Social stigma is the disapproval of, or discrimination against, a person based on perceivable social characteristics that serve to distinguish them from other members of a society. Social stigmas are commonly related to culture, gender, race, intelligence and health.
Stigma is a Greek word that in its origins referred to a type of marking or the tattoo that was cut or burned into the skin of criminals, slaves, or traitors in order to visibly identify them as blemished or morally polluted persons. These individuals were to be avoided particularly in public places.
Stigma may also be described as a label that associates a person to a set of unwanted characteristics that form a stereotype. It is also affixed. Once people identify and label one's differences, others will assume that is just how things are and the person will remain stigmatized until the stigmatizing attribute is undetectable. A considerable amount of generalization is required to create groups, meaning that people will put someone in a general group regardless of how well the person actually fits into that group. However, the attributes that society selects differ according to time and place. What is considered out of place in one society could be the norm in another. When society categorizes individuals into certain groups the labeled person is subjected to status loss and discrimination. Society will start to form expectations about those groups once the cultural stereotype is secured.
Stigma may affect the behavior of those who are stigmatized. Those who are stereotyped often start to act in ways that their stigmatizers expect of them. It not only changes their behavior, but it also shapes their emotions and beliefs. Members of stigmatized social groups often face prejudice that causes depression (i.e. deprejudice). These stigmas put a person's social identity in threatening situations, such as low self-esteem. Because of this, identity theories have become highly researched. Identity threat theories can go hand-in-hand with labeling theory.
Members of stigmatized groups start to become aware that they aren't being treated the same way and know they are likely being discriminated against. Studies have shown that "by 10 years of age, most children are aware of cultural stereotypes of different groups in society, and children who are members of stigmatized groups are aware of cultural types at an even younger age."
Main theories and contributionsEdit
French sociologist Émile Durkheim was the first to explore stigma as a social phenomenon in 1895. He wrote:
Imagine a society of saints, a perfect cloister of exemplary individuals. Crimes or deviance, properly so-called, will there be unknown; but faults, which appear venial to the layman, will there create the same scandal that the ordinary offense does in ordinary consciousnesses. If then, this society has the power to judge and punish, it will define these acts as criminal (or deviant) and will treat them as such.
Erving Goffman was one of the most influential sociologists of the twentieth century. He described stigma as a phenomenon whereby an individual with an attribute which is deeply discredited by his/her society is rejected as a result of the attribute. Goffman saw stigma as a process by which the reaction of others spoils normal identity.
More specifically, he explained that what constituted this attribute would change over time. "It should be seen that a language of relationships, not attributes, is really needed. An attribute that stigmatizes one type of possessor can confirm the usualness of another, and therefore is neither credible nor discreditable as a thing in itself."
In Goffman's theory of social stigma, a stigma is an attribute, behavior, or reputation which is socially discrediting in a particular way: it causes an individual to be mentally classified by others in an undesirable, rejected stereotype rather than in an accepted, normal one. Goffman, a noted sociologist, defined stigma as a special kind of gap between virtual social identity and actual social identity:
Society establishes the means of categorizing persons and the complement of attributes felt to be ordinary and natural for members of each of these categories. [...] When a stranger comes into our presence, then, first appearances are likely to enable us to anticipate his category and attributes, his "social identity" [...] We lean on these anticipations that we have, transforming them into normative expectations, into righteously presented demands. [...] It is [when an active question arises as to whether these demands will be filled] that we are likely to realize that all along we had been making certain assumptions as to what the individual before us ought to be. [These assumed demands and the character we impute to the individual will be called] virtual social identity. The category and attributes he could, in fact, be proved to possess will be called his actual social identity. (Goffman 1963:2).
While a stranger is present before us, evidence can arise of his possessing an attribute that makes him different from others in the category of persons available for him to be, and of a less desirable kind--in the extreme, a person who is quite thoroughly bad, or dangerous, or weak. He is thus reduced in our minds from a whole and usual person to a tainted discounted one. Such an attribute is a stigma, especially when its discrediting effect is very extensive [...] It constitutes a special discrepancy between virtual and actual social identity. Note that there are other types of [such] discrepancy [...] for example the kind that causes us to reclassify an individual from one socially anticipated category to a different but equally well-anticipated one, and the kind that causes us to alter our estimation of the individual upward. (Goffman 1963:3).
The stigmatized, the normal, and the wiseEdit
Goffman divides the individual's relation to a stigma into three categories:
- the stigmatized are those who bear the stigma;
- the normals are those who do not bear the stigma; and
- the wise are those among the normals who are accepted by the stigmatized as "wise" to their condition (borrowing the term from the homosexual community).
The wise normals are not merely those who are in some sense accepting of the stigma; they are, rather, "those whose special situation has made them intimately privy to the secret life of the stigmatized individual and sympathetic with it, and who find themselves accorded a measure of acceptance, a measure of courtesy membership in the clan." That is, they are accepted by the stigmatized as "honorary members" of the stigmatized group. "Wise persons are the marginal men before whom the individual with a fault need feel no shame nor exert self-control, knowing that in spite of his failing he will be seen as an ordinary other," Goffman notes that the wise may in certain social situations also bear the stigma with respect to other normals: that is, they may also be stigmatized for being wise. An example is a parent of a homosexual; another is a white woman who is seen socializing with a black man. (Limiting ourselves, of course, to social milieus in which homosexuals and blacks are stigmatized).
Until recently, this typology has been used without being empirically tested. A 2012 study showed empirical support for the existence of the own, the wise, and normals as separate groups; but, the wise appeared in two forms: active wise and passive wise. Active wise encouraged challenging stigmatization and educating stigmatizers, but passive wise did not.
