French phonology is the sound system of French. This article discusses mainly the phonology of all the varieties of Standard French. Notable phonological features include its uvular r, nasal vowels, and three processes affecting word-final sounds: liaison, a specific instance of sandhi in which word-final consonants are not pronounced unless they are followed by a word beginning with a vowel; elision, in which certain instances of /ə/ (schwa) are elided (such as when final before an initial vowel); and enchaînement (resyllabification) in which word-final and word-initial consonants may be moved across a syllable boundary, with syllables crossing word boundaries:
An example of the various processes is this:
- Written: On a laissé la fenêtre ouverte.
- Meaning: "We left the window open."
- In isolation: /ɔ̃ a lɛse la fənɛːt(ʁ) uvɛʁt/
- Together: [ɔ̃.na.lɛ.se.laf.nɛ.tʁu.vɛʁt]
- /n, t, d/ are laminal denti-alveolar [n̪, t̪, d̪], while /s, z/ are dentalised laminal alveolar [s̪, z̪] (commonly called 'dental'), pronounced with the blade of the tongue very close to the back of the upper front teeth, with the tip resting behind lower front teeth.
- Word-final consonants are always released. Generally, /b, d, ɡ/ are voiced throughout and /p, t, k/ are unaspirated.
- /l/ is usually apical alveolar [l̺] but sometimes laminal denti-alveolar [l̪]. Before /f, ʒ/, it can be realised as retroflex [ɭ].
- In current pronunciation, /ɲ/ is merging with /nj/.
- The velar nasal /ŋ/ is not a native phoneme of French, but it occurs in loan words such as camping, smoking or kung-fu. Some speakers who have difficulty with this consonant realise it as a sequence [ŋɡ] or replace it with /ɲ/. It could be considered a separate phoneme in Meridional French, e.g. pain /pɛŋ/ ('bread') vs. penne /pɛn/ ('quill').
- The approximants /j, ɥ, w/ correspond to the close vowels /i, y, u/. While there are a few minimal pairs (such as loua /lu.a/ 's/he rented' and loi /lwa/ 'law'), there are many cases where there is free variation.
- Belgian French may merge /ɥ/ with /w/ or /y/.
- Some dialects of French have a palatal lateral /ʎ/ (French: l mouillé, 'moistened l'), but in the modern standard variety, it has merged with /j/., Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006:47) See also Glides and diphthongs, below.
- The French rhotic has a wide range of realizations: the voiced uvular fricative [ʁ], also realised as an approximant, with a voiceless positional allophone [χ], the uvular trill [ʀ], the alveolar trill [r], and the alveolar tap [ɾ]. These are all recognised as the phoneme /r/, but [r] and [ɾ] are considered dialectal. The most common pronunciation is [ʁ] as a default realisation, complemented by a devoiced variant [χ] in the positions before or after a voiceless obstruent or at the end of a sentence. See French guttural r and map at right.
- Velars /k/ and /ɡ/ may become palatalised to [kʲ⁓c] and [ɡʲ⁓ɟ] before /i, e, ɛ/, and more variably before /a/. Word-final /k/ may also be palatalised to [kʲ]. Velar palatalisation has traditionally been associated with the working class, though recent studies suggest it is spreading to more demographics of large French cities.
Although double consonant letters appear in the orthographic form of many French words, geminate consonants are relatively rare in the pronunciation of such words. The following cases can be identified.
The geminate pronunciation [ʁʁ] is found in the future and conditional forms of the verbs courir ('to run') and mourir ('to die'). The conditional form il mourrait [il.muʁ.ʁɛ] ('he would die'), for example, contrasts with the imperfect form il mourait [il.mu.ʁɛ] ('he was dying'). In some other words, most modern speakers have reduced [ʁʁ] to [ʁ], such as "il pourrait" ('he could'). Other verbs that have a double ⟨rr⟩ orthographically in the future and conditional are pronounced with a simple [ʁ]: il pourra ('he will be able to'), il verra ('he will see').
