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Victim blaming occurs when the victim of a crime or any wrongful act is held entirely or partially at fault for the harm that befell them.[1] The study of victimology seeks to mitigate the perception of victims as responsible.[2] There is a greater tendency to blame victims of rape than victims of robbery if victims and perpetrators know each other.[3]

Contents

Coining of the phraseEdit

Psychologist William Ryan coined the phrase "blaming the victim" in his 1971 book of that title.[4][5][6][7][8] In the book, Ryan described victim blaming as an ideology used to justify racism and social injustice against black people in the United States.[7] Ryan wrote the book to refute Daniel Patrick Moynihan's 1965 work The Negro Family: The Case for National Action (usually simply referred to as the Moynihan Report).[9]

Moynihan had concluded that three centuries of oppression of black people, and in particular with what he calls the uniquely cruel structure of American slavery as opposed to its Latin American counterparts, had created a long series of chaotic disruptions within the black family structure which, at the time of the report, manifested itself in high rates of unwed births, absent fathers, and single mother households in black families. Moynihan then correlated these familial outcomes, which he considered undesirable, to the relatively poorer rates of employment, educational achievement, and financial success found among the black population. Moynihan advocated the implementation of government programs designed to strengthen the black nuclear family.[citation needed]

Ryan objected that Moynihan then located the proximate cause of the plight of black Americans in the prevalence of a family structure in which the father was often sporadically, if at all, present, and the mother was often dependent on government aid to feed, clothe, and provide medical care for her children. Ryan's critique cast the Moynihan theories as attempts to divert responsibility for poverty from social structural factors to the behaviors and cultural patterns of the poor.[10][11]

HistoryEdit

Although Ryan popularized the phrase, other scholars had identified the phenomenon of victim blaming.[12] In 1947 Theodor W. Adorno defined what would be later called "blaming the victim," as "one of the most sinister features of the Fascist character".[13][14] Shortly thereafter Adorno and three other professors at the University of California, Berkeley formulated their influential and highly debated F-scale (F for fascist), published in The Authoritarian Personality (1950), which included among the fascist traits of the scale the "contempt for everything discriminated against or weak."[15] A typical expression of victim blaming is the "asking for it" idiom, e.g. "she was asking for it" said of a victim of violence or sexual assault.[16]

Secondary victimization of sexual assault victimsEdit

 
Hundreds gathered at the Alberta Legislature grounds in Edmonton to protest against victim blaming

Secondary victimization is the re-traumatization of the sexual assault, abuse, or rape victim through the responses of individuals and institutions. Types of secondary victimization include victim blaming, disbelieving the victim's story, minimizing the severity of the attack, and inappropriate post-assault treatment by medical personnel or other organizations.[17] Secondary victimization is especially common in cases of drug-facilitated, acquaintance, military sexual trauma and statutory rape.[citation needed]

Sexual assault victims experience stigmatization based on rape myths.[citation needed] A female rape victim is especially stigmatized in patrilineal cultures with strong customs and taboos regarding sex and sexuality. For example, a society may view a female rape victim (especially one who was previously a virgin) as "damaged". Victims in these cultures may suffer isolation, physical and psychological abuse, slut-shaming, public humiliation rituals, be disowned by friends and family, be prohibited from marrying, be divorced if already married, or even be killed.[18] However, even in many developed countries, including some sectors of United States society, misogyny remains culturally ingrained.[19][20][21]

One example of a sexist allegation against female victims of sexual assault is that wearing provocative clothing stimulates sexual aggression in men who believe that women wearing body-revealing clothes are actively trying to seduce a sexual partner. Such accusations against victims stem from the assumption that sexually revealing clothing conveys consent for sexual actions, irrespective of willful verbal consent. Research has yet to prove that attire is a significant causal factor in determining who is assaulted.[22][23]

Victim blaming is also exemplified when a victim of sexual assault is found at fault for performing actions which reduce their ability to resist or refuse consent, such as consuming alcohol.[24] Victim advocacy groups and medical professionals are educating young adults on the definition of consent, and the importance of refraining from victim blaming. Most institutions have adopted the concept of affirmative consent and that refraining from sexual activity while under the influence is the safest choice.[25]

In efforts to discredit alleged sexual assault victims in court, a defense attorney may delve into an accuser's personal history, a common practice that also has the purposeful effect of making the victim so uncomfortable they choose not to proceed. This attack on character, especially one pointing out promiscuity, makes the argument that women who lead "high risk" lifestyles (promiscuity, drug use) are not real victims of rape.[26]

