Khanty (or Hanti), previously known as Ostyak (//), is the language of the Khanty people. It is spoken in Khanty–Mansi and Yamalo-Nenets autonomous okrugs as well as in Aleksandrovsky and Kargosoksky districts of Tomsk Oblast in Russia. According to the 1994 Salminen and Janhunen study, there were 12,000 Khanty-speaking people in Russia.
|ханты ясаң hantĩ jasaň|
|Ethnicity||30,900 Khanty people (2010 census)|
|9,600 (2010 census)|
The Khanty language has a large number of dialects. The western group includes the Obdorian, Ob, and Irtysh dialects. The eastern group includes the Surgut and Vakh-Vasyugan dialects, which, in turn, are subdivided into thirteen other dialects. All these dialects differ significantly from each other by phonetic, morphological, and lexical features to the extent that the three main "dialects" (northern, southern and eastern) are mutually unintelligible. Thus, based on their significant multifactorial differences, Eastern, Northern and Southern Khanty could be considered separate but closely related languages.
Cyrillic (version as of 2000)
|А а||Ӓ ӓ||Ӑ ӑ||Б б||В в||Г г||Д д||Е е|
|Ё ё||Ә ә||Ӛ ӛ||Ж ж||З з||И и||Й й||К к|
|Қ қ (Ӄ ӄ)||Л л||Ԯ ԯ (Ԓ ԓ)||М м||Н н||Ң ң (Ӈ ӈ)||Н’ н’||О о|
|Ӧ ӧ (О̆ о̆)||Ө ө||Ӫ ӫ (Ө̆ ө̆)||П п||Р р||С с||Т т||У у|
|Ӱ ӱ||Ў ў||Ф ф||Х х||Ҳ ҳ (Ӽ ӽ)||Ц ц||Ч ч||Ҷ ҷ|
|Ш ш||Щ щ||Ъ ъ||Ы ы||Ь ь||Э э||Є є||Є̈ є̈|
|Ю ю||Ю̆ ю̆||Я я||Я̆ я̆|
Cyrillic (version as of 1958)
|А а||Ӓ ӓ||Б б||В в||Г г||Д д||Е е||Ё ё|
|Ә ә||Ӛ ӛ||Ж ж||З з||И и||Й й||К к||Ӄ ӄ|
|Л л||Л’ л’||М м||Н н||Ӈ ӈ||О о||Ӧ ӧ||Ө ө|
|Ӫ ӫ||П п||Р р||С с||Т т||У у||Ӱ ӱ||Ф ф|
|Х х||Ц ц||Ч ч||Ч’ ч’||Ш ш||Щ щ||Ъ ъ||Ы ы|
|Ь ь||Э э||Ю ю||Я я|
|A a||B в||D d||E e||Ә ә||F f||H h||Һ һ|
|I i||J j||K k||L l||Ļ ļ||Ł ł||M m||N n|
|Ņ ņ||Ŋ ŋ||O o||P p||R r||S s||Ş ş||Ꞩ ꞩ|
|T t||U u||V v||Z z||Ƶ ƶ||Ƅ ƅ|
The Khanty written language was first created after the October Revolution on the basis of the Latin script in 1930 and then with the Cyrillic alphabet (with the additional letter ⟨ң⟩ for /ŋ/) from 1937.
Khanty is divided in three main dialect groups, which are to a large degree mutually unintelligible, and therefore best considered three languages: Northern, Southern and Eastern. Individual dialects are named after the rivers they are or were spoken on. Southern Khanty is probably extinct by now.
- Eastern Khanty
- transitional: Salym
- Western Khanty
The Salym dialect can be classified as transitional between Eastern and Southern (Honti:1998 suggests closer affinity with Eastern, Abondolo:1998 in the same work with Southern). The Atlym and Nizyam dialects also show some Southern features.
Southern and Northern Khanty share various innovations and can be grouped together as Western Khanty. These include loss of full front rounded vowels: *üü, *öö, *ɔ̈ɔ̈ > *ii, *ee, *ää (but *ɔ̈ɔ̈ > *oo adjacent to *k, *ŋ), loss of vowel harmony, fricativization of *k to /x/ adjacent to back vowels, and the loss of the *ɣ phoneme.