Goffman emphasizes that the stigma relationship is one between an individual and a social setting with a given set of expectations; thus, everyone at different times will play both roles of stigmatized and stigmatizer (or, as he puts it, "normal"). Goffman gives the example that "some jobs in America cause holders without the expected college education to conceal this fact; other jobs, however, can lead to the few of their holders who have a higher education to keep this a secret, lest they are marked as failures and outsiders. Similarly, a middle-class boy may feel no compunction in being seen going to the library; a professional criminal, however, writes [about keeping his library visits secret]." He also gives the example of blacks being stigmatized among whites, and whites being stigmatized among blacks.
Individuals actively cope with stigma in ways that vary across stigmatized groups, across individuals within stigmatized groups, and within individuals across time and situations.
The stigmatized are ostracized, devalued, scorned, shunned and ignored. They experience discrimination in the realms of employment and housing. Perceived prejudice and discrimination is also associated with negative physical and mental health outcomes. Young people who experience stigma associated with mental health difficulties may face negative reactions from their peer group. Those who perceive themselves to be members of a stigmatized group, whether it is obvious to those around them or not, often experience psychological distress and many view themselves contemptuously.
Although the experience of being stigmatized may take a toll on self-esteem, academic achievement, and other outcomes, many people with stigmatized attributes have high self-esteem, perform at high levels, are happy and appear to be quite resilient to their negative experiences.
There are also "positive stigma": it is possible to be too rich, or too smart. This is noted by Goffman (1963:141) in his discussion of leaders, who are subsequently given license to deviate from some behavioral norms because they have contributed far above the expectations of the group. This can result in social stigma.
From the perspective of the stigmatizer, stigmatization involves threat, aversion[clarification needed] and sometimes the depersonalization of others into stereotypic caricatures. Stigmatizing others can serve several functions for an individual, including self-esteem enhancement, control enhancement, and anxiety buffering, through downward-comparison—comparing oneself to less fortunate others can increase one's own subjective sense of well-being and therefore boost one's self-esteem.
21st-century social psychologists consider stigmatizing and stereotyping to be a normal consequence of people's cognitive abilities and limitations, and of the social information and experiences to which they are exposed.
Current views of stigma, from the perspectives of both the stigmatizer and the stigmatized person, consider the process of stigma to be highly situationally specific, dynamic, complex and nonpathological.
All societies will always stigmatize some conditions and some behaviors because doing so provides for group solidarity by delineating "outsiders" from "insiders".
Falk describes stigma based on two categories, existential stigma and achieved stigma. He defines existential stigma as "stigma deriving from a condition which the target of the stigma either did not cause or over which he has little control." He defines Achieved Stigma as "stigma that is earned because of conduct and/or because they contributed heavily to attaining the stigma in question."
Falk concludes that "we and all societies will always stigmatize some condition and some behavior because doing so provides for group solidarity by delineating 'outsiders' from 'insiders'". Stigmatization, at its essence, is a challenge to one's humanity- for both the stigmatized person and the stigmatizer. The majority of stigma researchers have found the process of stigmatization has a long history and is cross-culturally ubiquitous.
Link and Phelan stigmatization modelEdit
- Individuals differentiate and label human variations.
- Prevailing cultural beliefs tie those labeled to adverse attributes.
- Labeled individuals are placed in distinguished groups that serve to establish a sense of disconnection between "us" and "them".
- Labeled individuals experience "status loss and discrimination" that leads to unequal circumstances.
In this model stigmatization is also contingent on "access to social, economic, and political power that allows the identification of differences, construction of stereotypes, the separation of labeled persons into distinct groups, and the full execution of disapproval, rejection, exclusion, and discrimination." Subsequently, in this model, the term stigma is applied when labeling, stereotyping, disconnection, status loss, and discrimination all exist within a power situation that facilitates stigma to occur.
Differentiation and labelingEdit
Identifying which human differences are salient, and therefore worthy of labeling, is a social process. There are two primary factors to examine when considering the extent to which this process is a social one. The first issue is that significant oversimplification is needed to create groups. The broad groups of black and white, homosexual and heterosexual, the sane and the mentally ill; and young and old are all examples of this. Secondly, the differences that are socially judged to be relevant differ vastly according to time and place. An example of this is the emphasis that was put on the size of the forehead and faces of individuals in the late 19th century—which was believed to be a measure of a person's criminal nature.
Linking to stereotypesEdit
The second component of this model centers on the linking of labeled differences with stereotypes. Goffman's 1963 work made this aspect of stigma prominent and it has remained so ever since. This process of applying certain stereotypes to differentiated groups of individuals has attracted a large amount of attention and research in recent decades.
Us and themEdit
Thirdly, linking negative attributes to groups facilitates separation into "us" and "them". Seeing the labeled group as fundamentally different causes stereotyping with little hesitation. "Us" and "them" implies that the labeled group is slightly less human in nature and at the extreme not human at all. At this extreme, the most horrific events occur.
The fourth component of stigmatization in this model includes "status loss and discrimination". Many definitions of stigma do not include this aspect, however, these authors believe that this loss occurs inherently as individuals are "labeled, set apart, and linked to undesirable characteristics." The members of the labeled groups are subsequently disadvantaged in the most common group of life chances including income, education, mental well-being, housing status, health, and medical treatment. Thus, stigmatization by the majorities, the powerful, or the "superior" leads to the Othering of the minorities, the powerless, and the "inferior". Whereby the stigmatized individuals become disadvantaged due to the ideology created by "the self," which is the opposing force to "the Other." As a result, the others become socially excluded and those in power reason the exclusion based on the original characteristics that led to the stigma.
