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Presidential election | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Registered | 1,871,070 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Turnout | 90.22% | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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All 27 seats in the National Senate All 117 seats in the Chamber of Deputies | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
This lists parties that won seats. See the complete results below. |
The 1979 Bolivian general election was held on Sunday, 1 July 1979. Voters went to the polls to elect the president and vice president and all seats in the bicameral 144-member National Congress, for a four-year term. No candidate having won a majority in the first round, the election went to parliament, which selected between the top three most-voted contenders. After multiple failed ballots, an agreement was reached to elect Wálter Guevara as acting president pending new elections.
The democratic transition in Bolivia began in 1978, after Hugo Banzer scheduled the first general election in twelve years for 9 July. The government's candidate, Juan Pereda, won the vote, but evident electoral fraud led election authorities to annul the results. Pereda seized power in a coup d'état on 21 July and scheduled new elections for 1980. He was, in turn, ousted in another coup d'état on 24 November that installed David Padilla, who brought forward the election to 1979.
Former presidents Hernán Siles Zuazo of the Democratic and Popular Unity coalition and Víctor Paz Estenssoro of the Revolutionary Nationalist Movement – Alliance were once again central candidates in this election, with the added component of Hugo Banzer's newly-formed Nationalist Democratic Action. An additional five minor fronts filed to appear on the ballot. Despite some anomalies, the election was relatively clean compared to historical processes.
In the end, the vote totals of the two main candidates were separated by 1,512 votes (0.10%), the narrowest national popular vote margin in recent history. Siles won the plurality of the popular vote, while Paz's alliance won a comfortable congressional majority. Congress convened on 1 August but could not coalesce around a single candidate, leading to the annulment of the results and the election of Wálter Guevara as acting president until another election could be held in 1980.
Background
edit1978 general election
editBolivia marked the start of its democratic transition in 1978 with the announcement that Hugo Banzer intended to bring a close to his six-year military regime and make way for civil administration, ending an almost uninterrupted period of successive military governments that began in 1964. A general election was scheduled for 9 July 1978, the first election held since 1966.
Two former presidents, Hernán Siles Zuazo and Víctor Paz Estenssoro – representing the left- and right-wing flanks of the historic Revolutionary Nationalist Movement (MNR) – returned from exile to participate in the election. They faced the government-backed candidacy of Juan Pereda of the Nationalist Union of the People (UNP), who touted a continuation of Banzer's political vision.
Pereda won the election against a backdrop of clear electoral manipulation – including more tallied votes than existed registered voters. The results sparked national uproar. Under pressure, the government was forced to acknowledge the evident vote tampering and Pereda himself requested that the National Electoral Court annul the results, which it subsequently did.[1]
Revolving door of governments
editFollowing the annulment of the 1978 results, the Electoral Court issued a statement urging new elections be held within the next six months. Banzer, for his part, reaffirmed his commitment to step down by 6 August, leaving the issue of organizing a snap vote to a future government led by the Armed Forces. By that point, backers of the UNP had begun several armed revolts across the country, and in Santa Cruz, Pereda was proclaimed president.[2] Faced with the uprising, Banzer resigned on 21 July and ceded power to a military triumvirate headed by three senior commanders: Víctor González Fuentes, Alfonso Villalpando, and Gutenberg Barroso. The junta then turned over power to Pereda, who was sworn in as president shortly thereafter.[3]
