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Diamanti

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Arrived in Erritrea (he was consul-general) in Feb 1935 commanding "1st Gruppo Blackshirt Batallions of eritrea" in readiness for attack on Ethiopia[1] Saw action on the northern front in the winter of 1935/6.[2]

References

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  1. ^ Mockler 2003, p. 54.
  2. ^ Mockler 2003, pp. 81–84.

Bibliography

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  • Mockler, Anthony (2003) [1984]. Haile Selassie's War. Signal Books. ISBN 1-902669-52-5.
  • Montevecchi, L (1995). "Diamanti Filippo". Archivio Centrale dello Stato. Italian Ministry of Culture. Saw action on the northern front in the winter of 1935/6.[1]

Map

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Administrative divisions and devolution

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Main articles: Administrative geography of the United Kingdom and Devolution in the United Kingdom
 
The four countries of the United Kingdom

Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland have two levels of governance: devolved and local government. England, on the other hand, has only the local government level.[2]

A devolution process,[a] beginning in 1998, established a government and legislature for each of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.[5] In England, where 84% of the UK population lives, some elements of devolution were implemented on a much more limited and localised basis[6] but not a government and legislature.[7] For that reason, the UK's system of governance is said to be asymmetrical.[7][8]

Local government in the UK has a long history and some aspects have their origins in the middle ages. Based on elected councils serving their local communities, its primary function is to provide a wide range of everyday but essential public services.[9]

England

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England is not administered as a single political unit. As there are no devolved England-wide institutions, the UK parliament legislates on matters only affecting England[b] and the UK government acts as England's executive.[11] The UK government departments responsible for areas that are devolved matters for the other UK countries – such as environment, food and rural affairs, health, transport and education – are, in practice, largely England-only departments.[12]

The structure of local government in England is complex. Most of the country is divided into counties administered by elected councils with a further sub-division into a lower tier of district councils. In addition, cities, larger urban areas and some counties only have a single tier and are referred to as unitary authorities.[7] London, however, has a two-tiered structure comprising the Greater London Authority and elected London Assembly with a lower tier of London boroughs.[c][13]

At the same time as the other devolution measures were put in place, a limited form of devolution was implemented in London where the directly-elected Mayor of London was given certain enhanced executive powers. This was followed by the creation of eleven Combined Authorities outside of London, each combining a number of council areas, with similarly enhanced executive powers. Ten of the authorities now have directly-elected "Metro Mayors"[d] on the London model. This has meant that a form of devolved governance, however limited, now covers 41% of the population of England.[6]

Scotland

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See also: Scottish devolution

Established in 1999, the Scottish Government and parliament has wide-ranging powers over any matter that has not been specifically reserved to the UK Parliament. The main areas reserved relate to foreign affairs and defence, but also specific aspects of financial and economic affairs, trade and industry, energy and transport and other matters.[14] Since its establishment further powers have been transferred to the Scottish parliament.[15] In particular, an extension of powers over taxation has meant that the Scottish Parliament will be responsible for raising nearly 50% of its budget.[14] However, the parliament's responsibility for economic issues has been limited by the United Kingdom Internal Market Act 2020.[23]

The current Scottish Government is a Scottish National Party and Scottish Greens coalition, led by First Minister Humza Yousaf, leader of the Scottish National Party. In 2014, the Scottish independence referendum was held, with 55.3% voting against independence from the United Kingdom and 44.7% voting in favour, resulting in Scotland staying within the United Kingdom. Local government in Scotland is divided into 32 council areas with a wide variation in size and population. Local councils are made up of elected councillors, of whom there are 1,223.[24]

Local government in Scotland is divided into 32 council areas with a wide variation in size and population. The cities of Glasgow, Edinburgh, Aberdeen and Dundee are separate council areas, as is the Highland Council, which includes a third of Scotland's area but only just over 200,000 people. Local councils are made up of elected councillors, of whom there are 1,223.[24]

Wales

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See also: Welsh devolution

Since 1999, Wales has a devolved national government and legislature, known as the Senedd. Elections to the Senedd use the additional member system. They have more limited powers than those devolved to Scotland.[25] The Senedd is able to legislate on any matter not specifically reserved to the UK Parliament through Acts of Senedd Cymru. The current Welsh Government is Labour, led by First Minister Vaughan Gething, who has been the First Minister since 2024.