Necessity of powerEdit
The authors also emphasize the role of power (social, economic, and political power) in stigmatization. While the use of power is clear in some situations, in others it can become masked as the power differences are less stark. An extreme example of a situation in which the power role was explicitly clear was the treatment of Jewish people by the Nazis. On the other hand, an example of a situation in which individuals of a stigmatized group have "stigma-related processes"[clarification needed] occurring would be the inmates of a prison. It is imaginable that each of the steps described above would occur regarding the inmates' thoughts about the guards. However, this situation cannot involve true stigmatization, according to this model, because the prisoners do not have the economic, political, or social power to act on these thoughts with any serious discriminatory consequences.
'Stigma allure' and authenticityEdit
Sociologist Matthew W. Hughey explains that prior research on stigma has emphasized individual and group attempts to reduce stigma by 'passing as normal', by shunning the stigmatized, or through selective disclosure of stigmatized attributes. Yet, some actors may embrace particular markings of stigma (e.g.: social markings like dishonor or select physical dysfunctions and abnormalities) as signs of moral commitment and/or cultural and political authenticity. Hence, Hughey argues that some actors do not simply desire to 'pass into normal' but may actively pursue a stigmatized identity formation process in order to experience themselves as causal agents in their social environment. Hughey calls this phenomenon 'stigma allure'.
The Six Dimensions of StigmaEdit
While often incorrectly attributed to Goffman the "Six Dimensions of Stigma" were not his invention. They were developed to augment Goffman's two levels – the discredited and the discreditable. Goffman considered individuals whose stigmatizing attributes are not immediately evident. In that case, the individual can encounter two distinct social atmospheres. In the first, he is discreditable—his stigma has yet to be revealed but may be revealed either intentionally by him (in which case he will have some control over how) or by some factor, he cannot control. Of course, it also might be successfully concealed; Goffman called this passing. In this situation, the analysis of stigma is concerned only with the behaviors adopted by the stigmatized individual to manage his identity: the concealing and revealing of information. In the second atmosphere, he is discredited—his stigma has been revealed and thus it affects not only his behavior but the behavior of others. Jones et al. (1984) added the "six dimensions" and correlate them to Goffman's two types of stigma, discredited and discreditable.
There are six dimensions that match these two types of stigma:
- Concealable – the extent to which others can see the stigma
- Course of the mark – whether the stigma's prominence increases, decreases, or disappears
- Disruptiveness – the degree to which the stigma and/or others' reaction to it impedes social interactions
- Aesthetics – the subset of others' reactions to the stigma comprising reactions that are positive/approving or negative/disapproving but represent estimations of qualities other than the stigmatized person's inherent worth or dignity
- Origin – whether others think the stigma is present at birth, accidental, or deliberate
- Peril – the danger that others perceive (whether accurately or inaccurately) the stigma to pose to them
In Unraveling the contexts of stigma, authors Campbell and Deacon describe Goffman's universal and historical forms of Stigma as the following.
- Overt or external deformities - such as leprosy, clubfoot, cleft lip or palate and muscular dystrophy.
- Known deviations in personal traits - being perceived rightly or wrongly, as weak willed, domineering or having unnatural passions, treacherous or rigid beliefs, and being dishonest, e.g., mental disorders, imprisonment, addiction, homosexuality, unemployment, suicidal attempts and radical political behavior.
- Tribal stigma - affiliation with a specific nationality, religion, or race that constitute a deviation from the normative, i.e. being African American, or being of Arab descent in the United States after the 9/11 attacks.
Stigma occurs when an individual is identified as deviant, linked with negative stereotypes that engender prejudiced attitudes, which are acted upon in discriminatory behavior. Goffman illuminated how stigmatized people manage their "Spoiled identity" (meaning the stigma disqualifies the stigmatized individual from full social acceptance) before audiences of normals. He focused on stigma, not as a fixed or inherent attribute of a person, but rather as the experience and meaning of difference.
Gerhard Falk expounds upon Goffman's work by redefining deviant as "others who deviate from the expectations of a group" and by categorizing deviance into two types:
- Societal deviance refers to a condition widely perceived, in advance and in general, as being deviant and hence stigma and stigmatized. "Homosexuality is, therefore, an example of societal deviance because there is such a high degree of consensus to the effect that homosexuality is different, and a violation of norms or social expectation".
- Situational deviance refers to a deviant act that is labeled as deviant in a specific situation, and may not be labeled deviant by society. Similarly, a socially deviant action might not be considered deviant in specific situations. "A robber or other street criminal is an excellent example. It is the crime which leads to the stigma and stigmatization of the person so affected."
The physically disabled, mentally ill, homosexuals, and a host of others who is labeled deviant because they deviate from the expectations of a group, are subject to stigmatization- the social rejection of numerous individuals, and often entire groups of people who have been labeled deviant.
Communication is involved in creating, maintaining, and diffusing stigmas, and enacting stigmatization. The model of stigma communication explains how and why particular content choices (marks, labels, peril, and responsibility) can create stigmas and encourage their diffusion. A recent experiment using health alerts tested the model of stigma communication, finding that content choices indeed predicted stigma beliefs, intentions to further diffuse these messages, and agreement with regulating infected persons' behaviors.
Stigma, though powerful and enduring, is not inevitable, and can be challenged. There are two important aspects to challenging stigma: challenging the stigmatization on the part of stigmatizers and challenging the internalized stigma of the stigmatized. To challenge stigmatization, Campbell et al. 2005 summarise three main approaches.
- There are efforts to educate individuals about non-stigmatising facts and why they should not stigmatize.
- There are efforts to legislate against discrimination.
- There are efforts to mobilize the participation of community members in anti-stigma efforts, to maximize the likelihood that the anti-stigma messages have relevance and effectiveness, according to local contexts.
