White Southerners are White Americans from the Southern United States, primarily originating from the various waves of Northwestern and Southern European immigration to the region beginning in the 16th century to the British Southern colonies, French Louisiana, the Spanish-American colonies; and the subsequent waves of immigration from Northwestern Europe,[3][4] Central Europe,[5][6] Eastern Europe,[7][8] Southern Europe,[9][10] the Caribbean,[11][12] Latin America,[13][14] and the Levant.[15][16] A semi-uniform white Southern identity coalesced during the Reconstruction era partially to enforce white supremacism in the region. Due to post-Civil War migrations and assimilation, many white Southerners can trace their ancestry to multiple different ethno-cultural communities in the region.[17]

White Southerners, Southrons
This map reflects the Southern United States as defined by the Census Bureau.[citation needed]
Total population
69.7 million (58.2% of the total population of the Southern US) (2020)
Regions with significant populations
Southern United States, Upland South, Appalachia, Little Dixie (Missouri), and Little Dixie (Oklahoma), and parts of California where Okie migrants settled during the Dust Bowl
Languages
Southern American English, Cajun English, Louisiana French, Italian, Spanish, other languages of Europe
Religion
Protestantism, minority Catholicism and Judaism[2]
Related ethnic groups
Appalachian-Americans, Mountain white, Irish-Americans, Welsh-Americans, Scottish-Americans, Cornish-Americans, French-Americans, Scotch-Irish Americans, English-Americans, German-Americans, Shenandoah Germans, Okie, Old Stock Americans. Old Stock Canadians, Cajuns, Louisiana Creole people, Melungeon, Black Southerners, Five Civilized Tribes
Early use of white southerner

Many free blacks in the South assimilated into the white population.[18][19][20][21] It is estimated some 10% of white Southerners have detectable African ancestry.[22]

Academic John Shelton Reed argues that "Southerners' differences from the American mainstream have been similar in kind, if not degree, to those of the immigrant ethnic groups".[23][24] Reed states that Southerners, as other ethnic groups, are marked by differences from the national norm, noting that they tend to be poorer, less educated, more rural, and specialize in job occupation. He argues that they tended to differ in cultural and political terms, and that their accents serve as an ethnic marker.[25]

Upon white Southerners Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton being elected to the U.S. presidency during the late 20th century, it symbolized generations of change from an Old South to New South society. Journalist Hodding Carter and State Department spokesperson during the Carter Administration stated: "The thing about the South is that it's finally multiple rather than singular in almost every respect." The transition from President Carter to President Clinton also mirrored the social and economic evolution of the South in the mid-to-late 20th century.[26]

Sub-groups edit

Anglo-Americans edit

Arriving during the British colonial period, white Southerners of English ancestry form the dominant ancestry group in the American South.[27][28][29] Anglo-Americans, despite the name, are not of entirely English ancestry, with many families also have varying amounts of Scotch-Irish, French Huguenot, Welsh, Dutch, German, and Scandinavian ancestry.[30][31] Despite the persistent myth of the Scotch-Irish forming the largest percent of white Southern settlers,[32] most settlers originated in England.[33] Many of these families, due to the amount of time their family had been in America and the local cultural identities which emerged there, began to identify themselves as solely American.[34][35][36] These Anglo-Americans formed into a unique ethno-cultural group with it's own regional subcultures, music, history, literature, mythos, food, and dialects.[37][38][39][40][41] Among these Anglo settlers are also many families with varying degrees of African and Native American ancestry.[42][43][44][45] Various tri-racial isolate groups, numbering in the hundreds by some estimates, exist throughout the Southern United States.[46][47][48] These isolates, such as the Melungeons and Lumbee,[49][50] mostly originate in colonial Virginia and emerged out of relationships between free people of color and local whites.[51][52][53]

Texians edit

 
According to the Telegraph and Texas Register, San Felipe, 5 March 1836"...the English Jack showing the origin of Anglo-Americans, thirteen stripes representing that most of the colonists in Texas are from the United States; the Star is Texas, the only state in Mexico retaining the least spark of the light of Liberty; tricolor is Mexican, showing that we once belonged to the confederacy; the whole flag is historic."[54][55]