Shortly after taking office, Pereda announced his regime's intent to reinitiate the stalled process of democratization.[4] In declarations to the New York Times, the president signaled that a new general election would be held in early 1980 "if" pending reforms to the country's election law and a renewed voter registry could be completed in time. Pereda expressly rejected scheduling the election for 1979, as it would coincide with the centennial of the War of the Pacific and complicate diplomatic efforts to secure an ocean corridor for Bolivia from Chile.[5] The parties of the opposition squarely rejected that timeline:[6] the MNR of Víctor Paz set 27 May 1979 as a target date for elections,[7] while Siles's front declared that it would employ nonviolent resistance in demand of new elections within six months.[8]
Pereda outlined his election plan in a public address delivered on 6 August. The president dug in on 1980 as the likely election year, pledging that the process would last no longer than twelve months. In addition, Pereda declined to run as a candidate again, stating that the regime would be impartial towards all presidential contenders.[9]
Electoral system
editCandidates and campaigns
editDemocratic and Popular Union
editRevolutionary Nationalist Movement
editAlliance | Endorsement | Leader | |||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Víctor Paz Estenssoro Revolutionary Nationalist Movement |
MNR | Revolutionary Nationalist Movement | Víctor Paz | ||
PRA | Authentic Revolutionary Party | Wálter Guevara | |||
PDC | Christian Democratic Party | Luis Ossio | |||
FRI | Revolutionary Left Front | Oscar Zamora | |||
MRTK | Túpac Katari Revolutionary Movement | Macabeo Chila | |||
Source: |
Nationalist Democratic Action
editAlliance | Endorsement | Leader | |||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Hugo Banzer Nationalist Democratic Action |
ADN | Nationalist Democratic Action | Hugo Banzer | ||
FSB-M | Bolivian Socialist Falange – Moreira | Gastón Moreira | |||
PRA-R | Authentic Revolutionary Party – Ríos | Jorge Ríos | |||
ARB | Barrientist Revolutionary Alliance | Jorge Burgoa | |||
MNR-J | Revolutionary Nationalist Movement – Julio | Rubén Julio | |||
Source: |
Minor parties and alliances
editSocialist Party – 1
editPopular Alliance for National Integration
editAlliance | Endorsement | Leader | |||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
René Bernal Popular Alliance for National Integration |
MARC | Revolutionary Agrarian Movement of the Bolivian Peasantry | René Bernal | ||
FSB | Bolivian Socialist Falange | Mario Gutiérrez | |||
Source: |
Other parties and alliances
editResults
editPresidential results
editAnalysis
edithttps://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1979/08/05/120999793.html?pageNumber=122
OEP claims VO won 100 more votes in Chuquisaca (see Presencia 31 jULY)
Candidate | Running mate | Party or alliance | Votes | % | |||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Hernán Siles Zuazo | Jaime Paz Zamora | Democratic and Popular Union | 528,696 | 35.98 | |||
Víctor Paz Estenssoro | Luis Ossio | Revolutionary Nationalist Movement | 527,184 | 35.88 | |||
Hugo Banzer | Mario Rolón Anaya | Nationalist Democratic Action | 218,587 | 14.88 | |||
Marcelo Quiroga Santa Cruz | Jaime Taborga | Socialist Party – 1 | 70,765 | 4.82 | |||
René Bernal | Mario Gutiérrez | Popular Alliance for National Integration | 60,262 | 4.10 | |||
Luciano Tapia | Eufronio Vélez | Túpac Katari Indian Movement | 28,344 | 1.93 | |||
Wálter Gonzales | Benjamín Saravia | Bolivian Union Party | 18,979 | 1.29 | |||
Ricardo Catoira | Filemón Escobar | Workers' Vanguard | 16,660 | 1.13 | |||
Total | 1,469,477 | 100.00 | |||||
Valid votes | 1,469,477 | 86.78 | |||||
Invalid/blank votes | 223,856 | 13.22 | |||||
Total votes | 1,693,333 | 100.00 | |||||
Registered voters/turnout | 1,876,920 | 90.22 | |||||
Source: Plurinational Electoral Organ | Electoral Atlas |