When the prefix in- combines with a base that begins with n, the resulting word is sometimes pronounced with a geminate [nn] and similarly for the variants of the same prefix im-, il-, ir-:
- inné [i(n).ne] ('innate')
- immortel [i(m).mɔʁtɛl] ('immortal')
- illisible [i(l).li.zibl] ('illegible')
- irresponsable [i(ʁ).ʁɛs.pɔ̃.sabl] ('irresponsible')
Other cases of optional gemination can be found in words like syllabe ('syllable'), grammaire ('grammar'), and illusion ('illusion'). The pronunciation of such words, in many cases, a spelling pronunciation varies by speaker and gives rise to widely varying stylistic effects. In particular, the gemination of consonants other than the liquids and nasals /m n l ʁ/ is "generally considered affected or pedantic". Examples of stylistically marked pronunciations include addition [ad.di.sjɔ̃] ('addition') and intelligence [ɛ̃.tɛl.li.ʒɑ̃s] ('intelligence').
Gemination of doubled ⟨m⟩ and ⟨n⟩ is typical of the Languedoc region, as opposed to other southern accents.
A few cases of gemination do not correspond to double consonant letters in the orthography. The deletion of word-internal schwas (see below), for example, can give rise to sequences of identical consonants: là-dedans [lad.dɑ̃] ('inside'), l'honnêteté [lɔ.nɛt.te] ('honesty'). The elided form of the object pronoun l' ('him/her/it') is also realised as a geminate [ll] when it appears after another l to avoid misunderstanding:
- Il l'a mangé [il.lamɑ̃.ʒe] ('He ate it')
- Il a mangé [il.amɑ̃.ʒe] ('He ate')
Gemination is obligatory in such contexts.
Finally, a word pronounced with emphatic stress can exhibit gemination of its first syllable-initial consonant:
- formidable [fːɔʁ.mi.dabl] ('terrific')
- épouvantable [e.pːu.vɑ̃.tabl] ('horrible')
Many words in French can be analyzed as having a "latent" final consonant that is pronounced only in certain syntactic contexts when the next word begins with a vowel. For example, the word deux /dø/ ('two') is pronounced [dø] in isolation or before a consonant-initial word (deux jours /dø ʒuʁ/ → [dø.ʒuʁ] 'two days'), but in deux ans /døz‿ɑ̃/ (→ [dø.zɑ̃] 'two years'), the linking or liaison consonant /z/ is pronounced.
Standard French contrasts up to 12 oral vowels and up to 4 nasal vowels. The schwa (in the center of the diagram next to this paragraph) is not necessarily a distinctive sound. Even though it often merges with one of the mid front rounded vowels, its patterning suggests that it is a separate phoneme (see the sub-section Schwa below).
The table below primarily lists vowels in contemporary Parisian French, with vowels only present in other dialects in parentheses.
While some dialects feature a long /ɛː/ distinct from /ɛ/ and a distinction between an open front /a/ and an open back /ɑ/, Parisian French features only /ɛ/ and just one open vowel /a/ realised as central [ä]. Some dialects also feature a nasalized open-mid vowel /œ̃/, which has merged with /ɛ̃/ in Paris.
In French French, while /ə/ is phonologically distinct, its phonetic quality tends to coincide with either /ø/ or /œ/.
|† Not distinguished in all dialects.|
In contrast with the mid vowels, there is no tense–lax contrast in close vowels. However, non-phonemic lax (near-close) [ɪ, ʏ, ʊ] appear in Quebec as allophones of /i, y, u/ when the vowel is both phonetically short (so not before /v, z, ʒ, ʁ/) and in a closed syllable, so that e.g. petite [pə.t͡sɪt] 'small (f.)' differs from petit 'small (m.)' [pə.t͡si] not only in the presence of the final /t/ but also in the tenseness of the /i/. Laxing always occurs in stressed closed syllables, but it is also found in other environments to various degrees.
Although the mid vowels contrast in certain environments, there is a limited distributional overlap so they often appear in complementary distribution. Generally, close-mid vowels (/e, ø, o/) are found in open syllables, and open-mid vowels (/ɛ, œ, ɔ/) are found in closed syllables. However, there are minimal pairs:
- open-mid /ɛ/ and close-mid /e/ contrast in final-position open syllables:
- likewise, open-mid /ɔ/ and /œ/ contrast with close-mid /o/ and /ø/ mostly in closed monosyllables, such as these:
Beyond the general rule, known as the loi de position among French phonologists, there are some exceptions. For instance, /o/ and /ø/ are found in closed syllables ending in [z], and only [ɔ] is found in closed monosyllables before [ʁ], [ɲ], and [ɡ].