In relation to challenging the internalized stigma of the stigmatized, Paulo Freire's theory of critical consciousness is particularly suitable. Cornish provides an example of how sex workers in Sonagachi, a red light district in India, have effectively challenged internalized stigma by establishing that they are respectable women, who admirably take care of their families, and who deserve rights like any other worker. This study argues that it is not only the force of the rational argument that makes the challenge to the stigma successful, but concrete evidence that sex workers can achieve valued aims, and are respected by others.
Stigmatized groups often harbor cultural tools to respond to stigma and to create a positive self-perception among their members. For example, advertising professionals have been shown to suffer from negative portrayal and low approval rates. However, the advertising industry collectively maintains narratives describing how advertisement is a positive and socially valuable endeavor, and advertising professionals draw on these narratives to respond to stigma.
Another effort to mobilize communities exists in the gaming community through organizations like:
- Take This  - who provides AFK rooms at gaming conventions plus has a Streaming Ambassador Program to reach more than 135,000 viewers each week with positive messages about mental health, and
- NoStigmas  - who's mission "is to ensure that no one faces mental health challenges alone" and envisions "a world without shame or discrimination related to mental health, brain disease, behavioral disorders, trauma, suicide and addiction" plus offers workplaces a NoStigmas Ally course and individual certifications.
- Twitch streamers like MommaFoxFire place emphasis on mental health awareness to help lessen the stigma around talking about mental health.
The research was undertaken to determine the effects of social stigma primarily focuses on disease-associated stigmas. Disabilities, psychiatric disorders, and sexually transmitted diseases are among the diseases currently scrutinized by researchers. In studies involving such diseases, both positive and negative effects of social stigma have been discovered.[clarification needed]
Research on self-esteemEdit
Members of stigmatized groups may have lower self-esteem than those of nonstigmatized groups. A test could not be taken on the overall self-esteem of different races. Researchers would have to take into account whether these people are optimistic or pessimistic, whether they are male or female and what kind of place they grew up in. Over the last two decades, many studies have reported that African Americans show higher global self-esteem than whites even though, as a group, African Americans tend to receive poorer outcomes in many areas of life and experience significant discrimination and stigma.
People with mental disordersEdit
Empirical research on the stigma associated with mental disorders, pointed to a surprising attitude of the general public. Those who were told that mental disorders had a genetic basis were more prone to increase their social distance from the mentally ill, and also to assume that the ill were dangerous individuals, in contrast with those members of the general public who were told that the illnesses could be explained by social and environmental factors. Furthermore, those informed of the genetic basis were also more likely to stigmatize the entire family of the ill. Although the specific social categories that become stigmatized can vary over time and place, the three basic forms of stigma (physical deformity, poor personal traits, and tribal outgroup status) are found in most cultures and eras, leading some researchers to hypothesize that the tendency to stigmatize may have evolutionary roots.
Currently, several researchers believe that mental disorders are caused by a chemical imbalance in the brain. Therefore, this biological rationale suggests that individuals struggling with a mental illness do not have control over the origin of the disorder. Much like cancer or another type of physical disorder, persons suffering from mental disorders should be supported and encouraged to seek help. The Disability Rights Movement recognises that while there is considerable stigma towards people with physical disabilities, the negative social stigma surrounding mental illness is significantly worse, with those suffering being perceived to have control of their disabilities and being responsible for causing them. "Furthermore, research respondents are less likely to pity persons with mental illness, instead of reacting to the psychiatric disability with anger and believing that help is not deserved."  Although there are effective mental health interventions available across the globe, many persons with mental illnesses do not seek out the help that they need. Only 59.6% of individuals with a mental illness, including conditions such as depression, anxiety, schizophrenia, and bipolar disorder, reported receiving treatment in 2011. Reducing the negative stigma surrounding mental disorders may increase the probability of afflicted individuals seeking professional help from a psychiatrist or a non-psychiatric physician. How particular mental disorders are represented in the media can vary, as well as the stigma associated with each.
In the music industry, specifically in the genre of hip-hop or rap, those who speak out on mental illness are heavily criticized. However, according to a The Huffington Post article, there's a significant increase in rappers who are breaking their silence on depression and anxiety.
Addiction and substance use disordersEdit
Throughout history, addiction has largely been seen as a moral failing or character flaw, as opposed to an issue of public health. Substance use has been found to be more stigmatized than smoking, obesity, and mental illness. Research has shown stigma to be a barrier to treatment-seeking behaviors among individuals with addiction, creating a "treatment gap". Research shows that the words used to talk about addiction can contribute to stigmatization, and that the commonly used terms of "abuse" & "abuser" actually increase stigma. Behavioral addictions (i.e. gambling, sex, etc.) are found to be more likely to be attributed to character flaws than substance-use addictions. Stigma is reduced when Substance Use Disorders are portrayed as treatable conditions. Acceptance and Commitment Therapy has been used effectively to help people to reduce shame associated with cultural stigma around substance use treatment.
Mental illness, TaiwanEdit
In Taiwan, strengthening the psychiatric rehabilitation system has been one of the primary goals of the Department of Health since 1985. Unfortunately, this endeavor has not been successful. It was hypothesized that one of the barriers was social stigma towards the mentally ill. Accordingly, a study was conducted to explore the attitudes of the general population towards patients with mental disorders. A survey method was utilized on 1,203 subjects nationally. The results revealed that the general population held high levels of benevolence, tolerance on rehabilitation in the community, and nonsocial restrictiveness. Essentially, benevolent attitudes were favoring the acceptance of rehabilitation in the community. It could then be inferred that the belief (held by the residents of Taiwan) in treating the mentally ill with high regard, and the progress of psychiatric rehabilitation may be hindered by factors other than social stigma.