Findings on Rape Myth Acceptance have supported feminist claims that sexism is at the root of female rape victim blaming.[27]

A 2009 study in the Journal of Interpersonal Violence of male victims of sexual assault concludes that male rape victim blaming is usually done so because of social constructs of masculinity.[28] Some effects of these kind of rape cases include a loss of masculinity, confusion about their sexual orientation, and a sense of failure in behaving as men should.[29]

Victims of an unwanted sexual encounter usually develop psychological problems such as depression or sexual violence specific PTSD known as rape trauma syndrome.[30][31]

Ideal victimEdit

An ideal victim is one who is afforded the status of victimhood due to unavoidable circumstances that put the individual at a disadvantage. One can apply this theory to any crime including and especially sexual assault. Nils Christie, a Norwegian criminology professor, has been theorizing about the concept of the ideal victim since the 1980s. In his research he gives two examples, one of an old woman who is attacked on her way home from visiting her family and the other of a man who is attacked at a bar by someone he knew. He describes the old woman as an ideal victim because she could not avoid being in the location that she was, she did not know her attacker, and she could not fight off her attacker. The man, however, could have avoided being at a bar, knew his attacker, and should have been able to fight off his attacker, being younger and a man.[32]

When applying the ideal victim theory to sexual assault victims, often judicial proceedings define an ideal victim as one who resists their attacker and exercises caution in risky situations, despite law reforms to extinguish these fallacious requirements.[33] When victims are not ideal they are at risk for being blamed for their attack because they are not considered real victims of rape. Because they do not fit the criteria being laid out in the rape law, they cannot be considered real victims and thereby their attacker will not be prosecuted.[34]

A victim who is not considered an ideal, or real victim, is one who leads a "high risk" lifestyle, partaking in drugs or alcohol, or is perceived as promiscuous. A victim who intimately knows their attacker is also not considered an ideal victim. Examples of a sexual assault victim who is not ideal is a prostitute because they lead a high risk lifestyle. The perception is that these behaviors discount the credibility of a sexual assault victim's claim or that the behaviors and associations create the mistaken assumption of consent. Some of or all of the blame of the assault is then placed on these victims, and so they are not worthy of having their case presented in court. These perceptions persist in court rulings despite a shift in laws favoring affirmative consent- meaning that the participants in a sexual activity give a verbal affirmation rather than one participant who neither answers negatively nor positively. In other words, affirmative consent is yes means yes and no means no.[35]

In addition to an ideal victim, there must be an ideal perpetrator for a crime to be considered ideal. The ideal attacker does not know their victim and is a completely non-sympathetic figure- one who is considered sub-human, an individual lacking morals. An attacker that knows their victim is not considered an ideal attacker, nor is someone who seems morally ordinary.[32] Cases of intimate partner violence are not considered ideal because the victim knows their attacker. Husbands and wives are not ideal victims or perpetrators because they are intimately familiar with each other.[35]

Global situationEdit

Many different cultures across the globe have formulated different degrees of victim blaming for different scenarios such as rape, hate crimes, and domestic abuse. Victim blaming is common around the world, especially in cultures where it is socially acceptable and advised to treat certain groups of people as lesser. For example, in Somalia victims of sexual abuse consistently endure social ostracization and harassment.[citation needed] One specific example is the kidnapping and rape of 14-year old Fatima: when the police arrived, both Fatima and her rapist were arrested. While they did not detain the offender for long, the officers held Fatima captive for a month and a prison guard continually raped her during that time.[36]

In February 2016, the organisations International Alert and UNICEF published a study revealing that girls and women released from captivity by Nigeria's insurgency group Boko Haram often face rejection by their communities and families. Their children born of sexual violence faced even more discrimination.[37]

Acid attacks on South Asian women, when people throw acid on women in an attempt to punish them for their perceived wrongdoings, are another example of victim-blaming. For instance, in New Delhi in 2005, a group of men threw acid on a 16-year-old girl because they believed she provoked the advances of a man.[38] In Chinese culture, victim blaming is often associated with the crime of rape, as women are expected to resist rape using physical force. Thus, if rape occurs, it is considered to be at least partly the women’s fault and her virtue is inevitably called into question.[39]