The phonemic opposition of /ɛ/ and /e/ has been lost in the southern half of France, where these two sounds are found only in complementary distribution. The phonemic oppositions of /ɔ/ and /o/ and of /œ/ and /ø/ in terminal open syllables have been lost in almost all of France, but not in Belgium or in areas with an arpitan substrate, where pot and peau are still opposed as /pɔ/ and /po/.
The phonemic contrast between front /a/ and back /ɑ/ is sometimes not maintained in Standard French, which leads some researchers to reject the idea of two distinct phonemes. However, the distinction is still clearly maintained in other dialects such as Quebec French.
While there is much variation among speakers in France, a number of general tendencies can be observed. First of all, the distinction is most often preserved in word-final stressed syllables such as in these minimal pairs:
- tache /taʃ/ → [taʃ] ('stain'), vs. tâche /tɑʃ/ → [tɑʃ] ('task')
- patte /pat/ → [pat] ('leg'), vs. pâte /pɑt/ → [pɑt] ('paste, pastry')
- rat /ʁa/ → [ʁa] ('rat'), vs. ras /ʁɑ/ → [ʁɑ] ('short')
There are certain environments that prefer one open vowel over the other. For example, /ɑ/ is preferred after /ʁw/ and before /z/:
The difference in quality is often reinforced by a difference in length (but the difference is contrastive in final closed syllables). The exact distribution of the two vowels varies greatly from speaker to speaker.
Back /ɑ/ is much rarer in unstressed syllables, but it can be encountered in some common words:
Morphologically complex words derived from words containing stressed /ɑ/ do not retain it:
- âgé /ɑʒe/ → [aː.ʒe] ('aged', from âge /ɑʒ/ → [ɑʒ])
- rarissime /ʁaʁisim/ → [ʁaʁisim] ('very rare', from rare /ʁɑʁ/ → [ʁɑʁ]).
Even in the final syllable of a word, back /ɑ/ may become [a] if the word in question loses its stress within the extended phonological context:
- J'ai été au bois /ʒe ete o bwɑ/ → [ʒe.e.te.o.bwɑ] ('I went to the woods'),
- J'ai été au bois de Vincennes /ʒe ete o bwɑ dəvɛ̃sɛn/ → [ʒe.e.te.o.bwad.vɛ̃.sɛn] ('I went to the Vincennes woods').
The phonetic qualities of the back nasal vowels differ from those of the corresponding oral vowels. The contrasting factor that distinguishes /ɑ̃/ and /ɔ̃/ is the extra lip rounding of the latter according to some linguists, and tongue height according to others. Speakers who produce both /œ̃/ and /ɛ̃/ distinguish them mainly through increased lip rounding of the former, but many speakers use only the latter phoneme, especially most speakers in northern France such as Paris (but not farther north, in Belgium).
In some dialects, particularly that of Europe, there is an attested tendency for nasal vowels to shift in a counterclockwise direction: /ɛ̃/ tends to be more open and shifts toward the vowel space of /ɑ̃/ (realised also as [æ̃]), /ɑ̃/ rises and rounds to [ɔ̃] (realised also as [ɒ̃]) and /ɔ̃/ shifts to [õ] or [ũ]. Also, there also is an opposite movement for /ɔ̃/ for which it becomes more open and unrounds to [ɑ̃], resulting in a merger of Standard French /ɔ̃/ and /ɛ̃/ in this case. According to one source, the typical phonetic realization of the nasal vowels in Paris is [æ̃] for /ɛ̃/, [ɑ̃] for /ɑ̃/ and [õ̞] for /ɔ̃/, suggesting that the first two are unrounded open vowels that contrast by backness (like the oral /a/ and /ɑ/ in some accents), whereas /ɔ̃/ is much closer than /ɛ̃/.
In Quebec French, two of the vowels shift in a different direction: /ɔ̃/ → [õ], more or less as in Europe, but /ɛ̃/ → [ẽ] and /ɑ̃/ → [ã].