A general feature of all Khanty varieties is that while long vowels are not distinguished, a contrast between plain vowels (e.g. /o/) vs. reduced or extra-short vowels (e.g. /ŏ/) is found. This corresponds to an actual length distinction in Khanty's close relative Mansi. According to scholars who posit a common Ob-Ugric ancestry for the two, this was also the original Proto-Ob-Ugric situation.
Khanty word stress is usually on the initial syllable.
A major consonant isogloss among the Khanty varieties is the reflexation of the lateral consonants, *ɬ (from Proto-Uralic *s and *š) and *l (from Proto-Uralic *l and *ð). These generally merge, however with varying results: /l/ in the Obdorsk and Far Eastern dialects, /ɬ/ in the Kazym and Surgut dialects, and /t/ elsewhere. The Vasjugan dialect still retains the distinction word-initially, having instead shifted *ɬ > /j/ in this position. Similarly, the palatalized lateral *ľ developed to /lʲ/ in Far Eastern and Obdorsk, /ɬʲ/ in Kazym and Surgut, and /tʲ/ elsewhere. The retroflex lateral *ḷ remains in Far Eastern, but in /t/-dialects develops into a new plain /l/.
Other dialect isoglosses include the development of original *ć to a palatalized stop /tʲ/ in Eastern and Southern Khanty, but to a palatalized sibilant /sʲ ~ ɕ/ in Northern, and the development of original *č similarly to a sibilant /ʂ/ (= UPA: š) in Northern Khanty, partly also in Southern Khanty.
The Vakh dialect is divergent. It has rigid vowel harmony and a tripartite (ergative–accusative) case system: The subject of a transitive verb takes the instrumental case suffix -nə-, while the object takes the accusative case suffix. The subject of an intransitive verb, however, is not marked for case and might be said to be absolutive. The transitive verb agrees with the subject, as in nominative–accusative systems.
Vakh has the richest vowel inventory, with four reduced vowels /ĕ ø̆ ɑ̆ ŏ/ and full /i y ɯ u e ø o æ ɑ/. Some researchers also report /œ ɔ/.
|Stop / Affricate||p||t̪||tʲ ~ tɕ 1||tʃ||k 2||q 2|
- /tʲ/ can be realized as an affricate [tɕ] in the Tremjugan and Agan sub-dialects.
- The velar/uvular contrast is predictable in inherited vocabulary: [q] appears before back vowels, [k] before front and central vowels. However, in loanwords from Russian, [k] may also be found before back vowels.
- The phonemic status of [ʃ] is not clear. It occurs in some words in variation with [s], in others in variation with [tʃ].
- In the Pim sub-dialect, /ɬ/ has recently shifted to /t/, a change that has spread from Southern Khanty.
- The labialized postvelar approximant [ʁ̞ʷ] occurs in the Tremjugan sub-dialect as an allophone of /w/ between back vowels, for some speakers also word-initially before back vowels. Research from the early 20th century also reported two other labialized phonemes: /kʷ~qʷ/ and /ŋʷ/, but these are no longer distinguished.
The Kazym dialect distinguishes 18 consonants.
The vowel inventory is much simplified. Eight vowels are distinguished in initial syllables: four full /e a ɒ o/ and four reduced /ĭ ă ŏ ŭ/. In unstressed syllables, four values are found: /ɑ ə ĕ ĭ/.
A similarly simple vowel inventory is found in the Nizyam, Sherkal, and Berjozov dialects, which have full /e a ɒ u/ and reduced /ĭ ɑ̆ ŏ ŭ/. Aside from the full vs. reduced contrast rather than one of length, this is identical to that of the adjacent Sosva dialect of Mansi.
The Obdorsk dialect has retained full close vowels and has a nine-vowel system: full vowels /i e æ ɑ o u/ and reduced vowels /æ̆ ɑ̆ ŏ/). It however has a simpler consonant inventory, having the lateral approximants /l lʲ/ in place of the fricatives /ɬ ɬʲ/ and having fronted *š *ṇ to /s n/.