The Texians were Anglo-American immigrants and their descendants[56][57] who, legally and illegally[58], settled in Spanish and Mexican Texas between before 1836. Immigrants to Spanish Texas were required to convert to Catholicism and were only then naturalized as Spanish citizens. Mexico would later abolish this prerequisite but required immigrants to renounce their American citizenship.[59] These settlers brought with them their English language, Protestant faith, and chattel slavery.[60]

In October of 1835, due to political and cultural clashes with the centralist government of Mexico, the Texas Revolution began and the Republic of Texas, dominated by Anglos and the Tejano elite, was later established. Both Texians and Tejanos had varying motivations for the revolt, but most involved the curtailment of American immigration, lack of political representation, the overthrowing of President Anastasio Bustamante and President Valentín Gómez Farías by General Antonio López de Santa Anna, abolition of African slavery, and increasing centralization of federal power.[61][62][63][64]

Poor whites edit

Poor whites, often labelled derogatorily as "poor white trash", are an Anglophone socio-cultural sub-group of generationally economically disadvantaged white people in the Southern US. The form what has usually been described as the South's underclass, though they were positioned higher than blacks in the region in the racist hierarchy of the Antebellum and post-Civil War eras.[65][66] Commonly called "rednecks", "hillbillies", and "crackers", these poor white Southerners formed the core of the fighting force of the Confederacy during the Civil War.[67] After the conflict, many became sharecroppers and were commonly exploited during the nadir of American race relations to advance the agendas of rich white Southerners through oppressing the black minority in the region.[68][69][70][71]

Mestees edit

Mestees are members of old mixed-race groups who are mostly white in ancestry, appearance, and culture.[72] Other names for these groups include: Anglo-Mestizos, Quasi-Indians, and Little Races.[73]

It is unknown how many Mestees exist among the white Southern population, but it is theorized that hundreds of "little races" once existed throughout the region, and that roughly 10% of the white Southern population has traceable African ancestry stemming from the Antebellum era. Examples of such groups are the Melungeons, Dominickers, Lumbee, Redbones, Turks of South Carolina, Ramapough Mountain Indians, Chestnut Ridge people, and Brass Ankles.[74][75][76]

Modern research has concluded these groups are overwhelmingly descended from free people of color and local whites in the British Colony of Virginia. It is believed that early Atlantic Creole slaves, descended from or acculturated by Iberian lançados[77] and Sephardi Jews fleeing the Inquisition,[78][79][80][81][82] were the pre-cursor population to these groups.[83][84][85] Many creoles once in British America were able to obtain their freedom and many married into local white families.[86][87][88][89][90]

Some members of these tri-racial groups fought for the Confederacy during the American Civil War,[91][92] though others resisted the Confederate government, such as Henry Berry Lowry.[93]

Some notable Mestees include: Confederate general Randall L. Gibson,[94] the outlaw Sam Bass,[95] Patriot and slaveholder Gideon Gibson Jr., historian Henry Louis Gates Jr.,[96] Tuscarora resistance leader Henry Berry Lowry, actress Heather Locklear,[97] and politician Charles Graham.

Irish Travelers and Romanichal edit

Some regions of the South are home to communities of Irish Travelers and Romanichal from Britain and Ireland. The Romanichal, a South Asian diaspora group which migrated to Europe in the Middle Ages, have commonly been simultaneously rejected and accepted as white in Britain or categorized as "white, but not quite".[98][99] Irish Travelers, in contrast, are of entirely indigenous Irish descent.

Lord Protector Oliver Cromwell sent over a large number of forcibly indentured Romanichal to the Colony of Virginia in 1664. Many eventually escaped the plantations on which they worked and returned to their nomadic lifestyle, eventually settling in states like Arkansas.