In western culture victim blaming has been largely recognized as a problematic way to view a situation, however this does not exempt westerners from being guilty of the action. A recent example of western victim blaming would be a civil trial held in 2013 where the Los Angeles School District blamed a 14-year-old girl for the sexual abuse she endured from her middle school teacher. The District's lawyer argued that the minor was responsible for the prevention of the abuse, putting the entire fault on the victim and exempting the perpetrator of any responsibility. Despite his efforts to convince the court that the victim must be blamed, the ruling stated that no minor student that has been sexually assaulted by his or her teacher is responsible for the prevention of that sexual assault.[40]

Opposing viewsEdit

Roy Baumeister, a social and personality psychologist, argued that blaming the victim is not necessarily always fallacious. He argued that showing the victim's possible role in an altercation may be contrary to typical explanations of violence and cruelty, which incorporate the trope of the innocent victim. According to Baumeister, in the classic telling of "the myth of pure evil," the innocent, well-meaning victims are going about their business when they are suddenly assaulted by wicked, malicious evildoers. Baumeister describes the situation as a possible distortion by both the perpetrator and the victim; the perpetrator may minimize the offense while the victim maximizes it, and so accounts of the incident shouldn't be immediately taken as objective truths.

In context, Baumeister refers to the common behavior of the aggressor seeing themselves as more of the "victim" than the abused, justifying a horrific act by way of their "moral complexity". This usually stems from an "excessive sensitivity" to insults, which he finds as a consistent pattern in abusive husbands. Essentially, the abuse the perpetrator administers is generally excessive, in comparison to the act/acts that they claim as to have provoked them.[41]

Horseshoe theory and nonpolarized viewsEdit

Some scholars make the argument that some of the attitudes that are described as victim blaming and the victimologies that are said to counteract them are both extreme and similar to each other, an example of the horseshoe theory. For instance, they argue that the claim that "women wearing provocative clothing cause rape" is as demeaning to men as it is to women as depicting men as incapable of controlling their sexual desire is misandrist and denies men full agency, while also arguing that the generalization that women do not lie about rape (or any generalization about women not doing some things because of their gender) is misogynist by its implicit assumption that women act by simple default action modes which is incompatible with full agency. These scholars argue that it is important to impartially assess the evidence in each criminal trial individually and that any generalization based on statistics would change the situation from one where the control of evidence makes false reporting difficult to one where lack of individual control of the alleged crime makes it easier to file false reports and that statistics collected in the former situation would not be possible to apply to the latter situation. While the scholars make a distinction between actual victim blaming and rule by law that they consider to be falsely lumped with victim blaming in radical feminist rhetorics, they also advocate more protection from ad hominem questions to alleged victims about past life history and that the questions should focus on what is relevant for the specific alleged crime. They also cite examples that they consider to be cases of the horseshoe theory applied to the question of victim blaming. This includes cases in which psychologists who have testified on behalf of the prosecution in trials in which breast size have been used as a measure of female age when classifying pornographic cartoons as child pornography and been praised praised by feminists for it, and later the same psychologists have used the same psychological arguments when testifying on behalf of the defense in statutory rape cases and getting the defendant acquitted by claiming that the victim's breasts looked like those of an adult woman (considered by these scholars to be victim blaming based on appearance) and been praised by men's rights groups for it. It also includes the possibility that biopsychiatric models that consider sexual criminality hereditary and that are advocated by some feminists may blame victims of incest abuse for being genetically related to their abusers and thereby dissuading them from reporting abuse.[42][43]

Other analysts of victim blaming discourse who neither support most of the phenomena that are described as victim blaming nor most of the measures that are marketed as countermeasures against such point at the existence of other ways of discovering and punishing crimes with victims besides the victim reporting the crime. Not only are there police patrols and possible eyewitnesses, but these analysts also argue that neighbors can overhear and report crimes that take place within the house such as domestic violence. For that reason along with the possibility of many witnesses turning up over time if the crime is ongoing long term as domestic abuse is generally said to be which would make some of the witnesses likely to be considered believable, analysts of this camp of thought argue that the main problem that prevent crimes from being successfully prosecuted is offender profiling that disbelieve the capacity and/or probability of many criminals to commit the crime, rather than disbelief or blaming of victim reports. These analysts cite international comparisons that show that the percentage of male on female cases in the statistics of successfully prosecuted domestic violence is not higher in countries that apply gender feminist theories about patriarchal structures than in countries that apply supposedly antifeminist evolutionary psychology profiling of sex differences in aggressiveness, impulse control and empathy, arguing that the criminal justice system prioritizing cases in which they believe the suspect most likely to be guilty makes evolutionary psychology at least as responsible as gender feminism for leaving domestic violence cases with female offenders undiscovered no matter if the victim is male or female. The analysts argue that many problems that are often attributed to victim blaming are instead due to offender profiling, and suggest randomized investigations instead of psychological profiling of suspected offenders.[44][45]

