This article's tone or style may not reflect the encyclopedic tone used on Wikipedia. The reason given is: Requires more citations or makes certain assumptions; presents a few arguments in Wikipedia's own voice. (November 2017) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
Rape myths are prejudicial, stereotyped and false beliefs about sexual assaults, rapists, and rape victims. They often serve to excuse sexual aggression, create hostility toward victims, and bias criminal prosecution.
Extensive research has been conducted about types, acceptance, and impact of rape myths. Rape myths significantly influence the perspectives of jurors, investigative agencies, judges, perpetrators, and victims. False views about rape lead to victim blaming, shaming, questioning of the victim's honesty, and other problems. Determination of the guilt of the accused, and sentencing for sexual crimes, are also influenced by these beliefs.[page needed]
Development of the conceptEdit
Rape myths originate from various cultural stereotypes, such as traditional gender roles, acceptance of interpersonal violence, and misunderstanding the nature of sexual assault. Matthew Hale, a British jurist in the 17th century, suggests that rape is “an accusation easily to be made and hard to be proved and harder to be defended against by the party accused, tho [sic] never so innocent”. His historical thoughts invisibly support many rape myths we see today, and continue to be reproduced in rape trials.
Rape myths first became a topic of research during the 1970s, when a number of studies and books explored the concept. In 1974, for example, feminist writer Susan Brownmiller decried "male myths of rape" which "deliberately obscure the true nature of rape" in her book Against Our Will: Men, Women and Rape. The same year, criminologists Julia and Herman Schwendinger studied common misconceptions about rape, including the notion that rape was impossible - i.e., that any woman who really wanted to could prevent a rape - the idea victims of rape were "asking for it," and the idea that men rape because of "uncontrollable passions." They termed these misconceptions "sexist myths" which "influence the treatment of women victims." Both Brownmiller's work and the Schwendingers' study suggested that rape myths perpetuated male violence against women by placing blame on the victim, excusing the rapist, and minimizing or justifying the act of rape.
In 1980, Martha Burt published the first major study of rape myth acceptance. Burt defined rape myths as "prejudicial, stereotyped and false beliefs about rape, rape victims and rapists" which create "a climate hostile to rape victims." Burt's definition has been widely used.
In 1994, Kimberly A. Lonsway and Louise F. Fitzgerald defined rape myths as "attitudes and beliefs that are generally false but are widely and persistently held, and that serve to deny and justify male sexual aggression against women."
Some scholars, such as Gerd Bohner and Heike Gerger, have argued that descriptors such as "false" and "widely held" should not be included in a formal definition of what rape myths are since myths are often constructed in a way that are impossible to falsify, (as in the example, "many women secretly desire to be raped," where "secret" desire cannot be disproven) and the degree to which rape myths are "widely held" or accepted may vary over time. Bohner has offered an alternative definition of rape myths as "descriptive or prescriptive beliefs about rape (ie, about its causes, context, consequences, perpetrators, victims and their interaction) that serve to deny, downplay or justify sexual violence against women."
While scholars disagree somewhat on how to precisely define the concept of rape myths, and rape myths can vary across different cultures and societies, there is a general consensus that there are four basic types of rape myths: those that blame the victim for their rape, those that express doubt or disbelief about victim's reports of a rape, those that exonerate the rapist, and those that suggest that only a certain type of woman gets raped.
Lonsway, Fitzgerald and Diana L. Payne wrote in 1999 that the term "rape myth" does not imply that a given scenario never occurs, and "it is clear that any individual instance might conform to the characteristics described in cultural male mythology," since there is "undeniably some percentage of women" who have made false reports of rape, and there are "certain situational or personal characteristics that differentiate women who have been raped from those who have not." They argue, however, that rape myths are "generally false" in nature, and function to deny and justify the victimization of women.
Heteronormativity and associated discourses undergird and perpetuate many rape myths. The construction of the male sexual subject and female passive object serves to de-legitimatize allegations of sexual assault that are contrary to heterosexual norms, such as where women are perpetrators and men are victims. Through the “male sexual drive discourse”, it is thought that men are always ready and desiring sex, and women “activate their interest”, which can invalidate experiences that do not confirm to this discourse. Similarly, the “have/hold discourse” produces women as asexual, and heterosexual pleasure comes secondary to the ultimate goal of having a relationship and family.