Local government in Wales consists of 22 unitary authorities, each led by a leader and cabinet elected by the council itself. These include the cities of Cardiff, Swansea and Newport, which are unitary authorities in their own right.[26] Elections are held every four years under the first-past-the-post system.[26]

Northern Ireland

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The devolved form of government in Northern Ireland is based on the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, which brought to an end a 30-year period of unionist-nationalist communal conflict known as The Troubles. The Agreement was confirmed by referendum and implemented later that year. It established power sharing arrangements for a devolved government and legislature, referred to as the Executive and Assembly respectively.[27] Elections to the Assembly use the single transferable vote system. The Executive and Assembly have powers similar to those devolved to Scotland.[citation needed] The Executive is led by a diarchy representing unionist and nationalist members of the Assembly.[28] The First Minister and deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland are the joint heads of government of Northern Ireland.[29][30]

Local government in Northern Ireland since 1973, has been organised into 26 district councils, each elected by single transferable vote. Their powers are limited to services such as waste collection, dog control, and maintaining parks and cemeteries.[31] In 2008 the executive agreed on proposals to create 11 new councils and replace the present system.[32]

Notes

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  1. ^ Under the constitutional doctrine of Parliamentary sovereignty, the UK Parliament would have the power to abolish the Scottish and Welsh devolved institutions. However, because they were established following referenda approving their creation, it would be politically difficult for them to be abrogated without further referenda.[3] Abolishing devolution in Northern Ireland would have the additional difficulty that it was implemented not only following a referendum but also as a result of an inter-governmental agreement with Ireland. Abolition would, therefore, require negotiation with the Irish government as well as consultation within Northern Ireland.[4] Devolution may, therefore, be considered to be constitutionally entrenched and an exception to Parliamentary sovereignty.[3]
  2. ^ Between 2015 and 2020, in an attempt to resolve the so-called West Lothian question, the UK parliament operated the EVEL procedure which effectively limited voting on legislation only affecting England to MPs from English constituencies. It was permanently abolished in 2021.[10]
  3. ^ Plus the historic City of London which, in practice, is another borough.[13]
  4. ^ These should not be confused with the directly-elected local mayors of councils which are not part of a Combined Authority. Normally, councils are led by a cabinet of councillors. However, since 2000 councils have the power to transfer this cabinet authority to a directly-elected mayor. This has occurred in 15 councils.[6]

