellhausen 1927, p. 135.
  53. ^ Duri 2011, pp. 22–23.
  54. ^ Kennedy 2004, p. 88.
  55. ^ Kennedy 2004, pp. 88–89.
  56. ^ a b Kennedy 2004, p. 89.
  57. ^ Kennedy 2004, pp. 89–90.
  58. ^ a b Kennedy 2004, p. 90.
  59. ^ Gibb 1960, p. 55.
  60. ^ a b Bosworth 1991, p. 268.
  61. ^ Duri 2011, pp. 23–24.
  62. ^ Levi Della Vida & Bosworth 2000, pp. 838–839.
  63. ^ a b c Kennedy 2004, p. 91.
  64. ^ Duri 2011, pp. 24–25.
  65. ^ a b Kennedy 2004, pp. 90–91.
  66. ^ Crone 1994, p. 45.
  67. ^ a b Crone 1994, p. 46.
  68. ^ Wellhausen 1927, pp. 201–202.
  69. ^ a b c d Kennedy 2001, p. 33.
  70. ^ Wellhausen 1927, p. 182.
  71. ^ Kennedy 2004, pp. 92–93.
  72. ^ Kennedy 2004, p. 92.
  73. ^ Kennedy 2004, p. 93.
  74. ^ Kennedy 2001, pp. 32–33.
  75. ^ Dixon 1970, pp. 220–222.
  76. ^ Kennedy 2004, pp. 97–98.
  77. ^ Dixon 1970, pp. 174–176, 206–208.
  78. ^ Dixon 1970, pp. 235–239.
  79. ^ Kennedy 2004, p. 98.
  80. ^ Gibb 1960, p. 76.
  81. ^ Kennedy 2016, p. 87.
  82. ^ Wellhausen 1927, p. 231.
  83. ^ Kennedy 2016, pp. 87–88.
  84. ^ a b c d Kennedy 2016, p. 88.
  85. ^ a b c d Kennedy 2001, p. 34.
  86. ^ a b c d e f g h Gibb 1960, p. 77.
  87. ^ a b Kennedy 2016, p. 85.
  88. ^ a b c d e Hawting 2000, p. 62. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFHawting2000 (help)
  89. ^ a b c Kennedy 2016, p. 89.
  90. ^ a b c Blankinship 1994, pp. 28, 94.
  91. ^ Blankinship 1994, p. 28.
  92. ^ a b Blankinship 1994, p. 94.
  93. ^ Hawting 2000, p. 63. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFHawting2000 (help)
  94. ^ Duri 1965, p. 324.
  95. ^ Hawting 2000, pp. 63–64. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFHawting2000 (help)
  96. ^ Wellhausen 1927, pp. 219–220.
  97. ^ Blankinship 1994, p. 95.
  98. ^ Johns 2003, pp. 424–426.
  99. ^ Elad 1999, p. 45.
  100. ^ a b Grabar 1986, p. 299.
  101. ^ a b Hawting 2000, p. 60. sfn error: multiple targets (2×): CITEREFHawting2000 (help)
  102. ^ Johns 2003, pp. 425–426.
  103. ^ a b c d e f Elisséeff 1965, p. 801.
  104. ^ a b Hillenbrand 1994, pp. 71–72.
  105. ^ a b Kennedy 2016, p. 90.
  106. ^ Lilie 1976, pp. 110–112.
  107. ^ Lilie 1976, pp. 112–116.
  108. ^ Blankinship 1994, p. 107.
  109. ^ Ter-Ghewondyan 1976, pp. 20–21.
  110. ^ Lilie 1976, pp. 113–115.
  111. ^ a b Kaegi 2010, p. 14.
  112. ^ a b c Talbi 1971, p. 271.
  113. ^ Kennedy 2007, p. 217.
  114. ^ Lévi-Provençal 1993, p. 643.
  115. ^ Kaegi 2010, p. 15.
  116. ^ a b c d e Kennedy 2002, p. 127.
  117. ^ a b Wellhausen 1927, p. 438.
  118. ^ Wellhausen 1927, pp. 437–438.
  119. ^ Kennedy 2016, pp. 90–91.
  120. ^ Dietrich 1971, p. 41.
  121. ^ Kennedy 2016, p. 91.
  122. ^ a b c d e f g h Blankinship 1994, p. 82.
  123. ^ a b Robinson 2005, p. 68.
  124. ^ Athamina 1998, p. 371.
  125. ^ Kennedy 2016, p. 86.
  126. ^ Wellhausen 1927, p. 299.
  127. ^ a b c Elisséeff 1965, p. 800.
  128. ^ a b c Hillenbrand 1994, p. 69.
  129. ^ a b Bacharach 1996, p. 30.
  130. ^ Bacharach 1996, pp. 30, 33.
  131. ^ a b c Hillenbrand 1994, p. 73.
  132. ^ Munt 2014, p. 106.
  133. ^ a b Bacharach 1996, p. 35.
  134. ^ a b Munt 2014, pp. 106–108.

Bibliography edit