Common rape mythsEdit
Common rape myths may include:
- That women commonly or routinely lie about rape.
- That what the victim is wearing can lead to a sexual assault, or that rape is the victim's fault if they wore revealing clothes.
- That victims bear responsibility for an assault if they were intoxicated when it happened.
- That most rapes are committed by strangers. (In reality, most rapes are committed by friends, family, or other individuals known to the victim.)
- That when a male pays for a dinner or date, a woman is expected to reciprocate with intercourse.
- That women who are raped often deserve it - particularly if they entered a man's home or got in his car, or that such actions indicate consent to sex.
- That it is not rape unless the victim fights/physically resists, or that it is not rape unless the victim is physically coerced or injured. (In reality, many rapes do not involve physical coercion, as in cases where the victim is impaired/unconscious, or where an unequal power relationship forces the victim to submit.)
- That a woman should be able to avoid rape by "fighting off" the rapist, and that she has the responsibility to do so.
- That some women secretly want to be raped.
- That it is impossible to rape one's wife or intimate partner.
- That rape is simply unwanted sex, not a violent crime.
- That women "ask for" rape - for example, by flirting, dressing provocatively, consuming alcohol or behaving promiscuously - or that only certain "kinds of" women (i.e., "bad girls") are raped.
- That men are unable to control themselves once they become sexually excited, that women are responsible for rape if they allow things to go too far, or that consent to kissing, petting, etc. constitutes consent to intercourse.
- That women commonly falsely allege rape out of spite, to overcome guilt after a sexual encounter they regret, to cover up an unwanted pregnancy, or for attention.
- That rape must be sexually motivated. Many researchers have concluded that power and/or anger, not sex, are often the dominant motivator of rapes.
- That most rapists are psychotic or mentally ill.
- That consent to one sexual encounter constitutes consent to another (i.e., that it cannot be rape if the victim and rapist have previously had consensual sex).
- That "real" victims report rape immediately. (In reality, victims often don't report rapes immediately due to societal pressure, possible backlash, and trauma such as rape related post traumatic stress disorder, also known as rape trauma syndrome. Victims of rape may also feel feelings of guilt and shame which deter them from reporting the crime, or doing so promptly.)
Rape myths involving male victimsEdit
Most of the rape myths listed above deal with the rape of women by men. There has been less research on perceptions of rapes of male victims, whether by women or by other men. The following have been identified: Rape myths can stem from the media and are largely held by the general population. Research suggests that a common myth is that men experience little trauma when perpetrated by a woman.
- That being raped by a male attacker is synonymous with the loss of masculinity.
- That men who are sexually assaulted by men must be gay.
- That men are incapable of functioning sexually unless they are sexually aroused.
- That men cannot be forced to have sex against their will.
- That men are less affected by sexual assault than women.
- That men are in a constant state of readiness to accept any sexual opportunity.
- That a man is expected to be able to defend himself against sexual assault.
- "Denial": That male rape does not exist.
- "Blame": That male rape is victim's fault.
- "Trauma": That men are less traumatized by the rape.
The latter two categories show higher myth acceptance in the case when the perpetrator is a female. Male victims are also placed with the blame of their rape more often than female victims.
Racial rape mythsEdit
Scholars have argued that racism remains a critical component of sexual violence discourse within the United States. Alcoff and Gray state that white victims who report they were raped by non-white perpetrators are more likely to be believed than non-white victims who report white perpetrators. Not only are non-white bodies seen as not rapable, but non-white men are seen as sexually deviant, violent, and dangerous. In the context of African American men, Dawn Rae Flood argues that the history of race relations within America constructs accused African American men as guilty of any accusations against a white woman, because of their “inherently criminal sexual nature”.
Flood argues that under white supremacy, black sexuality was constructed as “foreign”, “savage”, immoral, and predatory towards white women. Rooted in slavery and the white slave owners’ access to Black women, the “Jezebel” rape myth portrays Black women as “unrapable”, due to a belief that they are “sexually promiscuous” and would not refuse to consent. Black women are also portrayed as asexual, due to the “mammy” stereotype, which depicts them as motherly and lacking sexual characteristics.
Sherene Razack argues that indigenous people are seen as hypersexual, and she argues that “bodies in degenerate spaces” lose their personhood due to the naturalization of violence, and in the context of indigenous sex workers, these women through being marked “as a body to be violated", become “unrapable”.