In the Provence and Occitanie regions, nasal vowels are often realized as oral vowels before a stop consonant, thus reviving the ⟨n⟩ otherwise lost in other accents: quarante /kaʁɑ̃t/ → [kaʁantə].
Contrary to the oral /ɔ/, there is no attested tendency for the nasal /ɔ̃/ to become central in any accent.
When phonetically realised, schwa (/ə/), also called e caduc ('dropped e') and e muet ('mute e'), is a mid-central vowel with some rounding. Many authors consider it to be phonetically identical to /œ/. Geoff Lindsey suggests the symbol ⟨ɵ⟩. Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006) state, more specifically, that it merges with /ø/ before high vowels and glides:
in phrase-final stressed position:
- dis-le ! /di lə/ → [di.lø] ('say it'),
and that it merges with /œ/ elsewhere. However, some speakers make a clear distinction, and it exhibits special phonological behavior that warrants considering it a distinct phoneme. Furthermore, the merger occurs mainly in the French of France; in Quebec, /ø/ and /ə/ are still distinguished.
The main characteristic of French schwa is its "instability": the fact that under certain conditions it has no phonetic realization.
- That is usually the case when it follows a single consonant in a medial syllable:
- appeler /apəle/ → [ap.le] ('to call'),
- It is occasionally mute in word-final position:
- porte /pɔʁtə/ → [pɔʁt] ('door').
- Word-final schwas are optionally pronounced if preceded by two or more consonants and followed by a consonant-initial word:
- une porte fermée /yn(ə) pɔʁt(ə) fɛʁme/ → [yn.pɔʁ.t(ə).fɛʁ.me] ('a closed door').
- In the future and conditional forms of -er verbs, however, the schwa is sometimes deleted even after two consonants:
- tu garderais /ty ɡaʁdəʁɛ/ → [ty.ɡaʁ.d(ə.)ʁɛ] ('you would guard'),
- nous brusquerons [les choses] /nu bʁyskəʁɔ̃/ → [nu.bʁys.k(ə.)ʁɔ̃] ('we will precipitate [things]').
- On the other hand, it is pronounced word-internally when it follows more pronounced consonants that cannot be combined into a complex onset with the initial consonants of the next syllable:
In French versification, word-final schwa is always elided before another vowel and at the ends of verses. It is pronounced before a following consonant-initial word. For example, une grande femme fut ici, [yn ɡʁɑ̃d fam fy.t‿i.si] in ordinary speech, would in verse be pronounced [y.nə ɡʁɑ̃.də fa.mə fy.t‿i.si], with the /ə/ enunciated at the end of each word.
- harceler /aʁsəle/ → [aʁ.sœ.le] ('to harass'), with
- il harcèle /il aʁsɛl/ → [i.laʁ.sɛl] ('[he] harasses').
A three-way alternation can be observed, in a few cases, for a number of speakers:
- appeler /apəle/ → [ap.le] ('to call'),
- j'appelle /ʒ‿apɛl/ → [ʒa.pɛl] ('I call'),
- appellation /apelasjɔ̃/ → [a.pe.la.sjɔ̃] ('brand'), which can also be pronounced [a.pɛ.la.sjɔ̃].
Instances of orthographic ⟨e⟩ that do not exhibit the behaviour described above may be better analysed as corresponding to the stable, full vowel /œ/. The enclitic pronoun le, for example, always keeps its vowel in contexts like donnez-le-moi /dɔne lə mwa/ → [dɔ.ne.lœ.mwa] ('give it to me') for which schwa deletion would normally apply (giving *[dɔ.nɛl.mwa]), and it counts as a full syllable for the determination of stress.
Cases of word-internal stable ⟨e⟩ are more subject to variation among speakers, but, for example, un rebelle /œ̃ ʁəbɛl/ ('a rebel') must be pronounced with a full vowel in contrast to un rebond /œ̃ ʁəbɔ̃/ → or [œ̃ʁ.bɔ̃] ('a bounce').