References

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  1. ^ Mockler 2003, pp. 81–84.
  2. ^ Le Sueur, Andrew; Sunkin, Maurice; Murkens, Jo Eric Khushal (2023). Public Law: Text, Cases, and Materials (5th ed.). Oxford University Press. pp. 154–155. ISBN 978-0-19-287061-2.
  3. ^ a b Gamble, A. (2006). "The Constitutional Revolution in the United Kingdom". Publius. 36 (1): 19–35 [p. 29]. doi:10.1093/publius/pjj011. The British parliament has the power to abolish the Scottish parliament and the Welsh assembly by a simple majority vote in both houses, but since both were sanctioned by referenda, it would be politically difficult to abolish them without the sanction of a further vote by the people. In this way, several of the constitutional measures introduced by the Blair government appear to be entrenched and not subject to a simple exercise of parliamentary sovereignty at Westminster.
  4. ^ Meehan, E. (1999). "The Belfast Agreement – Its Distinctiveness and Points of Cross-Fertilization in the UK's Devolution Programme". Parliamentary Affairs. 52 (1): 19–31 [p. 23]. doi:10.1093/pa/52.1.19. [T]he distinctive involvement of two governments in the Northern Irish problem means that Northern Ireland's new arrangements rest upon an intergovernmental agreement. If this can be equated with a treaty, it could be argued that the forthcoming distribution of power between Westminster and Belfast has similarities with divisions specified in the written constitutions of federal states...Although the Agreement makes the general proviso that Westminster's 'powers to make legislation for Northern Ireland' remains 'unaffected', without an explicit categorical reference to reserved matters, it may be more difficult than in Scotland or Wales for devolved powers to be repatriated. The retraction of devolved powers would not merely entail consultation in Northern Ireland backed implicitly by the absolute power of parliamentary sovereignty but also the renegotiation of an intergovernmental agreement.
  5. ^ Le Sueur, Andrew; Sunkin, Maurice; Murkens, Jo Eric Khushal (2023). Public Law: Text, Cases, and Materials (5th ed.). Oxford University Press. pp. 147, 154–155. ISBN 978-0-19-287061-2.
  6. ^ a b c Le Sueur, Andrew; Sunkin, Maurice; Murkens, Jo Eric Khushal (2023). Public Law: Text, Cases, and Materials (5th ed.). Oxford University Press. pp. 175–176. ISBN 978-0-19-287061-2.
  7. ^ a b c Le Sueur, Andrew; Sunkin, Maurice; Murkens, Jo Eric Khushal (2023). Public Law: Text, Cases, and Materials (5th ed.). Oxford University Press. p. 155. ISBN 978-0-19-287061-2.
  8. ^ Turpin, Colin; Tomkins, Adam (2007). British Government and the Constitution: Text and Materials. Cambridge University Press. p. 243. ISBN 978-0-521-69029-4.
  9. ^ Painter, Joe (2000). "Local government and governance". In Gardiner, Vince; Mathews, Hugh (eds.). The Changing Geography of the United Kingdom (3rd ed.). Routledge. pp. 299–302. ISBN 978-0-415-17900-3.
  10. ^ "Commons scraps English votes for English laws". BBC News. 13 July 2021. Retrieved 14 April 2024.
  11. ^ Le Sueur, Andrew (2009). "Constitutional Fundamentals". In Feldman, David (ed.). English Public Law (2nd ed.). Oxford University Press. p. 27. ISBN 978-0-19-922793-8.
  12. ^ Turpin, Colin; Tomkins, Adam (2007). British Government and the Constitution: Text and Materials. Cambridge University Press. p. 193. ISBN 978-0-521-69029-4.
  13. ^ a b Wade, William; Forsyth, Christopher; Ghosh, Julian (2023). Wade & Forsyth's Administrative Law (12th ed.). Oxford University Press. p. 62. ISBN 978-0-19-880685-1.
  14. ^ a b Le Sueur, Andrew; Sunkin, Maurice; Murkens, Jo Eric Khushal (2023). Public Law: Text, Cases, and Materials (5th ed.). Oxford University Press. pp. 163–164. ISBN 978-0-19-287061-2.
  15. ^ Le Sueur, Andrew; Sunkin, Maurice; Murkens, Jo Eric Khushal (2023). Public Law: Text, Cases, and Materials (5th ed.). Oxford University Press. p. 161. ISBN 978-0-19-287061-2.
  16. ^ Keating, Michael (2 February 2021). "Taking back control? Brexit and the territorial constitution of the United Kingdom". Journal of European Public Policy. 28 (4). Abingdon: Taylor & Francis: 6–7. doi:10.1080/13501763.2021.1876156. hdl:1814/70296. S2CID 234066376. The UK Internal Market Act gives ministers sweeping powers to enforce mutual recognition and non-discrimination across the four jurisdictions. Existing differences and some social and health matters are exempted but these are much less extensive than the exemptions permitted under the EU Internal Market provisions. Only after an amendment in the House of Lords, the Bill was amended to provide a weak and non-binding consent mechanism for amendments (equivalent to the Sewel Convention) to the list of exemptions. The result is that, while the devolved governments retain regulatory competences, these are undermined by the fact that goods and services originating in, or imported into, England can be marketed anywhere.