Epilepsy, Hong KongEdit
Epilepsy, a common neurological disorder characterised by recurring seizures, is associated with various social stigmas. Chung-yan Guardian Fong and Anchor Hung conducted a study in Hong Kong which documented public attitudes towards individuals with epilepsy. Of the 1,128 subjects interviewed, only 72.5% of them considered epilepsy to be acceptable;[clarification needed] 11.2% would not let their children play with others with epilepsy; 32.2% would not allow their children to marry persons with epilepsy; additionally, employers (22.5% of them) would terminate an employment contract after an epileptic seizure occurred in an employee with unreported epilepsy. Suggestions were made that more effort be made to improve public awareness of, attitude toward, and understanding of epilepsy through school education and epilepsy-related organizations.
In the mediaEdit
In the early 21st century, technology has a large impact on the lives of people in multiple countries and has become a social norm. Many people own a television, computer, and a smartphone. The media can be helpful with keeping people up to date on news and world issues and it is very influential on people. Because it is so influential sometimes the portrayal of minority groups affects attitudes of other groups toward them. Much media coverage has to do with other parts of the world. A lot of this coverage has to do with war and conflict, which people may relate to any person belonging from that country. There is a tendency to focus more on the positive behavior of one's own group and the negative behaviors of other groups. This promotes negative thoughts of people belonging to those other groups, reinforcing stereotypical beliefs.
"Viewers seem to react to violence with emotions such as anger and contempt. They are concerned about the integrity of the social order and show disapproval of others. Emotions such as sadness and fear are shown much more rarely." (Unz, Schwab & Winterhoff-Spurk, 2008, p. 141)
In a study testing the effects of stereotypical advertisements on students, 75 high school students viewed magazine advertisements with stereotypical female images such as a woman working on a holiday dinner, while 50 others viewed nonstereotypical images such as a woman working in a law office. These groups then responded to statements about women in a "neutral" photograph. In this photo, a woman was shown in a casual outfit not doing any obvious task. The students that saw the stereotypical images tended to answer the questionnaires with more stereotypical responses in 6 of the 12 questionnaire statements. This suggests that even brief exposure to stereotypical ads reinforces stereotypes. (Lafky, Duffy, Steinmaus & Berkowitz, 1996)
Effects of education, cultureEdit
The aforementioned stigmas (associated with their respective diseases) propose effects that these stereotypes have on individuals. Whether effects be negative or positive in nature, 'labeling' people causes a significant change in individual perception (of persons with the disease). Perhaps a mutual understanding of stigma, achieved through education, could eliminate social stigma entirely.
Laurence J. Coleman first adapted Erving Goffman's (1963) social stigma theory to gifted children, providing a rationale for why children may hide their abilities and present alternate identities to their peers. The stigma of giftedness theory was further elaborated by Laurence J. Coleman and Tracy L. Cross in their book entitled, Being Gifted In School, which is a widely cited reference in the field of gifted education. In the chapter on Coping with Giftedness, the authors expanded on the theory first presented in a 1988 article. According to Google Scholar, this article has been cited at least 110 times in the academic literature.
Coleman and Cross were the first to identify intellectual giftedness as a stigmatizing condition and they created a model based on Goffman's (1963) work, research with gifted students, and a book that was written and edited by 20 teenage, gifted individuals. Being gifted sets students apart from their peers and this difference interferes with full social acceptance. Varying expectations that exist in the different social contexts which children must navigate, and the value judgments that may be assigned to the child result in the child's use of social coping strategies to manage his or her identity. Unlike other stigmatizing conditions, giftedness is unique because it can lead to praise or ridicule depending on the audience and circumstances.
Gifted children learn when it is safe to display their giftedness and when they should hide it to better fit in with a group. These observations led to the development of the Information Management Model that describes the process by which children decide to employ coping strategies to manage their identities. In situations where the child feels different, she or he may decide to manage the information that others know about him or her. Coping strategies include disidentification with giftedness, attempting to maintain low visibility, or creating a high-visibility identity (playing a stereotypical role associated with giftedness). These ranges of strategies are called the Continuum of Visibility.
Stigmatising attitude of narcissists to psychiatric illnessEdit
While abortion is very common throughout the world, people may choose not to disclose their use of such services, in part due to the stigma associated with having had an abortion. Abortion providers are also subject to stigma.
Stigmatization of PrejudiceEdit
Cultural norms can prevent displays of prejudice as such views are stigmatized and thus people will express non-prejudiced views even if they believe otherwise (preference falsification). However, if the stigma against such views is lessened, people will be more willing to express prejudicial sentiments. For example, following the 2008 economic crisis, anti-immigration sentiment seemingly increased amongst the US population when in reality the level of sentiment remained the same and instead it simply became more acceptable to openly express opposition to immigration.
- Badge of shame
- Collateral consequences of criminal charges
- Guilt by association
- Identity (social science)
- Label (sociology)
- Labeling theory
- Leprosy stigma
- Passing (sociology)
- Post-assault mistreatment of sexual assault victims
- Social alienation
- Social exclusion
- Stereotype threat
- Stig-9 perceived mental illness stigma questionnaire
- Stigma management
- Time to Change (mental health campaign)
- Weight stigma
- Goffman, Erving (2009). Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity. New York: Simon and Schuster. p. 1. ISBN 978-0-671-62244-2.
- Jacoby A, Snape D, Baker GA (2005), "Epilepsy and Social Identity: the Stigma of a Chronic Neurological Disorder", Lancet Neurology, 4 (3): 171–8, doi:10.1016/s1474-4422(05)70020-x, PMID 15721827
- Brenda Major; Laurie T. O'Brien (2005). "The Social Psychology of Stigma". Annual Review of Psychology. 56 (1): 393–421. doi:10.1146/annurev.psych.56.091103.070137. PMID 15709941.