Except for the distinction still made by some speakers between /ɛ/ and /ɛː/ in rare minimal pairs like mettre [mɛtʁ] ('to put') vs. maître [mɛːtʁ] ('teacher'), variation in vowel length is entirely allophonic. Vowels can be lengthened in closed, stressed syllables, under the following two conditions:
- /o/, /ø/, /ɑ/, and the nasal vowels are lengthened before any consonant: pâte [pɑːt] ('dough'), chante [ʃɑ̃ːt] ('sings').
- All vowels are lengthened if followed by one of the voiced fricatives—/v/, /z/, /ʒ/, /ʁ/ (not in combination)—or by the cluster /vʁ/: mer/mère [mɛːʁ] ('sea/mother'), crise [kʁiːz] ('crisis'), livre [liːvʁ] ('book'), Tranel (1987:49–51) However, words such as (ils) servent [sɛʁv] ('(they) serve') or tarte [taʁt] ('pie') are pronounced with short vowels since the /ʁ/ appears in clusters other than /vʁ/.
When such syllables lose their stress, the lengthening effect may be absent. The vowel [o] of saute is long in Regarde comme elle saute !, in which the word is phrase-final and therefore stressed, but not in Qu'est-ce qu'elle saute bien ! In accents wherein /ɛː/ is distinguished from /ɛ/, however, it is still pronounced with a long vowel even in an unstressed position, as in fête in C'est une fête importante.
The following table presents the pronunciation of a representative sample of words in phrase-final (stressed) position:
|Phoneme||Vowel value in closed syllable||Vowel value in|
|Non-lengthening consonant||Lengthening consonant|
In Parisian French, the close vowels /i, y, u/ and the mid front /e, ɛ/ at the end of utterances can be devoiced. A devoiced vowel may be followed by a sound similar to the voiceless palatal fricative [ç]:
- Merci. /mɛʁsi/ → [mɛʁ.si̥ç] ('Thank you.'),
- Allez ! /ale/ → [a.le̥ç] ('Go!').
In Quebec French, close vowels are often devoiced when unstressed and surrounded by voiceless consonants:
- université /ynivɛʁsite/ → [y.ni.vɛʁ.si̥.te] ('university').
Though a more prominent feature of Quebec French, phrase-medial devoicing is also found in European French. 
The final vowel (usually /ə/) of a number of monosyllabic function words is elided in syntactic combinations with a following word that begins with a vowel. For example, compare the pronunciation of the unstressed subject pronoun, in je dors /ʒə dɔʁ/ [ʒə.dɔʁ] ('I am sleeping'), and in j'arrive /ʒ‿aʁiv/ [ʒa.ʁiv] ('I am arriving').
Glides and diphthongsEdit
The glides [j], [w], and [ɥ] appear in syllable onsets immediately followed by a full vowel. In many cases, they alternate systematically with their vowel counterparts [i], [u], and [y] such as in the following pairs of verb forms:
The glides in the examples can be analyzed as the result of a glide formation process that turns an underlying high vowel into a glide when followed by another vowel: /nie/ → [nje].
This process is usually blocked after a complex onset of the form obstruent + liquid (a stop or a fricative followed by /l/ or /ʁ/). For example, while the pair loue/louer shows an alternation between [u] and [w], the same suffix added to cloue [klu], a word with a complex onset, does not trigger the glide formation: clouer [klue] ('to nail'). Some sequences of glide + vowel can be found after obstruent-liquid onsets, however. The main examples are [ɥi], as in pluie [plɥi] ('rain'), [wa], and [wɛ̃]. They can be dealt with in different ways, as by adding appropriate contextual conditions to the glide formation rule or by assuming that the phonemic inventory of French includes underlying glides or rising diphthongs like /ɥi/ and /wa/.
Glide formation normally does not occur across morpheme boundaries in compounds like semi-aride ('semi-arid'). However, in colloquial registers, si elle [si.ɛl] ('if she') can be pronounced just like ciel [sjɛl] ('sky'), or tu as [ty.ɑ] ('you have') like tua [tɥa] ('[(s)he] killed').