By department
editThe results by department contributed heavily to the gridlock that followed the election. (?) The UDP won in just two departments: La Paz and Cochabamba. Results-wise, the coalition owed its narrow popular vote plurality to its formidable performance in La Paz, whose population, compared to the other eight departments, made it fundamental to winning the election. In contrast, the second-place MNR-A swept the remaining seven departments, giving it a comfortable majority bench in parliament, even as it fell short of taking the most votes nationwide.[10]
Ballot | Chuquisaca | La Paz | Cochabamba | Oruro | Potosí | Tarija | Santa Cruz | Beni | Pando | ||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | ||
UDP | 34,575 | 38.56 | 260,971 | 54.76 | 67,634 | 29.20 | 36,214 | 31.31 | 68,898 | 33.48 | 9,726 | 14.70 | 43,679 | 18.33 | 6,103 | 15.85 | 896 | 12.31 | |
MNR-A | 34,609 | 38.60 | 78,023 | 16.37 | 64,640 | 27.91 | 46,232 | 39.97 | 105,782 | 51.41 | 43,601 | 65.92 | 134,300 | 56.35 | 15,885 | 41.27 | 4,112 | 46.50 | |
ADN | 10,032 | 11.09 | 77,614 | 16.29 | 42,983 | 18.56 | 10,633 | 9.19 | 16,090 | 7,82 | 9,774 | 14.78 | 36,696 | 15.40 | 13,044 | 33.88 | 1,721 | 23.65 | |
PS-1 | 3,965 | 4.42 | 24,553 | 5.15 | 28,163 | 12.16 | 6,466 | 5.59 | 3,906 | 1.90 | 595 | 0.90 | 2,932 | 1.23 | 166 | 0.43 | 19 | 0.26 | |
APIN | 2,185 | 2.44 | 8,454 | 1.77 | 16,449 | 7.10 | 10,819 | 9.35 | 2,789 | 1.36 | 811 | 1.23 | 15,412 | 6.47 | 2,889 | 7.50 | 454 | 6.24 | |
MITKA | 1,343 | 1.50 | 16,557 | 3.47 | 3,744 | 1.62 | 2,707 | 2.34 | 2,677 | 1.30 | 277 | 0.42 | 957 | 0.40 | 65 | 0.17 | 17 | 0.23 | |
PUB | 1,868 | 2.08 | 4,572 | 0.96 | 5,161 | 2.23 | 1,253 | 1.08 | 3,135 | 1.52 | 790 | 1.19 | 1,958 | 0.82 | 208 | 0.54 | 34 | 0.47 | |
VO | 1,089 | 1.21 | 5,785 | 1.21 | 2,851 | 1.23 | 1,331 | 1.15 | 2,490 | 1.21 | 570 | 0.86 | 2,384 | 1.00 | 135 | 0.35 | 25 | 0.34 | |
Total | 89,666 | 100.00 | 476,529 | 100.00 | 231,625 | 100.00 | 115,655 | 100.00 | 205,767 | 100.00 | 66,144 | 100.00 | 238,318 | 100.00 | 38,495 | 100.00 | 7,278 | 100.00 | |
Valid votes | 89,666 | 89.09 | 476,529 | 79.05 | 231,625 | 85.72 | 115,655 | 94.49 | 205,767 | 90.44 | 66,144 | 94.19 | 238,318 | 94.56 | 38,495 | 96.38 | 7,278 | 96.16 | |
Invalid/blank | 10,982 | 10.91 | 126,257 | 20.95 | 38,582 | 14.29 | 6,750 | 5.51 | 21,751 | 9.56 | 4,079 | 5.81 | 13,717 | 5.44 | 1,447 | 3.62 | 291 | 3.84 | |
Total votes | 100,648 | 100.00 | 602,786 | 100.00 | 270,207 | 100.00 | 122,405 | 100.00 | 227,518 | 100.00 | 70,223 | 100.00 | 252,035 | 100.00 | 39,942 | 100.00 | 7,569 | 100.00 | |
Source: Plurinational Electoral Organ | Electoral Atlas |
Legislative results
editParty or alliance | Chamber of Deputies | National Senate | |||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Seats | +/– | Of total (%) | Seats | +/– | Of total (%) | ||||||
Democratic and Popular Union | MNRI | 16 | +16 | 13.67 | 7 | +7 | 25.93 | ||||
PCB | 8 | +8 | 6.84 | 1 | +1 | 3.70 | |||||
MIR | 6 | +6 | 5.13 | 0 | 0 | 0.00 | |||||
MIN | 2 | +2 | 1.71 | 0 | 0 | 0.00 | |||||
Others | 6 | +6 | 5.13 | 0 | 0 | 0.00 | |||||
Total | 38 | +38 | 32.48 | 8 | +8 | 29.63 |
Party or alliance | Chamber of Deputies | National Senate | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Seats | +/– | Of total (%) | Seats | +/– | Of total (%) | ||||
Democratic and Popular Union | 38 | +22 | 32.48 | 8 | +4 | 29.63 | |||
Revolutionary Nationalist Movement | 48 | +40 | 41.03 | 16 | +12 | 59.26 | |||
Nationalist Democratic Action | 19 | New | 16.24 | 3 | New | 11.11 | |||
Socialist Party – 1 | 5 | +5 | 4.27 | 0 | 0 | 0.00 | |||
Popular Alliance for National Integration | 5 | New | 4.27 | 0 | New | 0.00 | |||
Túpac Katari Indian Movement | 1 | +1 | 0.85 | 0 | 0 | 0.00 | |||
Bolivian Union Party | 1 | New | 0.85 | 0 | New | 0.00 | |||
Workers' Vanguard | 0 | New | 0.00 | 0 | New | 0.00 | |||
Total | 117 | 0 | 27 | 0 | |||||
Source: Plurinational Electoral Organ | Electoral Atlas |
Congressional ballot
editNegotiations