- Cox, William T. L.; Abramson, Lyn Y.; Devine, Patricia G.; Hollon, Steven D. (2012). "Stereotypes, Prejudice, and Depression: The Integrated Perspective". Perspectives on Psychological Science. 7 (5): 427–49. doi:10.1177/1745691612455204. PMID 26168502.
- Émile Durkheim (1982). Rules of Sociological Method (1895) The Free Press
- Goffman, Erving (1963). Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity. Prentice Hall. ISBN 978-0-671-62244-2.
- Smith, R. (2012). "Segmenting an Audience into the Own, the Wise, and Normals: A Latent Class Analysis of Stigma-Related Categories". Communication Research Reports (29 ed.). 29 (4): 257–65. doi:10.1080/08824096.2012.704599.
- Shana Levin; Colette van Laar (2004), Stigma and Group Inequality: Social Psychological Perspectives, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, ISBN 978-0805844153
- Bordieri, J. E.; Drehmer, D. E. (1986). "Hiring Decisions for Disabled Workers: Looking at the Cause". Journal of Applied Social Psychology. 16 (3): 197–208. doi:10.1111/j.1559-1816.1986.tb01135.x.
- Williams, D. R.; Neighbors, H. W.; Jackson, J. S. (2003). "Racial/ethnic discrimination and health: findings from community studies". American Journal of Public Health. 93 (2): 200–208. doi:10.2105/ajph.93.2.200. PMC 2518588. PMID 18687616.
- Dolphin, Louise; Hennessy, Eilis (30 August 2014). "Adolescents׳ perceptions of peers with depression: An attributional analysis". Psychiatry Research. 218 (3): 295–302. doi:10.1016/j.psychres.2014.04.051. hdl:10197/5642. ISSN 0165-1781. PMID 24851724.
- Dolphin, L.; Hennessy, E. (2016). "Depression stigma among adolescents in Ireland". Stigma and Health. 1 (3): 185–200. doi:10.1037/sah0000025.
- Dolphin, Louise; Hennessy, Eilis (24 June 2017). "Labelling effects and adolescent responses to peers with depression: an experimental investigation". BMC Psychiatry. 17 (1): 228. doi:10.1186/s12888-017-1389-9. PMC 5483288. PMID 28646873.
- O'Driscoll, Claire; Heary, Caroline; Hennessy, Eilis; McKeague, Lynn (October 2012). "Explicit and implicit stigma towards peers with mental health problems in childhood and adolescence". Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, and Allied Disciplines. 53 (10): 1054–1062. doi:10.1111/j.1469-7610.2012.02580.x. hdl:10197/4218. ISSN 1469-7610. PMID 22823158.
- Heatherton, T. F.; Kleck, R. E.; Hebl, M. R.; Hull, J. G. (2000). The Social Psychology of Stigma. Guilford Press. ISBN 1-57230-573-8.
- Gerhard Falk (2001). STIGMA: How We Treat Outsiders, Prometheus Books.
- Link, Bruce G.; Phelan, Jo C. (2001), "Conceptualizing Stigma", Annual Review of Sociology, 27: 363–85, doi:10.1146/annurev.soc.27.1.363
- Frosh, Stephen. "The Other." American Imago 59.4 (2002): 389-407. Print.
- Hughey, Matthew W. (2012) 'Stigma Allure and White Antiracist Identity Management.' Social Psychology Quarterly. p. 1-23.
- Jones E, Farina A, Hastorf A, Markus H, Miller D, Scott R (1984), Social stigma: The psychology of marked relationships., New York: Freeman, ISBN 978-0716715924
- Catherine Campbell; Harriet Deacon (September 2006), "Unraveling the Contexts of Stigma: From Internalisation to Resistance to Change" (PDF), Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology, 16 (6): 411–17, doi:10.1002/casp.901, ISSN 1052-9284
- Linda Shaw (October 1991), "Stigma and the Moral Careers of Ex-Mental Patients Living in Board and Care", Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 20 (3): 285–305, doi:10.1177/089124191020003003
- Smith, R. (2011). "Stigma, Communication, and Health" (2 ed.). Routledge Handbook of Health Communication: 455–68. Cite journal requires
- Smith, R. (2007). "Language of the lost: An explication of stigma communication". Communication Theory. 17 (4): 462–85. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2885.2007.00307.x.
- Smith, R. (2012). "An Experimental Test of Stigma Communication Content with a Hypothetical Infectious Disease Alert". Communication Monographs. 79 (4): 522–538. doi:10.1080/03637751.2012.723811.
- Catherine Campbell; Carol Ann Foulis; Sbongile Maimane; Zweni Sibiya (2005), "I have an evil child at my house: stigma and HIV/AIDS management in a South African community", American Journal of Public Health, 95 (5): 808–15, doi:10.2105/AJPH.2003.037499, PMC 1449259, PMID 15855456
- Cornish, F (2006), "Challenging the stigma of sex work in India: Material context and symbolic change", Journal of Community and Applied Social Psychology, 16 (6): 462–71, doi:10.1002/casp.894
- Cohen, Andrew C.; Dromi, Shai M. (2018). "Advertising morality: maintaining moral worth in a stigmatized profession". Theory & Society. 47 (2): 175–206. doi:10.1007/s11186-018-9309-7.