ExamplesEdit

Leigh Leigh, born Leigh Rennea Mears, was a 14-year-old girl from Fern Bay, Australia, who was murdered on November 3, 1989. While attending a 16-year-old boy's birthday party at Stockton Beach, Leigh was assaulted by a group of boys after she returned distressed from a sexual encounter on the beach that a reviewing judge later called non-consensual. After being kicked and spat on by the group, Leigh left the party. Her naked body was found in the sand dunes nearby the following morning, with severe genital damage and a crushed skull. Leigh's murder received considerable attention in the media. Initially focusing on her sexual assault and murder, media attention later concentrated more on the lack of parental supervision and the drugs and alcohol at the party, and on Leigh's sexuality. The media coverage of the murder has been cited as an example of victim blaming.[46]:131

In a case that became infamous in 2011, an 11-year-old female rape victim who suffered repeated gang rapes in Cleveland, Texas, was accused by a defense attorney of being a seductress who lured men to their doom.[47] "Like the spider and the fly. Wasn't she saying, 'Come into my parlor', said the spider to the fly?", he asked a witness.[47] The New York Times ran an article uncritically reporting on the way many in the community blamed the victim, for which the newspaper later apologized.[47][48]

In a case that attracted worldwide coverage, when a woman was raped and killed in Delhi in December 2012, some Indian government officials and political leaders blamed the victim for various things, mostly based on conjecture. Many of the people involved later apologized.[49]

In recent years, the issue of victim blaming has gained notoriety and become widely recognized in the media, particularly in the context of feminism, as women have often been blamed for behaving in ways that encourage harassment.

In 2016, in the wake of New Year's Eve sexual assaults in Germany, the mayor of Cologne Henriette Reker came under heavy criticism, as her response appeared to blame the victims. She called for women to follow a "code of conduct," including staying at an "arm's length" from strangers.[50] By the evening of January 5, #einearmlänge ("an arm's length") became one of Germany's top-trending hashtags on Twitter.[51] Reker called a crisis meeting with the police in response to the incidents.[52][53] Reker called it "completely improper" to link the perpetrators to refugees.[54]

Coverage of the 2016 Murder of Ashley Ann Olsen, an American murdered in Italy during a sexual encounter with a Senegalese immigrant, focused on the victim blaming in cross-cultural encounters.[55][56]

In August 2017, the hashtag #AintNoCinderella took over the media in response to a national instance of victim-blaming occurring in India. After Varnika Kundu was stalked and harassed by two men on her way home late at night, [[1]] Vice President Ramveer Bhatti addressed the viral story with a claim that Kundu was somehow at fault for being out late by herself. He essentially blamed the a woman for an incident of which she was merely a victim; and social media users took to Twitter and Instagram to challenge this idea that women should not be out late at night, and if they do, they are somehow "asking for it". Hundreds of women shared photos of themselves staying out past midnight, dressing boldly, and behaving in (harmless) ways that tend to be condemned in old-fashioned, anti-feminist ideology in order to make the statement: I am not a child. I am not someone's property. I am not a seventeeth-century fantastical damsel in distress. I am a woman.[57]