The National Gypsy Evangelical Conference, an organization composed of Protestant Romani-Americans, held a conference in Arkansas in 1977.[100]

It is estimated that about 10,000-40,000 Irish Travelers exist in the United States, primarily in the Southern US. Most immigrated during the Irish Famine in the mid-19th century. Groups exist in Mississippi, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, and Georgia.[101][102]

Germanic-Americans edit

The very first German settler in the South was Dr. Johannes Fleischer, who assisted the English in establishing Jamestown.[103]

Later in the colonial era, more German-speaking colonists arrived in the British Southern colonies from the various states of the Holy Roman Empire, primarily due to religious persecution, poverty, and war. Many of these settlers disembarked in the German-friendly Colony of Pennsylvania and then traveled south on the Great Wagon Road to the Shenandoah Valley, which became a major hub of German-American culture in the South.[104] Adam Miller (Mueller), a Mennonite born in Schriesheim, became the first permanent white and German settler in the valley.[105]

The origins of these "German" settlers were not uniform. Palatines, Alsatians, Swiss, Moravians, Hollanders, Hessians, and even some French Protestants were the primary groups that immigrated and coalesced into the colonial era German-speaking ethnic community.[106][107] These German-speakers were often called Dutch by the Anglo colonists, as the term Dutch in this era encompassed both Dutch and German speakers, though a common misconception is that the English were unable to pronounce Deitsch or Deutsch.[108]

German settlers would also go on to found several German-speaking settlements in other parts of the South, specifically in Appalachia. For example, John Weaver (Weber), a German-speaking immigrant from the Netherlands, founded a settlement in the Reems Creek Valley that would eventually develop into Weaverville, North Carolina.[109][110][111] Dutch Fork, South Carolina also was primarily settled by Pennsylvania Germans, though most descendants have entirely assimilated into the Anglo majority.[112][113][114]

Other groups of Germans in the South descended from later immigrants include: the Texas-Deutsche, descended from German immigrants brought to Texas by the Mainzer Adelsverein at Biebrich am Rhein in the 1840s[115]; the Germans of the Missouri Rhineland, who began immigrating in the 1830s[116]; the Germans of Cullman, Alabama, which was established as a Germany colony by Colonel John G. Cullmann in 1873[117]; and the Wolgadeutsche of Texas, who primarily came from existing colonies in Kansas.[118]

Dutch and Swedes edit

After the absorption of the New Netherland colony by the English, many settlers from the formerly Dutch colony spread out across the Southern frontier.[119] New Netherlanders were of diverse origins, with many being of Dutch, Flemish, Walloon, Swedish, Finnish, Danish, German, Sephardi Jewish, Polish, Italian, Atlantic Creole, Moroccan, Croatian, Scots, English, Norwegian, Brazilian, and Indigenous ancestry.[120][121][122][123][124][125][126][127][128]

The Dutch, prior to the English invasion, had conquered New Sweden, a fledgling Swedish colony comprised primarily of ethnic Swedes and Forest Finns located along the Delaware River, in September 1655.[129][130][131]

James Dunwoody Brownson De Bow, a Fire-Eater writer who wrote scathing articles on the supposed Germanic barbarity of Northerners in his magazine, De Bow's Review, was the son of Garrett De Bow, a New Jersey native of French Huguenot and Dutch descent.[132][133][134]

Franco-Americans edit

French settlement of what is now the Southern United States began in the 17th century with the establishment of French Louisiana. Various groups of French and French-Canadian settler descent exist in the region, such as the Louisiana Creoles, Cajuns, Alabama Creoles, and Mississippi Creoles. Many of these white French Southerners have African, Native American, and Filipino ancestry due to the comparatively lax French colonial attitudes towards interracial relationships.[135][136][137] There are also thousands of white French families descended from Germans, Greeks, Italians, Spaniards, Sephardi Jews,[138] Ashkenazi Jews[139] Haitians, Irishmen, Hungarians, Croats, Czechs, and Anglo-Americans.[140][141][142][143]

Following the Louisiana Purchase, there was a mass influx of Anglo-American migration into the solidly French region. Conflict ensued between the two communities, with Anglo-American influence threatening many societal and cultural norms formed under the previous French colonial government. Eventually, the use of the French language was prohibited and other assimilation efforts were pursued to Americanize the French population.[144] In recent times, there has been a major push to revive the French language within the state, though critics argue that these efforts contribute to the destruction of local dialects, as the dialect of instruction is usually Metropolitan French.[145]

