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North–South divide in Taiwan

North–South divide is a phenomenon characterized by the Taiwanese central government's accused bias in favour of northern parts of Taiwan. Following the Kuomintang's defeat by the Chinese Communist Party in the Chinese Civil War and the Nationalist's subsequent flight from the Chinese mainland, the Kuomintang relocated its headquarters to Taipei in the north of Taiwan.[1][2][3]

Since the Nationalist government's retreat to Taiwan in 1949, the Kuomintang has had held power for more than 60 years non-consecutively (1949-2000, 2008-2016), compared to the Democratic Progressive Party's 10 years (2000-2008, 2016-now). Owing to the Kuomintang's long-standing bias, especially over the White Terror period, the gap between the north and the south in terms of social economic development has gradually widened. Critics say that Northern Taiwan which mainlanders fleeing after the defeat of the KMT on the Mainland had mainly relocated had the dis-appropriate share of economic investment especially since the Pro-Independence movement was less common in the North than the South . The KMT was alleged to have concentrated investment in technological fields in its base in Northern Taiwan especially the Hsinchu and the Greater Taipei Metropolis area while investment in the South of Taiwan was mainly in industry. As industry relocated to Mainland China over the past decades leading to slower growth in Southern Taiwan, there has been a brain drain of younger college educated Taiwanese from the South to the North where higher paying service and technology industries are located. [4]

Over the period 1990-1998, Mayor of Kaohsiung Wu Den-yih frequently criticized the KMT-led central government for its bias in favour of the north and against the south.[5]

Studies also suggested that Kaohsiung, which is home to most of the heavy industry that fueled Taiwan's economic miracle, was also at the forefront of Taiwanese political liberalization activities from the 1970s onwards. Such activity includes the Kaohsiung Incident, which pushed Taiwan towards democracy, which some speculate lead to the Kuomintang government's decision to reduce southern Taiwan's economic development aid, as it regarded the protests in southern Taiwan as posing a great threat to its authoritarian rule.[6][7][8]



Imbalance in population movementEdit



Rising housing priceEdit

An article published in a demographic & land economics journal by National Chengchi University suggested that the rising housing price in the northern part of Taiwan was just a result of central government's bias towards northern Taiwan because it laid a bunch of projects that created a lot of position vacancies in the area, whose treatment is in a sharp comparison to central and southern Taiwan.[10][11] This has had led people to pursue real estate in an area whose land supply is limited owing to geographic reasons as there is more mountain, high land, and Table (landform) than plain in the northern part of Taiwan.[11][10]:52

GDP per capita for administrative divisions in Republic of China in 2016Edit

List of cities and counties in Republic of China (Taiwan) by GDP per capita in 2016[12]
Rank cities NTD US$ PPP Region
1 Taipei 990,292 30,699 65,539 Northern Taiwan
2 Hsinchu City 853,089 26,446 56,459 Northern Taiwan
- Taipei-Keelung metropolitan area 830,788 25,754 54,982 Northern Taiwan
- Taipei-Keelung-Taoyuan metropolitan area 807,860 25,044 53,465 Northern Taiwan
3 Lianjiang County 776,615 24,075 51,397 Outlying islands
4 New Taipei 733,776 22,747 48,562 Northern Taiwan
5 Taoyuan 731,518 22,677 48,413 Northern Taiwan
- Taiwan 727,098 22,540 48,120
6 Taichung 724,905 22,472 47,975 Central Taiwan
7 Hsinchu County 724,840 22,470 47,971 Northern Taiwan
8 Penghu County 709,066 21,981 46,927 Outlying islands
9 Chiayi City 709,033 21,980 46,925 Southern Taiwan
10 Keelung 706,808 21,911 46,777 Northern Taiwan
11 Yilan County 700,034 21,701 46,329 Northern Taiwan
12 Hualien County 693,292 21,492 45,883 Eastern Taiwan
13 Kaohsiung 684,260 21,212 45,285 Southern Taiwan
14 Kinmen County 668,582 20,726 44,248 Outlying islands
15 Miaoli County 657,292 20,376 43,500 Central Taiwan
16 Tainan 643,743 19,956 42,604 Southern Taiwan
- Central Taiwan excluding Yunlin County 642,485 19,922 41,836
- Southern Taiwan 638,208 19,789 41,556
- Central Taiwan 635,518 19,706 41,382
17 Taitung County 623,485 19,328 41,263 Eastern Taiwan
18 Changhua County 618,969 19,188 40,964 Central Taiwan
19 Yunlin County 607,776 18,841 40,223 Central Taiwan
20 Pingtung County 592,066 18,354 39,184 Southern Taiwan
21 Nantou County 569,453 17,653 37,687 Central Taiwan
22 Chiayi County 562,743 17,445 37,243 Southern Taiwan