  17. ^ Kenny, Michael; McEwen, Nicola (1 March 2021). "Intergovernmental Relations and the Crisis of the Union". Political Insight. 12 (1). SAGE Publishing: 12–15. doi:10.1177/20419058211000996. S2CID 232050477. That phase of joint working was significantly damaged by the UK Internal Market Act, pushed through by the Johnson government in December 2020...the Act diminishes the authority of the devolved institutions, and was vehemently opposed by them.
  18. ^ Wolffe, W James (7 April 2021). "Devolution and the Statute Book". Statute Law Review. Oxford: Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/slr/hmab003. Archived from the original on 21 April 2021. Retrieved 18 April 2021. the Internal Market Bill—a Bill that contains provisions which, if enacted, would significantly constrain, both legally and as a matter of practicality, the exercise by the devolved legislatures of their legislative competence; provisions that would be significantly more restrictive of the powers of the Scottish Parliament than either EU law or Articles 4 and 6 of the Acts of the Union...The UK Parliament passed the European Union (Withdrawal Agreement) Act 2020 and the Internal Market Act 2020 notwithstanding that, in each case, all three of the devolved legislatures had withheld consent.
  19. ^ Wincott, Daniel; Murray, C. R. G.; Davies, Gregory (17 May 2021). "The Anglo-British imaginary and the rebuilding of the UK's territorial constitution after Brexit: unitary state or union state?". Territory, Politics, Governance. 10 (5). Abingdon/Brighton: Taylor & Francis; Regional Studies Association: 696–713. doi:10.1080/21622671.2021.1921613. Taken as a whole, the Internal Market Act imposes greater restrictions upon the competences of the devolved institutions than the provisions of the EU Single Market which it replaced, in spite of pledges to use common frameworks to address these issues. Lord Hope, responsible for many of the leading judgments relating to the first two decades of devolution, regarded the legislation's terms as deliberately confrontational: 'this Parliament can do what it likes, but a different approach is essential if the union is to hold together'.
  20. ^ Dougan, Michael; Hayward, Katy; Hunt, Jo; McEwen, Nicola; McHarg, Aileen; Wincott, Daniel (2020). UK and the Internal Market, Devolution and the Union. Centre on Constitutional Change (Report). University of Edinburgh; University of Aberdeen. pp. 2–3. Archived from the original on 18 October 2020. Retrieved 16 October 2020.
  21. ^ Dougan, Michael (2020). Briefing Paper. United Kingdom Internal Market Bill: Implications for Devolution (PDF) (Report). Liverpool: University of Liverpool. pp. 4–5. Archived (PDF) from the original on 26 October 2020. Retrieved 15 October 2020.
  22. ^ Dougan, Michael; Hunt, Jo; McEwen, Nicola; McHarg, Aileen (2022). "Sleeping with an Elephant: Devolution and the United Kingdom Internal Market Act 2020". Law Quarterly Review. London: Sweet & Maxwell. ISSN 0023-933X. SSRN 4018581. Archived from the original on 2 August 2022. Retrieved 4 March 2022 – via Durham Research Online. The Act has restrictive – and potentially damaging – consequences for the regulatory capacity of the devolved legislatures...This was not the first time since the Brexit referendum that the Convention had been set aside, but it was especially notable given that the primary purpose of the legislation was to constrain the capacity of the devolved institutions to use their regulatory autonomy...in practice, it constrains the ability of the devolved institutions to make effective regulatory choices for their territories in ways that do not apply to the choices made by the UK government and parliament for the English market.
  23. ^ [16][17][18][19][20][21][22]
  24. ^ a b "STV in Scotland: Local Government Elections 2007" (PDF). Political Studies Association. Archived from the original (PDF) on 22 February 2011. Retrieved 2 August 2008.
  25. ^ "Structure and powers of the Assembly". BBC News. 9 April 1999. Archived from the original on 7 February 2004. Retrieved 21 October 2008.
  26. ^ a b "Unitary authorities". Welsh Government. 2014. Archived from the original on 10 March 2015. Retrieved 9 March 2015.
  27. ^ "Good Friday Agreement: What is it?". BBC News. 3 April 2023. Retrieved 11 April 2024.
  28. ^ "Your Executive". Northern Ireland Executive. 25 September 2015. Archived from the original on 21 August 2016. Retrieved 14 August 2016.
  29. ^ "Stormont: Why were NI leaders given unequal job titles?". BBC News. 15 May 2022. Archived from the original on 2 February 2024. Retrieved 2 February 2024.
  30. ^ "Northern Ireland Executive: Ministerial Code". 28 September 2015. Archived from the original on 2 February 2024. Retrieved 2 February 2024.
  31. ^ Devenport, Mark (18 November 2005). "NI local government set for shake-up". BBC News. Archived from the original on 12 December 2008. Retrieved 15 November 2008.
  32. ^ "Foster announces the future shape of local government" (Press release). Northern Ireland Executive. 13 March 2008. Archived from the original on 25 July 2008. Retrieved 20 October 2008.