Huguenots edit

French Huguenots also played a massive role in the settlement of the Southern colonies. Fleeing religious persecution in France, Wallonia, and even as far as Spain[146][147][148]; these immigrants established several communities across the South, with most eventually seamlessly assimilating into the Anglo majority.[149][150] Nicolas Martiau, a refugee from Saint-Martin-de-Ré and ancestor of President George Washington, arrived in Jamestown aboard the ship, Francis Bonaventure, in 1620 and laid the defenses which saved the colony from a Powhatan massacre in 1622.[151]

Hispano-Americans edit

Spanish colonization of the South began in the 16th century, but settlers were unable to found any major settlements outside of Florida, Texas, and Louisiana. Guartari and Joara, two Spanish forts established in Appalachia in the 1500's, both fell to Native American raids by 1568.[152]

Hispanos are the descendants of Spanish settlers who settled on the northern frontier of New Spain. Many of these families are also descended from settlers from other Spanish colonial possessions, notably Mexico and Cuba, as well as local Native Americans, and free Africans brought over as slaves to the New World.[153][154][155] Various Hispano groups exist in the American South; such as the Tejanos of Texas, Floridanos of Florida, and Isleños of Louisiana. Each of these groups have their own specific history shaped by where their ancestors migrated from.[156] Many Tejanos may variously describe themselves as being Spanish or Mexican,[157][158][159] whilst some Canary Islanders assimilated into the Cajun population and identify as such.[160][161][162]

Hundreds of Mexicans in Texas were lynched and murdered by Anglo-Texans between 1850-1930. La Matanza (English: The Slaughter) was a period of Texas history between 1910-1920 in which Mexican-Americans were lynched and massacred en masse.[163][164]

Middle Eastern-Americans and North African-Americans edit

Legally, Middle Easterners and North Africans[165], such as Syrians, Lebanese, Moroccans, Turks, and Jews were categorized as white in the Antebellum and Jim Crow South, though this categorization has never been consistent throughout history.[166][167][168] Socially, perceptions of Middle Easterners and North Africans shifted between categorizing them as "neither white nor black", white, and Jews as racially Hebrew.[169][170] Some Middle Easterners were targeted by white supremacist mobs in the Southern United States and lynched, much like Italians. An infamous case was the lynching of Leo Frank, who was accused of murdering a white girl and dumping her body in the factory he owned. Researchers have since determined he was, in fact, completely innocent and the motivations of the lynching were steeped in growing antisemitic attitudes in the South.[171][172][173] Another case was the lynching of Lebanese immigrant, N'oula Romey, in Lake City, Florida in 1929. Romey and his wife had moved to Lake City due to constant attacks and harassment from the Ku Klux Klan and after several run in with the laws in Valdosta. The run ins did not end and one day the Sheriff of Columbia County, Florida and his deputies shot and killed Romey's wife, Fanny, over an altercation at their store. N'oula was then arrested, jailed, and murdered by a racist mob in the night.[174]

The first Middle Easterner and Jew to set foot in the American South was Luis de Carvajal y de la Cueva, a Portuguese Sephardi conquistador, slaver, and first Governor of Nuevo León who crossed the Rio Grande river into what is now Texas.[175] Jewish immigration to the colonies was initially very low but increased in the 17th century, with waves of Jews fleeing to the Americas to escape antisemitic persecution in Christian Europe.[176]

Charleston, South Carolina became the first hub of American Jewry, becoming home to many Sephardi and Ashkenazi families from Europe, the Caribbean, and North Africa.[177][178][179]

Historical identity edit

Early cultural observations edit

In 1765, London philanthropist Dr. John Fothergill remarked on the cultural differences of the British American colonies southward from Maryland and those to the north, suggesting that the Southerners were marked by "idleness and extravagance". Fothergill suggested that Southerners were more similar to the people of the Caribbean than to the colonies to the north.[180] Early in United States history, the contrasting characteristics of Southern states were acknowledged in a discussion between Thomas Jefferson and François-Jean de Chastellux. Jefferson ascribed the Southerners' "unsteady", "generous", "candid" traits to their climate, while De Chastellux claimed that Southerners' "indelible character which every nation acquires at the moment of its origin" would "always be aristocratic" not only because of slavery but also "vanity and sloth". A visiting French dignitary concurred in 1810 that American customs seemed "entirely changed" over the Potomac River, and that Southern society resembled those of the Caribbean.[180]