See alsoEdit


  1. ^ "台北更獨 /南綠北藍 另有真相". 自由時報. Retrieved 2016-01-10. (in Chinese)
  2. ^ "地政學訊". 國立政治大學 (in Chinese). 2014-01-11. Archived from the original on 2017-12-17. Retrieved 2017-12-17. 造成北部房價高漲原因,不外乎政府長期重北輕南之經濟政策
  3. ^ 姜渝生; 王小娥 (2011-01-28). "國立成功大學機構典藏:Item 987654321/104327". 國立成功大學機構典藏 (in Chinese). Retrieved 2017-12-17.
  4. ^ "北藍南綠的政治版圖" (PDF). Retrieved 2016-01-10.[permanent dead link] (in Chinese)
  5. ^ 曾一豪; 賴宛靖 (1998). 吳敦義,為什麼 (in Chinese). Taipei: 希代. ISBN 957-811-262-9. 高雄市長任內,他依然秉持著一向的正義感,砲轟中央「重北輕南」的政策,頻頻為高雄人叫屈。短短幾年,他就為港都居民爭取到數十年來都爭不到的福祉,因而被喻為「南台灣建設的火車頭」或「喚醒南部意識抬頭的領航人」。
  6. ^ Lin, Ji-Ping (2012-01-24). "Tradition and Progress: Taiwan's Evolving Migration Reality". Retrieved 2018-05-09.
  7. ^ Lin, Ji-Ping (2016-02-28). "Taiwan Temporary Workers and Labor Marginalization in the Context of Segmented Labor Market, 1991-2010". Arbor (secondary source). Departmento de Publicaciones del CSIC. 192 (777): a291. doi:10.3989/arbor.2016.777n1007. ISSN 1988-303X.
  8. ^ 中央研究院林季平 (2018-03-21). "逢年過節,返鄉人潮為何一路向南?". 研之有物│串聯您與中央研究院的橋梁 (tertiary source) (in Chinese). Retrieved 2018-05-09. 官方沒有親口證實,美麗島事件等政治挑戰,也可能削弱了當時執政黨對南臺灣區域經濟發展的支持度。問及會否擔心不同立場的壓力,林季平堅定地回應:「學術研究就是據實以報,真理會越辯越明,只是負面攻擊的話沒意義。」「......獨裁者與煽動者,才是萬惡之源。而借鏡戰爭史,知識份子要勇敢成為阻擋戰爭的防線。」或許這也是,為什麼林季平要以有憑有據的學術研究,涉入勞工之戰,儘管背後會中了許多槍。
  9. ^ 鄧瑞兆; Teng, Ruey-Jaw (2014-06-26). "高雄都會區產業發展與人口就業之研究". Chung-Hua University Repository (in Chinese). Retrieved 2017-12-17.
  10. ^ a b 李晏甄 (January 2011). "台灣南北對立想像的興起". 臺灣博碩士論文知識加值系統、國立政治大學 (in Chinese). Archived from the original (PDF) on December 2017. Retrieved December 23, 2017.
  11. ^ a b "地政學訊". 國立政治大學 (in Chinese). 2014-01-11. Archived from the original on 2017-12-17. Retrieved 2017-12-17. ......然南北城鄉的租稅負擔更隱含租稅之不公平。舉例而言,根據本年 7、8 月份屏東市台北市高雄市內政部房屋實價登錄網站資料,相同樓高及類似區段的大樓產品,成交總價分別為 320 萬元、3,100萬元及 512 萬元,平均單價則分別為每 58,000 元、708,000 元及 134,000元,如以房屋稅占分算房屋賣價之租稅負擔率分別為 0.39%、0.35%及0.31%,看似負擔率相當,但加計該負擔之地價稅後,情形便大不相同,租稅負擔率分別為 0.29%、005%及0.17%,顯示屏東縣民同樣擁有大樓房屋之租稅負擔率竟高於台北市或高雄市居民 6 倍及 2 倍,此種扭曲的不公平稅制實有違量能課稅之基本財稅理論,也是財政當局尤應正視之處。造成北部房價高漲原因,不外乎政府長期重北輕南之經濟政策,人口高度集中都會區,南部鮮少重大建設提供就業機會,自然使得多數人去競逐供給有限的不動產,尤其土地資源不可增加及不能挪移的特性,更推波助瀾這股沛然莫之能禦的漲勢。
  12. ^ According to [1] (IMF-WEO April 2017), PPP rate is NTD 15.11 per Int'l.dollar; according to the [2], the average exchange rate is NTD 32.258135 per US dollar (the average exchange rate of the year was 32.258135 NTD to 1 USD); GDP per capita figures in USD are retrieved from [3] and are published by National Statistics of Republic of China (Taiwan)[4].