See alsoEdit

NotesEdit

  1. ^ "Victim Blaming" (PDF). Canadian Resource Centre for Victims of Crime. Retrieved 2018-08-31.
  2. ^ Fox, K. A.; Cook, C. L. (2011). "Is Knowledge Power? The Effects of a Victimology Course on Victim Blaming". Journal of Interpersonal Violence. 26: 3407–3427. doi:10.1177/0886260511403752.
  3. ^ Bieneck, S.; Krahe, B. (2010). "Blaming the Victim and Exonerating the Perpetrator in Cases of Rape and Robbery: Is There a Double Standard?". Journal of Interpersonal Violence. 26 (9): 1785–97. doi:10.1177/0886260510372945. PMID 20587449.
  4. ^ ISBN 9780394417264
  5. ^ Cole (2007) pp.111, 149, 213
  6. ^ Downs (1998) p. 24
  7. ^ a b Kirkpatrick (1987) p. 219
  8. ^ Kent (2003)
  9. ^ The Moynihan Report (1965)Archived 18 March 2017 at the Wayback Machine.
  10. ^ Illinois state U. archives Archived 4 September 2006 at the Wayback Machine..
  11. ^ Ryan, William (1976). Blaming the Victim. Vintage. ISBN 0-394-72226-4.[page needed]
  12. ^ Robinson (2002) p.141
  13. ^ Adorno, TW (1947) Wagner, Nietzsche and Hitler in Kenyon Review Vol.ix (1), p. 158
  14. ^ James Martin Harding (1997) Adorno and "A writing of the ruins": essays on modern aesthetics and Anglo-American literature and culture, p.143 quotation: "The mechanisms of this ideological affinity between Baraka and Wagner can be seen in a short critique of Wagner that Adorno wrote directly after the Second World War—at a time when Adorno was perhaps his most direct in singling out the proto-fascist tendencies in Wagner's corpus and character. Adorno criticizes Wagner's having bated his conductor Herman Levi so that he would seem to bear the responsibility for Wagner's subsequent insulting dismissal of him. This, for Adorno, is a classic example of blaming the victim. The anti-Semitic sub-text to the dismissal, viz., that as a Jew Levi supposedly desired and brought the dismissal upon himself, "bears witness to the existence of one of the most sinister features of the Fascist character even in Wagner's time: the paranoid tendency of projecting upon others one's own violent aggressiveness and then indicting, on the basis of this projection, those whom one endows with pernicious qualities" (Adorno "Wagner, Nietzsche and Hitler" 158)."
  15. ^ Adorno and the political By Espen Hammer p.63
  16. ^ Nicky Ali Jackson (22 February 2007). Encyclopedia of Domestic Violence. Taylor & Francis. pp. 715–. ISBN 978-0-203-94221-5. Retrieved 11 May 2013.
  17. ^ Campbell, R.; Raja, S. (1999). "Secondary victimization of rape victims: insights from mental health professionals who treat survivors of violence". Violence and Victims. 14 (3): 261–275. PMID 10606433.
  18. ^ "Factsheets: Trauma of Victimization – Secondary Injuries". Svfreenyc.org. 21 August 2012. Retrieved 27 August 2012.
  19. ^ "Power in Structured Misogyny: Implications for the Politics... : Advances in Nursing Science". LWW. Retrieved 2015-11-16.
  20. ^ "Male Hegemony through Education: Construction of Gendered Identities". hipatiapress.info. Retrieved 2015-11-16.
  21. ^ Jeffreys, Sheila (2014-12-03). Beauty and Misogyny: Harmful Cultural Practices in the West. Routledge. ISBN 9781317675440.
  22. ^ Moor, Abigail (2010). "She Dresses to Attract, He Perceives Seduction: A Gender Gap in Attribution of Intent to Women's Revealing Style of Dress and its Relation to Blaming the Victims of Sexual Violence". Journal of International Women's Studies. 11 (4): 115–127.
  23. ^ Beiner, Theresa (2007). "Sexy Dressing Revisited: Does Target Dress Play a Part in Sexual Harassment Cases?". Duke Journal of Gender Law & Policy. 14: 125–152.
  24. ^ Whitaker, Matthew. "Don't blame women's drinking for rape". CNN Opinion. Retrieved 11 September 2015.
  25. ^ "Myths and Facts About Sexual Assault and Consent". Sexual Trauma Services of the Midlands. Retrieved 2015-11-16.
  26. ^ Randall, M. (2010). "Sexual Assault Law, Credibility, and "Ideal Victims": Consent, Resistance, and Victim Blaming". Canadian Journal of Women and the Law. 2 (22): 397. Retrieved 26 September 2016.
  27. ^ Suarez, E.; Gadalla, T. M. "Stop Blaming the Victim: A Meta-Analysis on Rape Myths". Journal of Interpersonal Violence. 25 (11): 2010–2035. doi:10.1177/0886260509354503.
  28. ^ "Male Rape Victim and Perpetrator Blaming". Sage Journal of Interpersonal Violence. Sage Journal Publications. Retrieved 23 July 2015. A man who fails to physically overcome his attacker is likewise seen as contributing to his own victimization; he must have secretly wanted it.