Marital rape mythsEdit
Jennifer Koshan states that many marital rape myths were born from British attitudes and laws during colonial times and were rationales that granted criminal immunity to husbands accused of marital rape. Such myths include:
- Women in intimate relationships are in a state of perpetual consent, or the “implied consent theory”.
- Wives could not be raped, because they joined “the person of her husband”, or the “theory of coverture”.
- Wives became the property of their husband, and could be raped without regard for punishment.
- Women that consent to sex with their partner after being raped cannot claim to being raped.
- Being raped by one’s husband is “less severe than being raped by a stranger.
- Marital rape allegations are “vengeful women crying rape”, and women are “prone to fabrication”.
Problems arising out of rape mythsEdit
The prevalence of rape myths is a major reason for rape victim blaming and stigmatization. Rape myths can cause victims of rape to blame themselves for their rape, or to not report their assault, and they can also shape the responses of judges and juries, causing a negative impact on rape victims. Some studies have shown that police officers are often distrustful of rape victims' account of their victimization, and that many of them believe some common rape myths. Also, many who believe even one rape myth typically also do not believe female rape myths any more or any less than male rape myths. Though, men are also more likely to warrant rape myths rather than women.
Due to reported higher rape myth acceptance among males than females, as well as because of other gender-based differences in perceptions and standpoints, one analysis by Patricia Yancey Martin, John R. Reynolds and Shelley Keith suggested that "a judiciary made up solely of men differs from one made up of more equal proportions of women and men". This commentary is furthered by the writings of Mallios and Meisner, who state that rape myth acceptance is problematic in judicial settings. They assert that voir dire can be used to curb jury bias related to preconceived notions regarding rape. This problem is further heightened by the fact that investigative agencies, various participants in the Legal System, and points of contacts for rape victims, for example the nearest doctor, are likelier to be male, than female. The 2015 book Asking for It by Kate Harding talks about common rape myths and about the differences between male and female rapes. One in five women and one in seventy-one men in the United States will find out what it's like to be raped, according to Harding. She writes, "Women are no more important than any other potential victims, but we are the primary targets of the messages and myths that sustain rape culture. Anyone can be raped, but men aren't conditioned to live in terror of it, nor are they constantly warned that their clothing, travel choices, alcohol consumption, and expressions of sexuality are likely to bring violations upon them.":19
Such stereotypes reduce the inclination of victims to report instances of rape, harassment, and assault. This reduced reporting of crimes might present a rosy picture and would further the problem, by leading to beliefs that these crimes that are reported are fake, false, or unlikely to be true.
In Asking for It, Harding writes of rape that "we tend not to treat it as a serious crime unless there's simultaneously evidence of another one".:11 The author also quotes psychologist David Lisak. He says that "Ultimately, only a tiny handful of rapists ever serve time for rape, a shocking outcome given that we view rape as close kin to murder in the taxonomy of violent crime".:11
The twin myths suggest that a victim’s previous sexual history i) makes them less believable, and/or ii) more likely to consent. Canadian law does allow for the inclusion of previous sexual history, but defence counsel must present a s.276 application and a hearing is held to ensure the evidence will not be used in the context of the twin myths.
Rape myth acceptanceEdit
In 1980, Martha R. Burt introduced the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (RMA, or RMAS). The scale was the first method for measuring an individual's level of belief in rape myths, and became the most widely used. Using Burt's method, rape myth acceptance is measured by asking subjects 19 questions. The first 10 questions each consist of a statement which suggests that rape victims are responsible for their own rape, and ask the subject to assess its truthfulness, rating each statement on a seven-point scale from "strongly agree" to "strongly disagree." The 11th statement tests for the inverse of this idea, asking whether or not it is true that any woman can be raped. The remaining questions ask test subjects to guess the proportion of reported rapes that are false, and assess whether they are more or less likely to believe a rape victim based on the victim's personal characteristics (for example, their gender, their race or ethnicity, their age, or their relationship to the test subject).
Burt's original study concluded that many Americans believed in rape myths. More than half of the individuals sampled in her original survey had agreed that "a woman who goes to the home or apartment of a man" on the first date "implies she is willing to have sex," and that in the majority of rapes "the victim was promiscuous or had a bad reputation." More than half of Burt's respondents had suggested 50% or more of reported rapes were reported "only because the woman was trying to get back at a man" or "trying to cover up an illegitimate pregnancy."