The glide [j] can also occur in syllable coda position, after a vowel, as in soleil [sɔlɛj] ('sun'). There again, one can formulate a derivation from an underlying full vowel /i/, but the analysis is not always adequate because of the existence of possible minimal pairs like pays [pɛ.i] ('country') / paye [pɛj] ('paycheck') and abbaye [a.bɛ.i] ('abbey') / abeille [a.bɛj] ('bee'). Schane (1968) proposes an abstract analysis deriving postvocalic [j] from an underlying lateral by palatalization and glide conversion (/lj/ → /ʎ/ → /j/).
|/a/||/ja/||/ɥa/||/wa/||paillasse, Éluard, poire|
|/ɑ/||/jɑ/||/ɥɑ/||/wɑ/||acariâtre, tuas, jouas|
|/ɑ̃/||/jɑ̃/||/ɥɑ̃/||/wɑ̃/||vaillant, exténuant, Assouan|
|/e/||/je/||/ɥe/||/we/||janvier, muer, jouer|
|/ɛ/||/jɛ/||/ɥɛ/||/wɛ/||lierre, duel, mouette|
|/ɛ̃/||/jɛ̃/||/ɥɛ̃/||/wɛ̃/||bien, juin, soin|
|/i/||/ji/||/ɥi/||/wi/||yin, huile, ouïr|
|/o/||/jo/||/ɥo/||/wo/||Millau, duo, statusquo|
|/ɔ/||/jɔ/||/ɥɔ/||/wɔ/||Niort, quatuor, wok|
|/ɔ̃/||/jɔ̃/||/ɥɔ̃/||/wɔ̃/||lion, tuons, jouons|
|/ø/||/jø/||/ɥø/||/wø/||mieux, fructueux, boueux|
|/œ/||/jœ/||/ɥœ/||/wœ/||antérieur, sueur, loueur|
Word stress is not distinctive in French, so two words cannot be distinguished based on stress placement alone. Grammatical stress is always on the final full syllable (syllable with a vowel other than schwa) of a word. Monosyllables with schwa as their only vowel (ce, de, que, etc.) are generally clitics but otherwise may receive stress.
The difference between stressed and unstressed syllables in French is less marked than in English. Vowels in unstressed syllables keep their full quality, regardless of whether the rhythm of the speaker is syllable-timed or mora-timed (see isochrony). Moreover, words lose their stress to varying degrees when pronounced in phrases and sentences. In general, only the last word in a phonological phrase retains its full grammatical stress (on its last full syllable).
Emphatic stress is used to call attention to a specific element in a given context such as to express a contrast or to reinforce the emotive content of a word. In French, this stress falls on the first consonant-initial syllable of the word in question. The characteristics associated with emphatic stress include increased amplitude and pitch of the vowel and gemination of the onset consonant, as mentioned above. Emphatic stress does not replace, but occurs in tandem with, grammatical stress.
- C'est parfaitement vrai. [sɛ.paʁ.fɛt.mɑ̃.ˈvʁɛ] ('It's perfectly true.'; no emphatic stress)
- C'est parfaitement vrai. [sɛ.ˈp(ː)aʁ.fɛt.mɑ̃.ˈvʁɛ] (emphatic stress on parfaitement)
For words that begin with a vowel, emphatic stress falls on the first syllable that begins with a consonant or on the initial syllable with the insertion of a glottal stop or a liaison consonant.
- C'est épouvantable. [sɛ.te.ˈp(ː)u.vɑ̃ˈ.tabl] ('It's terrible.'; emphatic stress on second syllable of épouvantable)
- C'est épouvantable ! [sɛ.ˈt(ː)e.pu.vɑ̃.ˈtabl] (initial syllable with liaison consonant [t])
- C'est épouvantable ! [sɛ.ˈʔe.pu.vɑ̃.ˈtabl] (initial syllable with glottal stop insertion)
French intonation differs substantially from that of English. There are four primary patterns:
- The continuation pattern is a rise in pitch occurring in the last syllable of a rhythm group (typically a phrase).
- The finality pattern is a sharp fall in pitch occurring in the last syllable of a declarative statement.
- The yes/no intonation is a sharp rise in pitch occurring in the last syllable of a yes/no question.
- The information question intonation is a rapid fall-off from a high pitch on the first word of a non-yes/no question, often followed by a small rise in pitch on the last syllable of the question.
- Map based on Trudgill (1974:220)
- Fougeron & Smith (1993), p. 79.
- Ladefoged & Maddieson (1996), p. 192.