  29. ^ Davies, Michelle; Austen, Kerry; Rogers, Paul (2011). "Sexual Preference, Gender, and Blame Attributions in Adolescent Sexual Assault". Journal of Social Psychology (151.5): 592–607.
  30. ^ Davies, Michelle; Austen, Kerry; Rogers, Paul (2011). "Sexual Preference, Gender, and Blame Attributions in Adolescent Sexual Assault". Journal of Social Psychology (151.5): 592–607.
  31. ^ Cling, B. J. (2004-01-01). Sexualized Violence Against Women and Children: A Psychology and Law Perspective. Guilford Press. ISBN 9781593850616.
  32. ^ a b Christie, Nils (1986). The Ideal Victim. London: Macmillian Press. pp. 17–30.
  33. ^ Gotell, Lise (2008). "Rethinking Affirmative Consent in Canadian Sexual Assault Law: Neoliberal Sexual Subjects and Risky Women". Akron Law Review. Akron: Akron University Press. 41 (4): 865–898.
  34. ^ Stringer, Rebecca (2013). "Vulnerability after Wounding: Feminism, Rape Law, and the Differend". SubStance. Amsterdam: Elsevier. 42 (132): 148–168.
  35. ^ a b Randall, Melanie (2010). "Sexual Assault Law, Credibility, and "Ideal Victims": Consent, Resistance, and Victim Blaming". Canadian Journal of Women and the Law. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 22: 397–434.
  36. ^ "Rape victims are still being blamed for sexual violence in Somalia". The Independent. Retrieved 2015-12-09.
  37. ^ Liz Ford (16 February 2016). "Women freed from Boko Haram rejected for bringing 'bad blood' back home". The Guardian. Retrieved 15 July 2016.
  38. ^ Laxmi. "Laxmi's Story". Acid Survivors Foundation India. Acid Survivors Foundation India. Retrieved 26 September 2016.
  39. ^ Xue J, Fang G, Huang H, Cui N, Rhodes KV, Gelles R. Rape myths and the cross-cultural adaptation of the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale in China. Journal of Interpersonal Violence. 2016 5. [Epub ahead of print]. DOI: 10.1177/0886260516651315
  40. ^ "JUDGE: School district 'wrong' to blame student for having sex with teacher EAGnews.org". eagnews.org. Retrieved 26 September 2016.
  41. ^ Baumeister, Roy (1999). Evil: Inside Human Violence and Cruelty. Holt. ISBN 0-8050-7165-2.[page needed]
  42. ^ Jacqueline B. Helfgott - 2008 - Criminal Behavior: Theories, Typologies and Criminal Justice
  43. ^ T Gavrielides - 2017 - Restorative justice: Ideals and realities
  44. ^ PJ Brantingham, PL Brantingham - 2017 - Notes on the geometry of crime
  45. ^ DJ Ward - 2015 - A Hopeful Rubicon: The Logic within Criminal Profiling
  46. ^ Carrington, Kerry (24 July 1998). Who Killed Leigh Leigh? A story of shame and mateship in an Australian town. Sydney, New South Wales: Random House Australia. ISBN 978-0-09-183708-2.
  47. ^ a b c Adams, Sam (29 November 2012). "Cleveland, Texas rape case: Defense attorney calls pre-teen victim a spider, but that's his job". Slate. Retrieved 28 April 2013.
  48. ^ "NY Times Defends Victim Blaming Coverage of Child Rape Case". Mediabistro.com. 10 March 2011. Archived from the original on 13 September 2011. Retrieved 28 April 2013.
  49. ^ "Amid rape fiasco, India's leaders keep up insensitive remarks". Washington Post. 4 January 2013. Retrieved 28 April 2013.
  50. ^ "Mayor of Cologne says women should have code of conduct to prevent future assault". Retrieved 5 January 2016.
  51. ^ "Twitter storm as Cologne mayor suggests women stay at 'arm's length' from strangers". Retrieved 5 January 2016.
  52. ^ "Stoning victim 'begged for mercy'". BBC News. November 4, 2008. Retrieved September 2, 2013.
  53. ^ "A 'new dimension' of sexual assault in Cologne". Retrieved 5 January 2016.
  54. ^ "Cologne sex attacks: Merkel disgust at New Year gang assaults". BBC News. 5 January 2016. Retrieved 5 January 2016.
  55. ^ Grisafi, Patricia (25 March 2016). "The myth of the good victim: As an American facing street harassment abroad, I wondered what it meant to be a "good victim"". Salon.com. Retrieved 8 January 2017.
  56. ^ Nadeau, Barbie Latza (15 January 2016). "Ashley Olsen Didn't Deserve to Die, No Matter How Hard She Partied". Daily Beast. Retrieved 9 January 2017.
  57. ^ Pandey, Geeta. "#AintNoCinderella: Why Indian women are posting midnight photos." BBC, Delhi. https://www.bbc.com/news/40872788

ReferencesEdit

Further readingEdit

External linksEdit