Another measure is the 45-item Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (IRMA), developed by Diana L. Payne, Kimberly A. Lonsway, and Louise F. Fitzgerald in 1999. They concluded that "rape myth acceptance is most adequately conceptualized as consisting of both a general component and seven distinct myth components: She asked for it; It wasn’t really rape; He didn’t mean to; She really wanted it; She lied; Rape is a trivial event; and Rape is a deviant event"
The developers of IRMA analyzed responses to a pool of 95 statements about rape to create their scale.
Based on the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale, the Chinese Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (CRMA) is a culturally-specific myth scale that measures acceptance of rape myths in Chinese society. The scale operates under a culturally-adapted definition of rape, specifically, in China the legal definition of rape makes no provision for marital rape and does not apply to male victims. Additionally, the definition excludes “types of coercive sexual behavior, such as other forms of penetrative sex, including oral sex, anal sex, and penetrations of the vagina or anus by other body parts like fingers or other objects.” The CRMA retains 25 of 45 items from the IRMA scale and produces a five-factor structure. These myth component factors are: rape victims want to be raped; rape allegations are often false; rape must involve violence; victims are responsible for being raped; and, the motivation to rape is understandable.
Media influence on rape myth acceptanceEdit
A 2013 online survey of freshmen at a northwestern university[which?] in the United States suggested that women who consumed mainstream sports programming were more likely to accept rape myths, while for both men and women exposure to sports programming decreased the likelihood they would express an intention to intervene if they saw a sexual assault. Another survey[which?] carried out online on a research panel in 2011 found that watching soap operas is associated with higher rape myth acceptance, while the reverse was true of watching crime shows.
- Burt, Martha R. (February 1980). "Cultural myths and supports for rape". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 38 (2): 217–230. doi:10.1037/0022-3518.104.22.168. PMID 7373511 – via PsycNET.
- "Rape Myths and Facts". Well.WVU.edu. West Virginia University. 2012. Archived from the original on 20 April 2017. Retrieved 7 November 2017.
- Hockett, Smith, Klausing, and Saucier (2016). "Rape Myth Consistency and Gender Differences in Perceiving Rape Victims: A Meta-analysis". Violence Against Women. 22 (2): 139–167. doi:10.1177/1077801215607359. PMID 26446194.CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
- Lonsway, K. A.; Fitzgerald, L. F. (1994). "Rape Myths: In Review". Psychology of Women Quarterly. 18 (2): 133–164. doi:10.1111/j.1471-6402.1994.tb00448.x.
- Temkin, Jennifer (2010). "'And Always Keep A-hold of Nurse, for Fear of Finding Something Worse': Challenging Rape Myths in the Courtroom" (PDF). New Criminal Law Review. 13 (4): 710. doi:10.1525/nclr.2010.13.4.710.
- Satish, Mrinal (2016). Discretion, Discrimination and the Rule of Law. Cambridge University Press.
- Flood, Dawn Rae (2012). Rape in Chicago: Race, Myth and the Courts. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. p. 1.
- Flood. Rape in Chicago. p. 2.
- Susan Brownmiller (1975). Against Our Will: Men, Women, and Rape. Fawcett Columbine. ISBN 978-0-449-90820-4.
- Feild, HS (1978). "Attitudes toward rape: A Comparative Analysis of Police, Rapists, Crisis Counselors, and Citizens". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 36 (2): 166–179. doi:10.1037/0022-3522.214.171.124.
- Schwendinger, Julia R.; Schwendinger, Herman (1974). "Rape Myths: In Legal, Theoretical, and Everyday Practice". Crime and Social Justice. 1: 18–26.
- Payne, Diana L.; Lonsway, Kimberly A.; Fitzgerald, Louise F. (March 1999). "Rape Myth Acceptance: Exploration of Its Structure and Its Measurement Using the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale". Journal of Research in Personality. 33 (1): 27–68. doi:10.1006/jrpe.1998.2238.
- Bohner, Gerd; Eyssel, Friederike; Pina, Afroditi; Viki, Tendayi; Siebler, Frank (2013). Horvath, Miranda A.H.; Brown, Jennifer M. (eds.). Rape: Challenging Contemporary Thinking. Willan (Routledge). pp. 17–45. ISBN 978-1134026463.