PoW

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The term was first used in the Treaty of Montgomery of 1267.[1]

Llywelyn and his heirs were granted both the principality of Wales and the title to give "constitutional recognition" to his hegemony.[2] The first and only Welsh ruler to be recognised by the English crown in this way.[3]

later

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continuity of unit post conquest.[1]

  1. ^ Waller, Philip; Peberdy, Robert, eds. (2021). "Principality of Wales". A Dictionary of British and Irish History. Wiley Blackwell. p. 515. ISBN 978-0-631-20155-7.
  2. ^ Pryce, Huw (2011). "Anglo-Welsh Agreements 1201-1277". In Griffiths, R. A.; Schofield, P. R. (eds.). Wales and the Welsh in the Middle Ages. University of Wales Press. p. 1. ISBN 978-0-7083-2446-2.
  3. ^ Price, Huw (2010). The Acts of Welsh Rulers, 1120-1283. University of Wales Press. p. 32. ISBN 978-0-7083-2387-8.

Draft 1

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The first known use of the title 'prince of Wales'[note 1] was in the 1160s by Owain Gwynedd, ruler of Gwynedd, in a letter to Louis VII of France.[2] In the 12th century, Wales was a patchwork of Anglo-Norman lordships and native Welsh principalities – notably Deheubarth, Powys and Gwynedd – competing among themselves for hegemony.[3] Owain's aim in using the title in his letter to Louis was probably to claim pre-eminence over the other native Welsh rulers.[4] Following Owain's death in 1170 no other ruler, with the exception of Rhys ap Gruffydd of Deheubarth, is known to have adopted the title until 1245.[5] Rhys used several titles, sometimes concurrently, and in two charters from the 1180s he is referred to as 'prince of Wales' or 'prince of the Welsh'.[6][7]

The title was revived in 1245 when Dafydd ap Llywelyn, ruler of Gwynedd, began using it in the final months of his reign. In the intervening years, Owen Gwynedd's successors in Gwynedd, including Dafydd, had, instead, adopted the titles 'prince of North Wales' or 'prince of Aberffraw and lord of Snowdon'.[8]

However, it is in the reign of Llywelyn ap Gruffudd, Dafydd's nephew and successor in Gwynedd, that the title is consistently used over an extended period. From 1261[note 2] to his death in 1282, Llywelyn used no other style except 'prince of Wales and lord of Snowdon'.[10] This was accompanied by Llywelyn making the principality of Wales (encompassing Gwynedd, Deheubarth, Powys and parts of the Marches) a political reality.[11][12] He had achieved this by significantly expanding his directly ruled territories into mid- and south Wales and inducing all the other remaining native Welsh rulers to do him homage and acknowledge him as overlord by 1263.[13] Additionally, Llywelyn developed governance structures which made his authority effective across the entire principality of Wales, including in the territories of the Welsh rulers that owed him allegiance.[14] The process culminated with Henry III of England recognising his title and authority in the Treaty of Montgomery of 1267.[13] As J. Beverley Smith has noted, Llywelyn's title "at once, acknowledged and proclaimed a status unique in Welsh political history".[15]

Llywelyn's principality was destroyed as a result of the conquest of Wales by Edward I (1277-1283), during which Llewylyn was killed in 1282.[16] After his death, his brother, Dafydd, adopted Llywelyn's title and continued resistance for a few months.[17] However, Dafydd was defeated and executed in 1283 and the principality was permanently annexed by Edward I.[16]

Notes

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  1. ^ In fact, the term used was, in Latin, princeps Walliarum ('prince of the Waleses'). However, the form of address in letters Owain received from Thomas Becket and Pope Alexander III suggests that by 1169 he was also using the titles princeps Wallie ('prince of Wales') and Wallensium princeps ('prince of the Welsh').[1]
  2. ^ From his accession in 1246 until 1258, Llywelyn appears to have avoided using any title.[9] Instead, he adopted a style in formal documents that only referenced his descent from Gruffudd ap Llywelyn ap Iorwerth. However, he briefly changed this approach in 1258 when, in an agreement between the Scottish and Welsh lords, he used the title 'prince of Wales' for the first time.[8]