 
Scottish author, Sir Walter Scott, who's writings, per Mark Twain, were instrumental in the development of white Southern nationalism in the 19th century.[181][182][183][184][185]

Northern popular press and literature in this early period of US history often used a "we"-versus-"they" dichotomy when discussing Southerners, and looked upon Southern customs as backward and a threat to progress. For instance, a 1791 article in the New York Magazine warned that the spread of Southern cockfighting was tantamount to being "assaulted" by "the enemy within" and would "rob" the nation's "honor". J. Hector St. John de Crèvecœur's 1782 Letters from an American Farmer declared that although slavery had not been completely abolished in the Northern states, conditions in Southern slavery was "different... in every respect", emphasizing the contrasting treatment of slaves. Crèvecœur sought to portray Southerners as stuck in the social, cultural and economic remnants of colonialism, in contrast to the Northerners whom he considered to be representative of the distinctive culture of the new nation.[186]

Politics, White supremacism, and Ethno-nationalism edit

Development of Anglo-American nationalism in the Southern states edit

 
James Dunwoody Brownson De Bow, a Fire-Eater publisher, wrote various articles in his magazine, De Bow's Review, on the supposed racial differences between white Southerners and white Northerners.[187][188] His writings claimed that white Southerners were members of the "noble" Latin race and white Northerners, the "barbaric" Germanic race. De Bow also associated this so-called Southern civilization as being akin to ancient Rome, Greece, and India and believed white Southerners to be the descendants of the Norman conquerors of England.[189][190]

The War of 1812 brought increasing awareness to the differences between Northerners and Southerners, who had opposed and supported the war respectively. The Panic of 1819 and the 1820 admission of Missouri as a slave state also exacerbated the North–South divide. In 1823, New York activist Gerrit Smith commented that there was an almost "national difference of character between the people of the Northern and the people of the Southern states." Similarly, a 1822 commentary in the North American Review suggested that Southerners were "a different race of men", "highminded and vainglorious" people who lived on the plantations.[191]

Some Southern writers in the lead up to the American Civil War (1861–1865) built on the idea of a Southern nation by claiming that secession was not based on slavery but rather on "two separate nations". These writers postulated that Southerners were descended from Norman cavaliers, Huguenots, Jacobites and other supposed "Mediterranean races" linked to the Romans, while Northerners were claimed to be descended from Anglo-Saxon serfs and other Germanic immigrants who had a supposed "hereditary hatred" against the Southerners.[192] The white planter class was believed to subscribe to a code of Southern chivalry,[193] descended from that of the Virginia Cavaliers.[194] These ethnonationalist beliefs of being a "warrior race" widely disseminated among the Southern upper class, and Southerners began to use the term "Yankee" as a slur against a so-called "Yankee race" that they associated with being "calculating, money worshipping, cowardly" or even as "hordes" and "semi-barbarian".[195] Southern ideologues also used their alleged Norman ancestors to explain their attachment to the institution of slavery, as opposed to the Northerners who were denigrated as descendants of a so-called "slave race".[195] Union Secretary of the Navy Gideon Welles and German-American political scientist Francis Lieber, who condemned the Southerners' belief in their supposed distinct ancestry, attributed the Civil War's outbreak to that belief. In 1866, Edward A. Pollard, author of the first history book on the Confederacy The Lost Cause, continued insisting that the South had to "assert its well-known superiority in civilization over the people of the North."[195] Southerners developed their ideas on nationalism on influences from the nationalist movements growing in Europe (such as the works of Johann Gottfried Herder and the constructed north–south divide between Germanic peoples and Italians). Southern ideologues, fearful of mass politics, sought to adopt the ethnic themes of the revolutions of 1848 while distancing themselves from the revolutionaries' radical liberal ideas.[196] The slaveholding elite encouraged Romantic "antimodern" narratives of Southern culture as a refuge of traditional community hospitality and chivalry to mobilize popular support from non-slaveholding White Southerners, promising to bring the South through a form of technological and economic progress without the perceived social ills of modern industrial societies.[196]