- Kimberly A. Lonsway, Louise F. Fitzgerald, "Rape Myths: In Review" Psychology of Women Quarterly 18 (2), June 1994: 133-164.
- Gerd Bohner, Vergewaltigungsmythen (Rape Myths) Verlag Empirische Pädagogik, 1998.
- Grubb, Amy & Turner, Emily. (2012). "Attribution of blame in rape cases: A review of the impact of rape myth acceptance, gender role conformity and substance use on victim blaming" Aggression and Violent Behavior 17 (5) 443-452.
- "Rape myths vary among societies and cultures. However, they consistently follow a pattern whereby, they blame the victim for their rape, express a disbelief in claims of rape, exonerate the perpetrator and allude that only certain types of women are raped."
- Gavey, Nicola (2019). Just sex? The cultural scaffolding of rape (Second ed.). Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge. p. 99.
- Gavey. Just sex. p. 100.
- Encyclopedia of Mental Health. Elsevier Science. 26 August 2015. p. 3. ISBN 978-0-12-397753-3.
- "Common rape myths may include: women often lie about rape, a victim's clothing can precipitate a sexual assault, rape is the fault of the victim if she was intoxicated, and when a male pays for a date, the woman is expected to reciprocate with sexual intercourse."
- Paula K. Lundberg-Love; Shelly L. Marmion (2006). "Intimate" Violence Against Women: When Spouses, Partners, Or Lovers Attack. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 59–. ISBN 978-0-275-98967-5.
- Holly Johnson; Bonnie S. Fisher; Veronique Jaquier (5 December 2014). Critical Issues on Violence Against Women: International Perspectives and Promising Strategies. Routledge. pp. 96–. ISBN 978-1-135-00603-7.
- "Some rape myths include: that women fantasize about being raped; that women routinely lie about rape; that men cannot rape their intimate partners; that rape is simply unwanted sex and not a violent crime; and that victims are usually attacked by strangers."
- Rebecca M. Hayes1, Katherine Lorenz2, Kristin A. Bell, "Victim Blaming Others: Rape Myth Acceptance and the Just World Belief," Feminist Criminology 8 (3), April 2013: 202-220.
- "Common rape myths include: the misconception that the victim’s clothing precipitated the assault, that women often lie about rape, that rape is the victim’s fault if they were intoxicated at the time of the assault, and; when a male pays for a date, the woman is expected to reciprocate with sexual intercourse.
- Karen Rich (2014). Interviewing Rape Victims: Practice and Policy Issues in an International Context. Palgrave MacMillan. ISBN 9781137353221.
- "Rape Myths include, but are not limited to, each of the following statements or beliefs: Rape is rare, Rape is not harmful, Most victims lie about rape, Some victims deserve to be raped, Women drive men to rape them by wearing provocative attire, Rape is a crime of passion, Rapists are mentally retarded/seriously mentally ill... Only certain kinds of women are raped, A man cannot 'rape' his wife, Some women secretly want to be raped."
- Reddington, Frances P.; Kreisel, Betsy Wright (2009). Sexual Assault: The Victims, the Perpetrators, and the Criminal Justice System. Carolina Academic Press. ISBN 9781594605772.
- Stephanie Scott-Snyder (6 January 2017). Introduction to Forensic Psychology: Essentials for Law Enforcement. CRC Press. pp. 103–. ISBN 978-1-315-29853-5.
- Moor, Avigail (2010). She Dresses to Attract, He Perceives Seduction: A Gender Gap in Attribution of Intent to Women’s Revealing Style of Dress and its Relation to Blaming the Victims of Sexual Violence. Journal of International Women's Studies, 11(4), 115-127.
- Yancey Martin, Patricia; Reynolds, John R.; Keith, Shelley (2002). "Gender Bias and Feminist Consciousness among Judges and Attorneys: A Standpoint Theory Analysis". Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society. 27: 665–701. doi:10.1086/337941.
- Hayes, R. M., Lorenz, K., & Bell, K. A. (2013). Victim blaming others: Rape myth acceptance and the just world belief. Feminist Criminology, 1557085113484788.
- Munro, Vanessa; Finch, Emily. "Juror Stereotypes and Blame Attribution in Rape Cases Involving Intoxicants". British Journal of Criminology. 25 (1): 25–38.
- R v. Malone, 2 Cr. App. R. (1998).