editCongress convened on 1 August with the immediate task of electing the president and vice president from among the three-most voted tickets. Hernán Siles, Víctor Paz Estenssoro, and Hugo Banzer all entered into contention/ (PRE 1/8/79, p. 1) To secure victory, one candidate needed to receive an absolute majority of votes cast in the 144-member Congress, (PRE 1/8/79, p. 1, 17) equating to seventy-three total votes. (?) If no candidate won a majority on the first ballot, the least-voted candidate was to be eliminated and lawmakers would continue to vote from among the top two contenders until one candidate came out on top. (PRE 1/8/79, p. 1)
In past elections, this method of selection by congressional ballot had never posed an issue, as the legislature had always ratified the top-voted candidate. (Mesa 41)
The first vote for president was expected to take place on 2 August (PRE 1/8/79, p. 1) but quarrels over leadership in the Senate and especially Chamber of Deputies delayed the process. (?) ...
First ballot
editProceedings began at 6:48 p.m. BOT on 4 August, when a joint session of Congress was installed under the supervision of Wálter Guevara (PRA),[11] the president of the Senate and ex officio president of the National Congress. (Presencia 3/8/79, p. 10) All 144 lawmakers were present.[12] The first motion by the UDP, that the gallery be opened to the public, was dismissed by Guevara because the press was already present. A subsequent suggestion by the PS-1 that the vote be taken by roll call received support from the UDP bench but was rejected by the MNR-A, which stated that the Constitution provided for a secret ballot.[13]
The first vote took place at about 10:03 p.m. The final tally gave Paz the lead, with a relative majority of sixty-eight votes, just five votes shy of the seventy-three needed to win outright. (RC19 NYT 5/8/79) All sixty-four members of the MNR-A bench voted for Paz, as did the three MARC lawmakers and the sole PUB congressman. (?) Siles and Banzer were backed only by their own members – the UDP ticket received forty-six votes and ADN obtained twenty-two votes. (RC 19) The five legislators of the PS-1 nullified their votes, (Presencia 5/8/79, p. 1) while one congressman from MITKA and two from the FSB cast blank votes. (?) Banzer was eliminated and Paz and Siles moved on to the next round. (RC 19)
Candidate | Party or alliance | Votes | % | ||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Víctor Paz Estenssoro | Revolutionary Nationalist Movement | 68 | 47.22 | ||
Hernán Siles Zuazo | Democratic and Popular Unity | 46 | 31.94 | ||
Hugo Banzer | Nationalist Democratic Action | 22 | 15.28 | ||
Invalid/blank votes | 8 | 5.56 | |||
Total votes | 144 | 100.00 | |||
Source: Romero de Campero 1996, p. 19 |
The "empantanamiento"
editFollowing the first vote, and amid a looming impasse, allegations of subterfuge and vote buying began to be thrown. When the session reconvened at 10:39 p.m., Deputy César Vela (MNRI) accused the MNR-A of attempting to bribe him. After the second ballot to decide between Paz and Siles moved forward at 11:17 p.m., (RC 19) the results indicated that one UDP lawmaker had indeed defected to the MNR-A.[14] When the votes were counted, Paz had bumped up to sixty-nine votes, while Siles dropped to forty-five. (RC19) The number of spoilt ballots remained at five but the quantity of blank votes rose to twenty-five, as the entire ADN bench remained committed to not support either candidate. (RC 19 Presencia 5/8/79, p. 1)
As the election carried into the early morning of 5 August, irregularities began to arise in the vote-counting process. The third ballot, which took place at 12:30 a.m., had to be thrown out because a total of 145 votes were cast, more than there were lawmakers. Amid growing doubt that either candidate could secure a majority, Senator José Luis Roca (PDC) proposed that a commission be set up to negotiate with Siles but the idea was rejected by Guevara, who insisted on moving forward with a fourth vote. (RC 19) According to Alfonso Ferrufino (MIR), issues with party discipline in the two previous ballots had put the UDP on "red alert". As a result, Guido Capra (CERNA) and Leopoldo López (MIR) were put in charge of whipping the vote and "controlled" the way other UDP lawmakers voted as they deposited their slips in the ballot box.[14] Consequently, the fourth ballot held at 12:55 a.m. resulted in Paz and Siles's vote totals reverting back to how they were in the first round. (RC 20)