- Adams (1975), p. 288.
- Fougeron & Smith (1993), p. 75.
- Phonological Variation in French: Illustrations from Three Continents, edited by Randall Scott Gess, Chantal Lyche, Trudel Meisenburg.
- Wells (1989), p. 44.
- Grevisse & Goosse (2011), §32, b.
- Grevisse & Goosse (2011), §33, b.
- Berns (2013).
- Detey et al. (2016), pp. 131, 415.
- Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006), p. 42.
- Fougeron & Smith (1993), pp. 74–75.
- Tranel (1987), pp. 149–150.
- Yaguello (1991), cited in Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006:51).
- Tranel (1987), p. 150.
- Tranel (1987), pp. 151–153.
- John C. Wells prefers the symbol /æ̃/, as the vowel has become more open in recent times and is noticeably different from oral /ɛ/: 
- Walker (1984), pp. 51–60.
- Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006), pp. 25–6.
- Fougeron & Smith (1993), p. 73.
- Lodge (2009), p. 84.
- Collins & Mees (2013), p. 225.
- Morin (1986).
- Léon (1992), p. ?.
- Kalmbach, Jean-Michel (2011). "Phonétique et prononciation du français pour apprenants finnophones". Retrieved 2 October 2016.
- "Some phoneticians claim that there are two distinct as in French, but evidence from speaker to speaker and sometimes within the speech of a single speaker is too contradictory to give empirical support to this claim".Casagrande (1984:20)
- Postériorisation du / a / Archived 2011-07-06 at the Wayback Machine
- Tranel (1987), p. 64.
- "For example, some have the front [a] in casse 'breaks', and the back [ɑ] in tasse 'cup', but for others the reverse is true. There are also, of course, those who use the same vowel, either [a] or [ɑ], in both words".Tranel (1987:48)
- Fougeron & Smith (1993), p. 74.
- Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006), p. 33-34.
- Hansen, Anita Berit (1998). Les voyelles nasales du français parisien moderne. Aspects linguistiques, sociolinguistiques et perceptuels des changements en cours (in French). Museum Tusculanum Press. ISBN 978-87-7289-495-9.
- Collins & Mees (2013), pp. 225–226.
- Oral articulation of nasal vowel in French
- Anderson (1982), p. 537.
- Tranel (1987), p. 88.
- Lindsey, Geoff. "Le FOOT vowel". English Speech Services. Retrieved 14 May 2016.
- Lindsey, Geoff. "Rebooting Buttocks". English Speech Services. Retrieved 14 May 2016.
- Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006), p. 59.
- Timbre du schwa en français et variation régionale : un étude comparative retrieved 14 July 2013
- Tranel (1987), pp. 88–105.
- Casagrande (1984), pp. 228–29.
- Anderson (1982), pp. 544–46.
- Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006:63) for [e], TLFi, s.v. appellation for [ɛ].
- Tranel (1987), pp. 98–99.
- Walker (1984), pp. 25–27.
- Walker (2001), p. 46.
- Fagyal & Moisset (1999).
- Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006), p. 27.
- Torreira & Ernestus (2010).
- The [wa] correspond to orthographic ⟨oi⟩, as in roi [ʁwa] ('king'), which contrasts with disyllabic troua [tʁu.a] ('[he] punctured').
- Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006), pp. 37–39.
- Chitoran (2002), p. 206.
- Chitoran & Hualde (2007), p. 45.
- Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006), p. 39.
- Fagyal, Kibbee & Jenkins (2006:39). The words pays and abbaye are more frequently pronounced [pe.i] and [abe.i].
- Schane (1968), pp. 57–60.
- Mora-timed speech is frequent in French, especially in Canada, where it is very much the norm.
- Tranel (1987), pp. 194–200.
- Tranel (1987), pp. 200–201.
- Walker (2001), pp. 181–2.
- Lian (1980).