- Ben-David, S. & Schneider, O. Sex Roles (2005) 53: 385. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11199-005-6761-4
- "Crime in India 2015 Compendium" (PDF). NCRB.NIC.in. National Crime Records Bureau, India. Retrieved March 11, 2017.
- Ellison, Louis (2008). "Reacting to Rape: Exploring Mock Jurors' Assessments of Complainant Credibility". The British Journal of Criminology. 49 (2): 202. doi:10.1093/bjc/azn077.
- Kennedy, K. M. (2012). "The relationship of victim injury to the progression of sexual crimes through the criminal justice system" (PDF). Journal of Forensic and Legal Medicine. 19 (6): 309–311. doi:10.1016/j.jflm.2012.04.033. hdl:10379/12225. PMID 22847045.
- Chauhan, Soumya Singh (14 February 2015). "Section 375: Analysis of Provisions Relating to Rape". Academike. Lawctopus. Retrieved 3 November 2017.
- Rao Harnarain Singh, Sheoji Singh, et al. v. The State, AIR 1958 P H 123; 1958 CriLJ 563. (Punjab-Haryana High Court, India 12 August 1957).
- Viki, G. Tendayi; Abrams, Dominic; Masser, Barbara (2004). "Evaluating Stranger and Acquaintance Rape: The Role of Benevolent Sexism in Perpetrator Blame and Recommended Sentence Length". Law and Human Behavior. 28 (3): 295–303. doi:10.1023/B:LAHU.0000029140.72880.69. PMID 15264448.
- Edwards, Katie M.; Turchik, Jessica A.; Dardis, Christina M.; Reynolds, Nicole; Gidycz, Christine A. (December 2011). "Rape Myths: History, Individual and Institutional-Level Presence, and Implications for Change". Sex Roles. 65 (11–12): 761–773. doi:10.1007/s11199-011-9943-2. ISSN 0360-0025.
- McMahon, Sarah; Farmer, G. Lawrence (June 2011). "An Updated Measure for Assessing Subtle Rape Myths". Social Work Research. 35 (2): 71–81. doi:10.1093/swr/35.2.71.
- Cocker, Ann (2005). "PTSD Symptoms Among Men and Women Survivors of Intimate Partner Violence: The Role of Risk and Protective Factors". Violence & Victims. 20 (6): 625. doi:10.1891/0886-6708.20.6.625.
- Anderson, Irina; Swainson, Victoria (17 April 2001). "Perceived Motivation for Rape: Gender Differences in Beliefs About Female and Male Rape" (PDF). Current Research in Social Psychology. University of Iowa. 6 (8). Retrieved 7 November 2017.
- Neil Kibble (2009). "Case Comments: R v. Doody ". Criminal Law Review. 2009: 590–597.
- Chennels, Rebecca. "Sentencing: The 'real rape' myth". Agenda: Empowering Women for Gender Equity. 82: 23.
- Bhalla, Nita. "Analysis: How India's police and judiciary fail rape victims". In.Reuters.com. Reuters. Retrieved 3 November 2017.
- Fisher, Bonnie S.; Cullen, Francis T.; Turner, Michael G. (December 2000). "The Sexual Victimization of College Women" (PDF). Washington DC: National Institute of Justice / Bureau of Justice Statistics. Retrieved 7 November 2017 – via NCJRS.gov (National Criminal Justice Reference Service).
- "Why don't women report rape? Because most get no justice when they do". Global News. Retrieved 3 November 2017.
- Chapleau, Kristine M.; Oswald, Debra L.; Russell, Brenda L. (2008). "Male Rape Myths: The Role of Gender, Violence, and Sexism". Journal of Interpersonal Violence. 23 (5): 600–615. doi:10.1177/0886260507313529. PMID 18259049.
- Hammond, Laura; Loannou, Maria; Fewster, Martha (June 1, 2017). "Perception of male rape and sexual assault in a male sample from the United Kingdom: Barriers to reporting and the impacts of victimization" (PDF). Journal of Investigative Psychology and Offender Profiling. 14 (2): 133–149. doi:10.1002/jip.1462.
- Struckman-Johnson, C.; Struckman-Johnson, D. (1992). "Acceptance of male rape myths among college men and women". Sex Roles. 27 (3–4): 85–100. doi:10.1007/bf00290011.
- Turchik, Jessica A.; Edwards, Katie M. (April 2012). "Myths about male rape: A literature review". Psychology of Men & Masculinity. 13 (2): 211–226. doi:10.1037/a0023207. ISSN 1939-151X.