- xot "house" (cf. Finnish koti "home")
- xotŋəna "to the two houses"
- xotətnə "at the houses" (cf. Hungarian otthon, Finnish kotona "at home", an exceptional form using the old, locative meaning of the essive case ending -na).
Singular, dual, and plural possessive suffixes may be added to singular, dual, and plural nouns, in three persons, for 33 = 27 forms. A few, from məs "cow", are:
- məsem "my cow"
- məsemən "my 2 cows"
- məsew "my cows"
- məstatən "the 2 of our cows"
- məsŋətuw "our 2 cows"
The personal pronouns are, in the nominative case:
The cases of ma are accusative manət and dative manəm.
The demonstrative pronouns and adjectives are:
- tamə "this", tomə "that", sit "that yonder": tam xot "this house".
Basic interrogative pronouns are:
- xoy "who?", muy "what?"
Khanty numerals, compared with Hungarian and Finnish, are:
|2||katn, kat||kettő, két||kaksi|
|9||yaryaŋ (short of ten?)||kilenc||yhdeksän|
|30||xutəmyaŋ (3 tens)||harminc||kolmekymmentä|
|40||nyatəyaŋ (4 tens)||negyven||neljäkymmentä|
The formation of multiples of ten shows Slavic influence in Khanty, whereas Hungarian uses the collective derivative suffix -van (-ven) closely related to the suffix of the adverbial participle which is -va (-ve) today but used to be -ván (-vén). Note also the regularity of [xot]-[haːz] "house" and [sot]-[saːz] "hundred".
Both Khanty and Mansi are basically nominative–accusative languages but have innovative morphological ergativity. In an ergative construction, the object is given the same case as the subject of an intransitive verb, and the locative is used for the agent of the transitive verb (as an instrumental) . This may be used with some specific verbs, for example "to give": the literal Anglicisation would be "by me (subject) a fish (object) gave to you (indirect object)" for the equivalent of the sentence "I gave a fish to you". However, the ergative is a morphological (marked using a case) only, not syntactic, so that, in addition, these may be passivized in a way resembling English. For example, in Mansi, "a dog (agent) bit you (object)" could be reformatted as "you (object) were bitten, by a dog (instrument)".
- Khanty at Ethnologue (18th ed., 2015)
- Hammarström, Harald; Forkel, Robert; Haspelmath, Martin, eds. (2017). "Khantyic". Glottolog 3.0. Jena, Germany: Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History.
- Laurie Bauer, 2007, The Linguistics Student's Handbook, Edinburgh
- Gulya 1966, pp. 5-6.
- Abondolo 1998, pp. 358-359.
- Honti 1998, pp. 328-329.
- Honti, László (1981), "Ostjakin kielen itämurteiden luokittelu", Congressus Quintus Internationalis Fenno-Ugristarum, Turku 20.-27. VIII. 1980, Turku: Suomen kielen seura, pp. 95–100
- Honti 1998, p. 336.
- Abondolo 1998, pp. 358–359.
- Honti 1998, p. 338.
- Dennis Estill, Diachronic Change in Erzya Word Stress (Finno-Ugrian Society, 2004; ISBN 9525150801), p. 179.
- Abondolo 1998, p. 360.
- Csepregi 2011, pp. 12-13.
- Honti 1998, p. 337.
- Grenoble, Lenore A (2003). Language Policy in the Soviet Union. Springer. p. 14. ISBN 9781402012983.
- Abondolo, Daniel (1998). "Khanty". In Abondolo, Daniel. The Uralic Languages.
- Csepregi, Márta (1998). Szurguti osztják chrestomathia (pdf). Studia Uralo-Altaica Supplementum. 6. Szeged. Retrieved 2014-10-11.
- Gulya, János (1966). Eastern Ostyak chrestomathy. Indiana University Publications, Uralic and Altaic series. 51.
- Honti, László (1988). "Die Ob-Ugrischen Sprachen". In Sinor, Denis. The Uralic Languages.
- Honti, László (1998). "ObUgrian". In Abondolo, Daniel. The Uralic Languages.
- Steinitz, Wolfgang, ed. (1966–1988). Dialektologisches und etymologisches Wörterbuch der ostjakischen Sprache. Berlin.
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