- Adams, Douglas Q. (1975), "The Distribution of Retracted Sibilants in Medieval Europe", Language, 51 (2): 282–292, doi:10.2307/412855, JSTOR 412855
- Anderson, Stephen R. (1982), "The Analysis of French Shwa: Or, How to Get Something for Nothing", Language, 58 (3): 534–573, doi:10.2307/413848, JSTOR 413848
- Berns, Janine (2013), "Velar variation in French", Linguistics in the Netherlands, 30 (1): 13–27, doi:10.1075/avt.30.02ber
- Casagrande, Jean (1984), The Sound System of French, Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, ISBN 978-0-87840-085-0
- Chitoran, Ioana; Hualde, José Ignacio (2007), "From hiatus to diphthong: the evolution of vowel sequences in Romance" (PDF), Phonology, 24: 37–75, CiteSeerX 10.1.1.129.2403, doi:10.1017/S095267570700111X
- Chitoran, Ioana (2002), "A perception-production study of Romanian diphthongs and glide-vowel sequences", Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 32 (2): 203–222, CiteSeerX 10.1.1.116.1413, doi:10.1017/S0025100302001044
- Collins, Beverley; Mees, Inger M. (2013) [First published 2003], Practical Phonetics and Phonology: A Resource Book for Students (3rd ed.), Routledge, ISBN 978-0-415-50650-2
- Detey, Sylvain; Durand, Jacques; Laks, Bernard; Lyche, Chantal, eds. (2016), Varieties of Spoken French, Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19957371-4
- Fagyal, Zsuzsanna; Kibbee, Douglas; Jenkins, Fred (2006), French: A Linguistic Introduction, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-82144-5
- Fagyal, Zsuzsanna; Moisset, Christine (1999), "Sound Change and Articulatory Release: Where and Why are High Vowels Devoiced in Parisian French?" (PDF), Proceedings of the XIVth International Congress of Phonetic Science, San Francisco, 1, pp. 309–312
- Fougeron, Cecile; Smith, Caroline L (1993), "Illustrations of the IPA:French", Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 23 (2): 73–76, doi:10.1017/S0025100300004874
- Grevisse, Maurice; Goosse, André (2011), Le Bon usage (in French), Louvain-la-Neuve: De Boeck Duculot, ISBN 978-2-8011-1642-5
- Léon, P. (1992), Phonétisme et prononciations du français, Paris: Nathan
- Ladefoged, Peter; Maddieson, Ian (1996), The Sounds of the World's Languages, Oxford: Blackwell, ISBN 978-0-631-19815-4
- Lian, A-P (1980), Intonation Patterns of French (PDF), Melbourne: River Seine Publications, ISBN 978-0-909367-21-3
- Lodge, Ken (2009), A Critical Introduction to Phonetics, Continuum International Publishing Group, ISBN 978-0-8264-8873-2
- Morin, Yves-Charles (1986), "La loi de position ou de l'explication en phonologie historique" (PDF), Revue Québécoise de Linguistique, 15 (2): 199–231, doi:10.7202/602567ar
- Schane, Sanford A. (1968), French Phonology and Morphology, Cambridge, MA: M.I.T. Press, ISBN 978-0-262-19040-4
- Torreira, Francisco; Ernestus, Mirjam (2010), "Phrase-medial vowel devoicing in spontaneous French", Interspeech 2010, pp. 2006–2009
- Tranel, Bernard (1987), The Sounds of French: An Introduction, Cambridge, New York: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-31510-4
- Trudgill, Peter (1974), "Linguistic change and diffusion: Description and explanation in sociolinguistic dialect", Language in Society, 3 (2): 215–246, doi:10.1017/S0047404500004358
- Walker, Douglas (2001), French Sound Structure, University of Calgary Press, ISBN 978-1-55238-033-8
- Walker, Douglas (1984), The Pronunciation of Canadian French (PDF), Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press, ISBN 978-0-7766-4500-1
- Wells, J.C. (1989), "Computer-Coded Phonemic Notation of Individual Languages of the European Community", Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 19 (1): 31–54, doi:10.1017/S0025100300005892
- Yaguello, Marina (1991), "Les géminées de M. Rocard", En écoutant parler la langue, Paris: Seuil, pp. 64–70
|Wikimedia Commons has media related to French pronunciation.|
- Foreign Service Institute's freely downloadable course on French phonology
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- mp3 Audio Pronunciation of French vowels, consonants and alphabet
- French Vowels Demonstrated by a Native Speaker (youtube)
- French Consonants Demonstrated by a Native Speaker (youtube)