- Arkles, Gabriel (2015). "Regulating Prison Sexual Violence". Northeastern University Law Journal. 7 (1): 71–130.
- Alcoff, Linda; Gray, Laura (Winter 1993). "Survivor Discourse: Transgression or Recuperation?". Signs. 18 (2): 260–290. doi:10.1086/494793.
- Flood. Rape in Chicago. p. 4.
- Flood. Rape in Chicago. p. 12.
- Flood. Rape in Chicago. p. 77.
- Flood. Rape in Chicago. p. 81.
- Razack, Sherene (2000). "Gendered Racial Violence and Spatialized Justice: The Murder Pamela George". Canadian Journal of Law and Society. Vol 15, No. 2: 91–130.
- Koshan, Jennifer (2017). Randall, Melanie; Koshan, Jennifer; Nyaundi, Patricia (eds.). The Criminalisation of Marital Rape and Law Reform in Canada: A Modest Feminist Success Story in Combatting Marital Rape Myths in The Right to Say No: Marital Rape and Law Reform in Canada, Ghana, Kenya and Malawi. Portland, Oregon: Hart Publishing. p. 144.
- Koshan, Jennifer; Randall, Melanie; Sheehy, Elizabeth (2017). "Marital rape myths have no place in Canadian law". The Globe and Mail.
- Koshan. The Criminalisation of Martial Rape. p. 145.
- Koshan, Jennifer (2010). The Legal Treatment of Marital Rape and Women’s Equality: An Analysis of the Canadian Experience (PDF). Toronto: The Equality Effect. p. 50.
- Busby, Karen (2012). "Every Breath You Take: Erotic Asphyxiation, Vengeful Wives, and Other Enduring Myths in Spousal Sexual Assault Prosecutions". Canadian Journal of Women and the Law. Vol 24, Issue 2: 328–358.
- Koshan. The Legal Treatment. p. 57.
- Jordan, Jan (February 2004). "Beyond Belief? Police, Rape, and Women's Credibility". Criminology and Criminal Justice. 4 (1): 29–59. doi:10.1177/1466802504042222.
- Page, Amy Dellinger (2008). "Gateway to Reform? Policy Implications of Police Officers' Attitudes Toward Rape". American Journal of Criminal Justice. 33 (1): 44–58. doi:10.1007/s12103-007-9024-9.
- Reeves, Martha (2016). Women in Business: Theory and Cases (2nd ed.). Routledge. p. 70. ISBN 9781317363316. Retrieved 7 November 2017 – via Google Books.
- Mallios C, Meisner T. Educating juries in sexual assault cases: Using voir dire to eliminate jury bias. Strategies: The Prosecutors’ Newsletter on Violence Against Women, 2010; 2. http://www.aequitasresource.org/EducatingJuriesInSexualAssaultCasesPart1.pdf
- Harding, Kate (2015). Asking for It. Philadelphia: Da Capo Press. ISBN 978-0-7382-1702-4.
- Rawson, Kate (2019). "The Supreme Court, Sexual Assault and "Twin Myths"". Queen's Certificate in Law Blog.
- Beere, Carole A. (1990). Sex and Gender Issues: A Handbook of Tests and Measures. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 400. ISBN 9780313274626 – via Internet Archive.
- Xue, J; Fang, G; Huang, H; Cui, N; Rhodes, KV; Gelles, R (2019). "Rape myths and the cross-cultural adaptation of the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale in China". Journal of Interpersonal Violence. 34: 1428–1460. doi:10.1177/0886260516651315.
- Hust, Stacey J. T.; Lei, Ming; Ren, Chunbo; Chang, Hua; McNab, Anna L.; Marett, Emily G.; Fitts Willoughby, Jessica (1 November 2013). "The Effects of Sports Media Exposure on College Students' Rape Myth Beliefs and Intentions to Intervene in a Sexual Assault". Mass Communication and Society. 16 (6): 762–786. doi:10.1080/15205436.2013.816737. ISSN 1520-5436.
- Kahlor, LeeAnn; Eastin, Matthew S. (2011). "Television's Role in the Culture of Violence Toward Women: A Study of Television Viewing and the Cultivation of Rape Myth Acceptance in the United States". Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media. 55 (2): 215–231. doi:10.1080/08838151.2011.566085.