Two more ballots held in the afternoon failed to break the deadlock. The fifth ballot, like the third, was annulled due to the existence of 145 votes. By the time of the sixth and final ballot, support for Paz dropped, as one lawmaker opted to cast a blank vote. The number of protest ballots thus ticked up to thirty-one, while Siles remained steady at forty-six votes. (RC20) The standstill in Congress came to be widely dubbed "el empantanamiento".[α]
https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1979/08/05/120998798.html?pageNumber=7
Candidate | Party or alliance | Second ballot | Fourth ballot | Sixth ballot | |||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Votes | % | Votes | % | Votes | % | ||||
Víctor Paz Estenssoro | Revolutionary Nationalist Movement | 69 | 47.92 | 68 | 47.22 | 67 | 46.53 | ||
Hernán Siles Zuazo | Democratic and Popular Unity | 45 | 31.25 | 46 | 31.94 | 46 | 31.94 | ||
Invalid/blank votes | 30 | 20.83 | 30 | 20.83 | 31 | 21.53 | |||
Total votes | 144 | 100.00 | 144 | 100.00 | 144 | 100.00 | |||
Source: Romero de Campero 1996, pp. 19–20 |
Resolution
editGuevara solution
edithttps://elpais.com/diario/1979/08/05/internacional/302652017_850215.html
"there was no friendship in the relationship" https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1979/08/08/111187214.html?pageNumber=2
https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1979/08/04/112044679.html?pageNumber=4
FSB, PS-1, AND MITKA "abstuvieron" PRESENCIA 7 AUGUST
Candidate | Party or alliance | Votes | % | ||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Wálter Guevara | Authentic Revolutionary Party | 136 | 94.44 | ||
Invalid/blank votes | 8 | 5.56 | |||
Total votes | 144 | 100.00 | |||
Source: |
Constitutional analysis
editThe constitutionality of Guevara's accession to the presidency remains a subject of legal ambiguity. In its designation of Guevara, the legislature made an appeal to Article 93 of the Constitution,[15] which established the president of the Senate as second in the line of succession , after the vice president. The employment of this provision – intended to delineate succession in the event of a presidential vacancy – (?) disregarded the fact that the presidency was not vacant. In opposing the measure, David Áñez (FSB) asserted that Guevara's appointment was "unconstitutional and can be challenged before the Supreme Court of Justice".[16]
Parliamentary historian Valentín Abecia Baldivieso agrees that the solution did not comply with the constitutional dictum that one of the candidates with the most votes be elected president. Abecia employed the legal term "sui generis" to describe Guevara's election.[17] For historian Carlos Mesa, the emergence of a congressional impasse was a situation not contemplated by the Constitution "and therefore raise[s] doubts and questions that are not fully resolved by the jurisprudence applied in the past".[18] Says Mesa: "Strictly speaking, the Guevara solution ... [which] above all safeguarded the continuity of the democratic process, [is] not constitutionally acceptable".[19] Still, in his cumulative analysis of the legal status of each of Bolivia's governments, Mesa labels the Guevara administration constitutional.[20]
Aftermath
editAbsent ... Guevara's feeble interim administration
Reporting in the aftermath of the election but before the congressional ballot, The New York Times commented that, between charges of electoral irregularities, a standoff in legislative negotiations, and the continued threat of military intervention, "the luster has already faded from Bolivia's shiny new democracy".[21]
References
editNotes
editFootnotes
edit- ^ Mesa Gisbert 2016, pp. 190–192.
- ^ Presencia 30 June 1979, p. 8.
- ^ The New York Times 22 July 1978, p. 1.
- ^ Presencia 25 July 1978, p. 1.
- ^ The New York Times 27 July 1978, p. 8.
- ^ Presencia 29 July 1978, p. 8.
- ^ Presencia 31 July 1978, p. 3.
- ^ Presencia 30 July 1978, p. 9.
- ^ Presencia 7 August 1978, pp. 1, 9.