ref

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  1. ^ Price, Huw (2010). The Acts of Welsh Rulers, 1120-1283. University of Wales Press. p. 74. ISBN 978-0-7083-2387-8.
  2. ^ Huw, Pryce (1998). "Owain Gwynedd And Louis VII: The Franco-Welsh Diplomacy of the First Prince of Wales". Welsh History Review. 19 (1): 2.
  3. ^ Insley, Charles (2015). "Imitation and Independence in Native Welsh Administrative Culture, c.1180-1280". In Crook, David; Wilkinson, Louise J. (eds.). The Growth of Royal Government Under Henry III. Boydell Press. p. 108. ISBN 978-1-78327-067-5.
  4. ^ Huw, Pryce (1998). "Owain Gwynedd And Louis VII: The Franco-Welsh Diplomacy of the First Prince of Wales". Welsh History Review. 19 (1): 23.
  5. ^ Price, Huw (2010). The Acts of Welsh Rulers, 1120-1283. University of Wales Press. pp. 75–79. ISBN 978-0-7083-2387-8.
  6. ^ Insley, Charles (2000). "From Rex Wallie to Princeps Wallie: Charters and State Formation in Thirteenth Century Wales". In Maddicott, John; Palliser, David (eds.). The Medieval State: Essays Presented to James Campbell. Bloomsbury. p. 192. ISBN 978-0-8264-4349-6.
  7. ^ Price, Huw (2010). The Acts of Welsh Rulers, 1120-1283. University of Wales Press. pp. 96–98. ISBN 978-0-7083-2387-8.
  8. ^ a b Price, Huw (2010). The Acts of Welsh Rulers, 1120-1283. University of Wales Press. pp. 78–79. ISBN 978-0-7083-2387-8.
  9. ^ Smith, J. Beverley (2014). Llywelyn Ap Gruffudd: Prince of Wales. University of Wales Press. p. 284. ISBN 978-1-7831-6006-8.
  10. ^ Smith, J. Beverley (2014). Llywelyn Ap Gruffudd: Prince of Wales. University of Wales Press. pp. 188–189, 284–285. ISBN 978-1-7831-6006-8.
  11. ^ Insley, Charles (2000). "From Rex Wallie to Princeps Wallie: Charters and State Formation in Thirteenth Century Wales". In Maddicott, John; Palliser, David (eds.). The Medieval State: Essays Presented to James Campbell. Bloomsbury. p. 180. ISBN 978-0-8264-4349-6.
  12. ^ Jones, J. Graham (2014). The History of Wales. University of Wales Press. pp. 30–31. ISBN 978-1-78316-169-0.
  13. ^ a b Pierce, Thomas Jones (1959). "Llywelyn ap Gruffydd". Dictionary of Welsh Biography. National Library of Wales.
  14. ^ Smith, J. Beverley (2014). Llywelyn Ap Gruffudd: Prince of Wales. University of Wales Press. p. 285. ISBN 978-1-7831-6006-8.
  15. ^ Smith, J. Beverley (2014). Llywelyn Ap Gruffudd: Prince of Wales. University of Wales Press. p. 285. ISBN 978-1-7831-6006-8.
  16. ^ a b Stephenson, David (2019). Medieval Wales c.1050-1332: Centuries of Ambiguity. University of Wales Press. pp. 26–28. ISBN 978-1-78683-387-7.
  17. ^ Smith, J. Beverley (2014). Llywelyn Ap Gruffudd: Prince of Wales. University of Wales Press. p. 189. ISBN 978-1-7831-6006-8.

note

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I've WP:BOLDly re-written this sub-section for the following reasons:

  • It was inaccurate eg Llywelyn ab Iorwerth never used the Prince of Wales title.
  • The potted bios of each of the princes aren't relevant to this article. What needs to be discussed is specifically how the prince of Wales title was used in relation to each of them - this article is about the title. (Per WP:SUMMARYSTYLE readers can click through to the bios).

DeCausa (talk) 23:19, 20 November 2023 (UTC)

Draft 2

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Until the middle of the 12th century, the multiplicity of native Welsh rulers used a variety of titles in the Welsh language, all of which were translated into Latin as rex or 'king'. However, these titles were gradually replaced with the title 'prince'.[1] 'Prince', in Latin princeps, with its Roman echoes and literal meaning of "principal ruler", at this time suggested a higher status than the ubiquitous and possibly devalued rex.[2] The rulers of Gwynedd were, from the early 13th century, the first consistently to use the new title, ostensibly with the aim of asserting their pre-eminence amongst the Welsh rulers.[3]