White supremacism edit

White supremacism has played a major role in the history of white Southerners, though it's development was gradual and the product of British colonialism in North America.[197][198] For the vast majority of Southern history, the black majority has been oppressed by the white majority. Beginning in 1619 with the arrival of the first African slaves in the Colony of Virginia, racial attitudes and laws restricting the rights of black Southerners gradually developed from indentured servitude to chattel slavery, political disenfranchisement, and subsequently Jim Crow. Only in 1964 did the Civil Rights Act legally end Segregation in the Southern United States.[199][200][201] Mass violence, rape, murder, and enslavement were common methods used to maintain the white supremacist status quo.[202][203][204]

In the eleven-thirteen states that seceded from the United States in 1860–61 to form the Confederacy, 31% of families held at least one African American in slavery.[205]

While all white Southerners are commonly stereotyped as being racist and harboring extremely negative attitudes towards African-Americans[206][207], there is a long history of mixing between both groups; socially, racially, and culturally. Both groups have existed in the South since the 17th century and thus share many cultural traits. For example, some researchers believe AAVE evolved out of the dialects of poor English indentured servants who worked the fields alongside African slaves and servants.[208] In addition, many white-led abolitionist groups in the decades leading up to the American Civil War were located in the Southern states[209][210][211], free blacks shaped the Southern backcountry alongside their white neighbors, the majority of music traditions[212][213] and cuisine[214] originating in the Southern US are of Afro-European origin, and the South has a long history of racially integrated labor movements.[215]

Recent studies edit

According to a 2014 study, about 10% of self-identified White Southerners have African ancestry, compared to 3.5% of White Americans in general.[216][217]

Sociologist William L. Smith argues that "regional identity and ethnic identity are often intertwined in a variety of interesting ways such that some scholars have viewed white southerners as an ethnic group".[218] In her book Southern Women, Caroline Matheny Dillman also documents a number of authors who posit that Southerners might constitute an ethnic group. She notes that the historian George Brown Tindall analyzed the persistence of the distinctiveness of Southern culture in The Ethnic Southerners (1976), "and referred to the South as a subculture, pointing out its ethnic and regional identity". The 1977 book The Ethnic Imperative, by Howard F. Stein and Robert F. Hill, "viewed Southerners as a special kind of white ethnicity". Dillman notes that these authors, and earlier work by John Shelton Reed, all refer to the earlier work of Lewis Killian, whose White Southerners, first published in 1970, introduced "the idea that Southerners can be viewed as an American ethnic group".[219] Killian does however note, that: "Whatever claims to ethnicity or minority status ardent 'Southernists' may have advanced, white southerners are not counted as such in official enumerations".[220]

 
Two white Southern youths in the poor white Southern neighborhood of Uptown, Chicago, Illinois. (August 1974)

Precursors to Killian include sociologist Erdman Beynon, who in 1938 made the observation that "there appears to be an emergent group consciousness among the southern white laborers", and economist Stuart Jamieson, who argued four years later in 1942 that Oklahomans, Arkansans and Texans who were living in the valleys of California were starting to take on the "appearance of a distinct 'ethnic group'". Beynon saw this group consciousness as deriving partly from the tendency of northerners to consider them as a homogeneous group, and Jamieson saw it as a response to the label "Okie".[221] More recently, historian Clyde N. Wilson has argued that "In the North and West, white Southerners were treated as and understood themselves to be a distinct ethnic group, referred to negatively as 'hillbillies' and 'Okies'".[222]

The Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups, published in 1980, includes a chapter on Southerners authored by John Shelton Reed, alongside chapters by other contributors on Appalachians and Yankees. Writing in the journal Ethnic and Racial Studies, social anthropologist M. G. Smith argued that the entries do not satisfactorily indicate how these groups meet the criteria of ethnicity, and so justify inclusion in the encyclopedia.[223] Historian David L. Carlton, argues that Killian, Reed and Tindall's "ethnic approach does provide a way to understand the South as part of a vast, patchwork America, the components of which have been loath to allow their particularities to be eaten away by the corrosions of a liberal-capitalist order", nonetheless notes problems with the approach. He argues that the South is home to two ethnic communities (white and black) as well as smaller, growing ethnic groups, not just one. He argues that: "Most important, though, and most troubling, is the peculiar relationship of white southerners to the nation's history." The view of the average white Southerner, Carlton argues, is that they are quintessential Americans, and their nationalism equates "America" with the South.[224]

See also edit

References edit

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