- ^ Mesa Gisbert 2016, p. 195.
- ^ Romero de Campero 1996, p. 18.
- ^ Presencia 5 August 1979, p. 1.
- ^ Romero de Campero 1996, p. 19.
- ^ a b Mesa Gisbert 2009, 8:20–9:15.
- ^ Presencia 7 August 1979, p. 1.
- ^ Presencia 7 August 1979, p. 8, "Áñez Pedraza sostuvo que la elección de Guevara 'es anticonstitucional y puede ser demandada ante la Corte Suprema de Justicia'".
- ^ Abecia Baldivieso 1997, p. 310.
- ^ Mesa Gisbert 2016, p. 276, "Está claro que situaciones como [esta] no están contempladas por la Constitución y, por tanto, ofrecen dudas e interrogantes no resueltas del todo en la jurisprudencia aplicada en el pasado".
- ^ Mesa Gisbert 2016, p. 276, "En puridad, la solución Guevara ... [que] sobre todo resguard[ó] la continuidad del proceso democrático, no [es] constitucionalmente aceptable".
- ^ Mesa Gisbert 2016, pp. 386–388.
- ^ The New York Times 1 August 1979, p. 16.
Works cited
edit- Mesa Gisbert, Carlos D. (2009). "La noche del día de los muertos". Bolivia Siglo XX. Episode 16 (in Spanish). PAT.
Print publications
- "Bolivia Beckoned by Its Past". The New York Times. 1 August 1979. p. 16.
- "Bolivia[n] Chief Quits After Brief Revolt; General Installed". The New York Times. Associated Press. 22 July 1978. pp. 1, 3.
- De Onis, Juan (27 July 1978). "Bolivian [President] Says Elections Could Be Held in 1980 If Reforms Are Made". The New York Times. p. 8.
- "Gral. Juan Pereda anunció nuevas elecciones para 1980" [General Juan Pereda Announced New Elections for 1980]. Presencia (in Spanish). La Paz. 7 August 1978. pp. 1, 9.
- "MNR-PRA se pronuncia por un gobierno que emerja de la voluntad popular" [MNR-PRA Advocates for a Government Emerging from the Popular Will]. Presencia (in Spanish). La Paz. 31 July 1978. p. 3.
- "Partidos de oposición piden convocatoria a elecciones" [Opposition Parties Demand Elections Be Called]. Presencia (in Spanish). La Paz. 29 July 1978. p. 8.
- "Pereda anunció que continuará con plan de democratización" [Pereda Announced That Democratization Plan Will Continue]. Presencia (in Spanish). La Paz. 25 July 1978. pp. 1, 10.
- "Siles Zuazo anuncia oposición pacífica al régimen de Pereda" [Siles Zuazo Announces Nonviolent Resistance to the Pereda Regime]. Presencia (in Spanish). La Paz. 30 July 1979. p. 9.
- "Tras cuatro votaciones, Congreso no consiguió elegir al presidente" [After Four Votes, Congress Failed to Elect a President]. Presencia (in Spanish). La Paz. 5 August 1979. pp. 1, 10.
- Vidaurre Mendoza, José (30 June 1979). "Violencia post-electoral aceleró proceso de anulación de comicios" [Post-Election Violence Accelerated the Process of Annulling the Elections]. Presencia (in Spanish). La Paz. p. 8.
- "Wálter Guevara Arze: Presidente por un año" [Walter Guevara Arze: President for One Year]. Presencia (in Spanish). La Paz. 7 August 1979. pp. 1, 8.
Books and encyclopedias
- Abecia Baldivieso, Valentín (1997). Gómez de Aranda, Blanca; Mendieta, Pilar; Céspedes, Miguel Ángel (eds.). Historia del parlamento (in Spanish). Vol. III. La Paz: Congreso Nacional de la República. OCLC 36597920.
- Mesa Gisbert, Carlos D. (2016). Presidentes de Bolivia: Entre urnas y fusiles. El poder ejecutivo: Los ministros de Estado (in Spanish) (5th ed.). La Paz: Editorial Gisbert. ISBN 978-99974-834-8-5.
- Romero de Campero, Ana María (1996). Ni todos, ni tan santos: Crónicas sobre el poder (in Spanish). La Paz: Casilla #135. OCLC 253121218.
External links
edit- Official results from the Plurinational Electoral Organ (in Spanish).