- Take This, help for people with mental health challenges who are also passionate about making games, retrieved 22 May 2019
- NoStigmas, Ally Built, Ally Run, Perpetual Giving, Lead By Example, retrieved 22 May 2019
- MommaFoxFire - Live-streaming research-driven, relate-able conversations in a peer-supported, non-judgemental environment, retrieved 22 May 2019
- Ben Goldacre, The stigma gene, reproduced on his blog from his column in The Guardian, 9 October 2010
- Brownell, Kelly D (2005). Weight Bias. ISBN 9781593851996.
- Kurzban R, Leary MR (2001), "Evolutionary Origins of Stigmatization: The Functions of Social Exclusion" (PDF), Psychological Bulletin, 127 (2): 187–208, doi:10.1037/0033-2909.127.2.187, PMID 11316010, archived from the original (PDF) on 16 July 2011 Cite uses deprecated parameter
- CORRIGAN, PATRICK W; WATSON, AMY C (1 February 2002). "Understanding the impact of stigma on people with mental illness". World Psychiatry. 1 (1): 16–20. ISSN 1723-8617. PMC 1489832. PMID 16946807.
- "The Impact of Mental Illness Stigma on Seeking and Participating in Mental Health Care".
- Fennell, Dana; Boyd, Michael (2014). "Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder in the Media". Deviant Behavior. 35 (9): 669–686. doi:10.1080/01639625.2013.872526.
- Florez, Jose (27 July 2016). "5 Influential Rappers That Broke The Mental Health Stigma". The Huffington Post.
- Barry, Colleen L.; McGinty, Emma E.; Pescosolido, Bernice A.; Goldman, Howard H. (1 October 2014). "Stigma, discrimination, treatment effectiveness, and policy: public views about drug addiction and mental illness". Psychiatric Services. 65 (10): 1269–1272. doi:10.1176/appi.ps.201400140. ISSN 1557-9700. PMC 4285770. PMID 25270497.
- "DRAFT: Changing the Language of Addiction". The White House. Archived from the original on 20 December 2016. Retrieved 12 December 2016. Cite uses deprecated parameter
- Abuse, National Institute on Drug (3 July 2012). "Ending the stigma of addiction". Retrieved 12 December 2016.
- Phillips, Lindsay A.; Shaw, Autherine (1 August 2013). "Substance use more stigmatized than smoking and obesity". Journal of Substance Use. 18 (4): 247–253. doi:10.3109/14659891.2012.661516. ISSN 1465-9891.
- "Substance use is more stigmatized than both smoking and obesity | Recovery Research Institute". recoveryanswers.org. Archived from the original on 20 December 2016. Retrieved 12 December 2016. Cite uses deprecated parameter
- "Drug addiction is substantially more stigmatized than mental illness | Recovery Research Institute". recoveryanswers.org. Archived from the original on 20 December 2016. Retrieved 12 December 2016. Cite uses deprecated parameter
- admin (16 October 2016). "Executive Summary". addiction.surgeongeneral.gov. Retrieved 12 December 2016.
- Cunningham, John A.; Sobell, Linda C.; Sobell, Mark B.; Agrawal, Sangeeta; Toneatto, Tony (1 May 1993). "Barriers to treatment: Why alcohol and drug abusers delay or never seek treatment". Addictive Behaviors. 18 (3): 347–353. doi:10.1016/0306-4603(93)90036-9.
- Hendriksson, Marla (16 May 2016). "Words Matter". SAMSHA blog. Substance Abuse and Mental Health Administration.
- Kelly, John F.; Westerhoff, Cassandra M. (1 May 2010). "Does it matter how we refer to individuals with substance-related conditions? A randomized study of two commonly used terms". International Journal of Drug Policy. 21 (3): 202–207. doi:10.1016/j.drugpo.2009.10.010. PMID 20005692.
- Kelly, John F.; Dow, Sarah J.; Westerhoff, Cara (1 October 2010). "Does Our Choice of Substance-Related Terms Influence Perceptions of Treatment Need? An Empirical Investigation with Two Commonly Used Terms". Journal of Drug Issues. 40 (4): 805–818. doi:10.1177/002204261004000403. ISSN 0022-0426.
- "Words matter". apa.org. Retrieved 12 December 2016.
- Botticelli, Michael P.; Koh, Howard K. (4 October 2016). "Changing the Language of Addiction". JAMA. 316 (13): 1361–1362. doi:10.1001/jama.2016.11874. ISSN 0098-7484. PMID 27701667.
- Konkolÿ Thege, Barna; Colman, Ian; el-Guebaly, Nady; Hodgins, David C.; Patten, Scott B.; Schopflocher, Don; Wolfe, Jody; Wild, T. Cameron (1 March 2015). "Social judgments of behavioral versus substance-related addictions: a population-based study". Addictive Behaviors. 42: 24–31. doi:10.1016/j.addbeh.2014.10.025. hdl:1880/50546. ISSN 1873-6327. PMID 25462650.
- McGinty, Emma E.; Goldman, Howard H.; Pescosolido, Bernice; Barry, Colleen L. (1 February 2015). "Portraying mental illness and drug addiction as treatable health conditions: effects of a randomized experiment on stigma and discrimination". Social Science & Medicine. 126: 73–85. doi:10.1016/j.socscimed.2014.12.010. ISSN 1873-5347. PMID 25528557.
- "Breaking the stigma: portraying opioid use disorder as a treatable health condition | Recovery Research Institute". recoveryanswers.org. Archived from the original on 21 May 2016. Retrieved 12 December 2016. Cite uses deprecated parameter
- James D Livingston; Teresa Milne; Mei Lan Fang; Erica Amari (2012), "The effectiveness of interventions for reducing stigma related to substance use disorders: a systematic review", Addiction, 107 (1): 39–50, doi:10.1111/j.1360-0443.2011.03601.x, PMC 3272222, PMID 21815959
- Lee, Eric B.; An, Woolee; Levin, Michael E.; Twohig, Michael P. (1 October 2015). "An initial meta-analysis of Acceptance and Commitment Therapy for treating substance use disorders". Drug and Alcohol Dependence. 155: 1–7. doi:10.1016/j.drugalcdep.2015.08.004. ISSN 1879-0046. PMID 26298552.