In the 12th and 13th centuries the Welsh rulers gradually adopted the title princeps or 'prince' in place of rex or 'king'.[4] The number of Welsh kings, the title rex had lost its distinctiveness.[5] Although conventionally a prince is of a lower status, in the Welsh context of the time, initially it signified a differentiation from the other rulers in Wales and, therefore, a claim of pre-eminence.[4]

The first known use of the title 'prince of Wales' was by Owain Gwynedd, in about 1165, letters to Louis VII of France.[6][7]

Post-conquest claimants

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In the fourteenth century, two pretenders to the title of 'prince of Wales' attempted to make good their claims: Owain Lawgoch, a descendant of the princes of Gwynedd, and Owain Glyndŵr, whose ancestors included the former rulers of Powys and Deheubarth.[note 1] Owain Lawgoch's abortive attempt at invading Wales in 1372 was followed by Glyddŵr's much more serious revolt beginning in 1400.[9] Although the revolt began with Glyndŵr's supporters proclaiming him 'prince of Wales'[10] it is unclear how important this was in his initial motivation.[11][12] By 1401 he appeared to have dropped the claim to the title. However, with the rebellion's military successes of 1402-1403, his ambitions grew as did his support within the Welsh population. In 1404 he had himself crowned as prince of Wales and he began putting in place the state institutions of a new principality. This phase of the rebellion was short-lived. From 1406, the rebellion began to fail militarily, and, from 1409, Glyndŵr had to exchange the trappings of a ruling prince for a hunted outlaw. He died probably around 1415.[13]

  1. ^ Crouch, David (2005). The Image of Aristocracy In Britain, 1000-1300. Taylor & Francis. p. 64. ISBN 978-1-134-97794-9.
  2. ^ Price, Huw (2010). The Acts of Welsh Rulers, 1120-1283. University of Wales Press. p. 74. ISBN 978-0-7083-2387-8.
  3. ^ Insley, Charles (2000). "From Rex Wallie to Princeps Wallie: Charters and State Formation in Thirteenth Century Wales". In Maddicott, John; Palliser, David (eds.). The Medieval State: Essays Presented to James Campbell. Bloomsbury. p. 193. ISBN 978-0-8264-4349-6.
  4. ^ a b Stephenson, David (2019). Medieval Wales c.1050-1332: Centuries of Ambiguity. University of Wales Press. p. 38. ISBN 978-1-78683-387-7.
  5. ^ Insley, Charles (2000). "From Rex Wallie to Princeps Wallie: Charters and State Formation in Thirteenth Century Wales". In Maddicott, John; Palliser, David (eds.). The Medieval State: Essays Presented to James Campbell. Bloomsbury. pp. 192–193. ISBN 978-0-8264-4349-6.
  6. ^ Huw, Pryce (1998). "Owain Gwynedd And Louis VII: The Franco-Welsh Diplomacy of the First Prince of Wales". Welsh History Review. 19 (1): 2.
  7. ^ Turvey, Roger (2013). Owain Gwynedd: Prince of the Welsh. Y Lolfa. pp. 84–86. ISBN 978-1-84771-694-1.
  8. ^ Carr, Antony D. (2017). The Gentry of North Wales in the Later Middle Ages. University of Wales Press. p. 108. ISBN 978-1-78683-136-1.
  9. ^ Davies, R. R. (2000). The Age of Conquest: Wales 1063-1415. Oxford University Press. pp. 436–438. ISBN 978-0-19-820878-5.
  10. ^ Davies, R. R. (1997). The Revolt of Owain Glyn Dŵr. Oxford University Press. p. 102.
  11. ^ Davies, R. R. (1997). The Revolt of Owain Glyn Dŵr. Oxford University Press. pp. 153–155.
  12. ^ Williams, Glanmor (1993). Renewal and Reformation: Wales c. 1415-1642. Oxford University Press. pp. 3–4. ISBN 978-0-19-285277-9.
  13. ^ Williams, Glanmor (1993). Renewal and Reformation: Wales c. 1415-1642. Oxford University Press. pp. 4–5. ISBN 978-0-19-285277-9.

Brunodam

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User:Brunodam

Wikipedia:Sockpuppet investigations/Brunodam/Archive
Boca Raton IP: Bruno D’Ambrosio, University “di Genova”


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