- "Introducing Acceptance and Commitment Therapy: A preliminary evaluation of its effectiveness in addiction treatment | Recovery Research Institute". recoveryanswers.org. Archived from the original on 20 December 2016. Retrieved 12 December 2016. Cite uses deprecated parameter
- Song LY, Chang LY, Shih CY, Lin CY, Yang MJ (2005), "Community Attitudes Towards the Mentally Ill: The Results of a National Survey of the Taiwanese Population", International Journal of Social Psychiatry, 51 (2): 162–76, doi:10.1177/0020764005056765, PMID 16048245
- Fong, C.; Hung, A. (2002), "Public Awareness, Attitude, and Understanding of Epilepsy in Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, China", Epilepsia, 43 (3): 311–16, doi:10.1046/j.1528-1157.2002.31901.x, PMID 11906517
- Geschke, D., Sassenberg, K., Fuhrmann, G., Sommer, D. (2010), "Effects of linguistic abstractness in the mass media: How newspaper articles shape readers' attitudes toward migrants", Journal of Media Psychology: Theories, Methods, and Applications, 22 (3): 99–104, doi:10.1027/1864-1105/a000014CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
- Unz, D., Schwab, F., Winterhoff-Spurk, P. (2008), "TV news–the daily horror?: Emotional effects of violent television news", Journal of Media Psychology: Theories, Methods, and Applications, 20 (4): 141–55, doi:10.1027/1864-1126.96.36.199CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
- Lafky et al. "Looking through Gendered Lenses: Female Stereotyping in Advertisements and Gender Role Expectations" in Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly, v73 n2 p379-88 Sum 1996. http://virtualworker.pbworks.com/f/Looking%20through....pdf
- Coleman, Laurence J. (1985). Schooling the Gifted. Addison-Wesley Publishing Company.
- Coleman, L. J. & Cross, T. L. (2001). Being Gifted in School. Prufrock Press.
- Cross, T.L.; Coleman, L.J. (1993). "The social cognition of gifted adolescents: An exploration of the stigma of giftedness paradigm". Roeper Review. 16 (1): 37–47. doi:10.1080/02783199309553532.
- "Google Scholar Search". Retrieved 19 May 2012.
- "Google Scholar Search". Retrieved 19 May 2012.
- The American Association of Gifted Children (1978). On Being Gifted. Walker, and Company.
- Arikan, K. (2005). "A stigmatizating attitude towards psychiatric illnesses is associated with narcissistic personality traits" (PDF). Isr J Psychiatry Relat Sci. 42 (4): 248–50. PMID 16618057.
- Hanschmidt, Franz; Linde, Katja; Hilbert, Anja; Riedel- Heller, Steffi G.; Kersting, Anette (December 2016). "Abortion Stigma: A Systematic Review: Abortion stigma - A systematic review". Perspectives on Sexual and Reproductive Health. 48 (4): 169–177. doi:10.1363/48e8516. PMID 27037848.
- Cowan, Sarah K. (March 2017). "Enacted abortion stigma in the United States". Social Science & Medicine. 177: 259–268. doi:10.1016/j.socscimed.2017.01.011. PMID 28161123.
- Harris, Lisa (2008). "Second Trimester Abortion Provision: Breaking the Silence and Changing the Discourse" (PDF). Reproductive Health Matters. 16 (31): 74–81. doi:10.1016/S0968-8080(08)31396-2. PMID 18772087. Retrieved 29 October 2015.
- O'Donnell, Jenny; Weitz, Tracy; Freedman, Lori (November 2011). "Resistance and vulnerability to stigmatization in abortion work". Social Science and Medicine. 73 (9): 1357–1364. doi:10.1016/j.socscimed.2011.08.019. PMID 21940082.
- "Yes, Trump is Making Xenophobia More Acceptable", Bloomberg News, 26/05/17, retrieved 25/11/17
- "The scientific case that America is becoming more prejudiced" Vox, 14/08/17, retrieved 25/11/17
- Creighton, Matthew; Jamal, Amaney; Malancu, Natalia (3 May 2014). "Has Opposition to Immigration Increased in the United States after the Economic Crisis? An experimental Approach". International Migration Review. 49 (3): 727–756. doi:10.1111/imre.12091.
This article incorporates text translated from the corresponding German Wikipedia article: Stigmatisierung.
- George Ritzer (2006). Contemporary Social Theory and its Classical Roots: The Basics (Second Edition). McGraw-Hill.
- Blaine, B. (2007). Understanding The Psychology of Diversity. SAGE Publications Ltd.
- Smith, R. A. (2009). Stigma communication. In S. Littlejohn & K. Foss (Eds.), Encyclopedia of communication theory (pp 931–34). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
- Healthline Networks, Inc.  Retrieved: February 2007
- Anna Scheyett, The Mark of Madness: Stigma, Serious Mental Illnesses, and Social Work,  Retrieved: February 2007
- Osborne, Jason W. (November 1993) Niagara county community college. "Academics, Self-Esteem, and Race: A look at the Underlying Assumptions of the Disidentification Hypothesis"
- Carol T. Miller, Ester D. Rothblum, Linda Barbour, Pamela A. Brand and Diane Felicio (September 1989). The University of Vermont. "Social Interactions of Obese and Nonobese Women"
- Kenneth Plummer (1975). Sexual stigma: an interactionist account. Routledge. ISBN 0-7100-8060-3.