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The Muʻallaqāt Arabic: المعلقات‎, [al-muʕallaqaːt]) is a group of seven long Arabic poems that are considered the best work of pre-Islamic Arabia.[1] The name means The Suspended Odes or The Hanging Poems, the traditional explanation being that these poems were hung on or in the Kaaba at Mecca.,[2] while scholars have also suggested that the hanging is figurative, as if the poems "hang" in the reader's mind.[3]

Along with the Mufaddaaliyyat, Jamharat Ashʻar al-ʻArab and Asmā'iyyāt, the Mu'allaqāt are considered the primary source for early Arabic poetry.[4]



The grammarian Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Nahhas (d. 949 CE) says in his commentary on the Mu'allaqat: "The true view of the matter is this: when Hammad Ar-Rawiya [8th century] saw how little men cared for poetry, he collected these seven pieces, urged people to study them, and said to them: 'These are the [poems] of renown.'" This agrees with all other information scholars have retrieved. Firstly, the recitation of poems was his profession. Hammad was perhaps of all men the one who knew most Arabic poetry by heart. It is likely that he would have performed the task of selecting the poems; some assume that he is responsible due to his somewhat fantastic title of "the suspended".[2][3] Orfali suggests that the connection is "the multi-thematic qaṣidāh form".[5]

There is another fact which seems to speak in favour of Hammad as the compiler of this work. He was a Persian by descent, but a client of the Arab tribe, Bakr ibn Wa'il. For this reason, some suppose he not only received into the collection a poem of the famous poet Tarafa, of the tribe of Bakr, but also that of another Bakrite, Harith. The latter, though not accounted a bard of the highest rank, had been a prominent chieftain, while his poem could serve as a counterpoise to another also received the celebrated verses of Harith's contemporary 'Amr, chief of the Taghlib, the rival brethren of the Bakr. 'Amr praises the Taghlib in glowing terms: Harith, in a similar vein, extols the Bakr ancestors of Hammad's patrons.[2]

The collection of Hammad appears to have consisted of the same seven poems which are found in modern editions, composed respectively by Imru' al-Qais, Tarafa, Zuhayr, Labīd, 'Antara Ibn Shaddad, 'Amr ibn Kulthum, and Harith ibn Hilliza. These are enumerated both by Ibn Abd Rabbih (860–940 CE), and, on the authority of the older philologists, by Nahhas; and all subsequent commentators seem to follow them. We have, however, evidence of the existence, at an early period, of a slightly different arrangement. We cannot now say, on the testimony of the Jamharat Ash'ar al-Arab, that two of the most competent ancient authorities on Arabic poetry, al-Mufaddal (d. c. 790) and Abu ʿUbaidah (d. 824 CE, at a great age), had already assigned to the "Seven" (i.e. "the seven Mu'allaqat") a poem each of al-Nabigha and al-A'sha in place of those of 'Antara and Harith. For meanwhile it has been discovered that the compiler of the above-mentioned work who, in order to deceive the reader, issued it under a false name is absolutely untrustworthy. However, the learned Ibn Qutaiba (9th century), in his book Of Poetry and Poets, mentions as belonging to the "Seven" not only the poem of 'Amr, which has been reckoned among the Mu'allaqat (ed. de Goeje, p. 120), but also a poem of 'Abid ibn al-Abras (ibid. 144). In place of which poem he read this remains unknown, and scholars are ignorant as to whether he counted other pieces than those indicated above among the seven.

Now Nabigha and A'sha enjoyed greater celebrity than any of the poets represented in the Mu'allaqat, with the exception of Imru' al-Qais, and it is therefore not surprising that scholars, of a somewhat later date, appended a poem by each of these to the Mu'allaqat, without intending by this to make them an integral part of that work. This is clear, for instance, from the introductory words of Tibrizi, Yahyá ibn Ali (d. 1109 C.E.) to his commentary on the Mu'allaqat. Appended to this he gives a commentary to a poem of Nabigha, to one of A'sha, and moreover one to that poem of 'Abid which, as we have just seen, Ibn Qutaiba had counted among the seven. It is a pure misunderstanding when Ibn Khaldun (1332–1406 CE) in his Muqaddimah speaks of nine Mu'allaqat; and we ought hardly to lay any stress on the fact that he mentions not only Nabigha and A'sha, but also 'Alqama ibn 'Abada, as Mu'allaqa poets. He was probably led to this by a delusive recollection of the Collection of the "Six Poets", in which were included these three, together with the three Mu'allaqat poets, Imru' al-Qais, Zuhayr and Tarafa.

The hanging of the poemsEdit

Ibn Abd Rabbih in the Al-ʿIqd al-Farīd "The Precious Necklace" states, "The Arabs had such an interest in poetry, and valued it so highly, that they took seven long pieces selected from the ancient poetry, wrote them in gold on pieces of Coptic linen folded up, and hung them up (allaqat) on the curtains which covered the Kaaba. Hence we speak of 'the golden poem of Imru' al-Qais,' 'the golden poem of Zuhayr.' The number of the golden poems is seven; they are also called 'the suspended' (al-Muʻallaqāt)." Similar statements are found in later Arabic works. But against this we have the testimony of al-Nahhas, who says in his commentary on the Muʻallaqāt: "As for the assertion that they were hung up in the Kaaba, it is not known to any of those who have handed down ancient poems." This cautious scholar is right in rejecting a story so unauthenticated.

The customs of the Arabs before Muhammad are accurately known to us; we have also a mass of information about the affairs of Mecca at the time when the Prophet arose; but no trace of this or anything like it is found in really good and ancient authorities. We hear, indeed, of a Meccan hanging up a spoil of battle on the Kaaba (Ibn Hisham, ed. Wiistenfeld, p. 431). Less credible is the story of an important document being deposited in that sanctuary (ibid. p. 230), for this looks like an instance of later usages being transferred to pre-Islamic times. But at all events this is quite a different thing from the hanging up of poetical manuscripts. To account for the disappearance of the Muʻallaqat from the Kaaba we are told, in a passage of late origin (De Sacy, Chrestom. ii. 480), that they were taken down at the capture of Mecca by the Prophet. But in that case we should expect some hint of the occurrence in the circumstantial biographies of the Prophet, and in the works on the history of Mecca; and we find no such thing.

While the poems were almost certainly transmitted orally before being recorded in writing, scholars such as Brown see no reason why significant change through the oral transmission should exist—because the poems were held in high regard, there would be more social pressure to repeat them precisely.[6] Moreover, it is quite inconceivable that there should have been either a guild or a private individual of such acknowledged taste, or of such influence, as to bring about a consensus of opinion in favour of certain poems.

No better is the variant of the legend, which we find, at a much later period, in the Muqaddimah of Ibn Khaldun, who tells us that the poets themselves hung up their poems on the Kaaba (ed. Paris iii. 357). In short, this legend, often related by Arabs, and still more by Europeans, has no historical basis: it is a fabrication based on the name "suspended". The word was taken in its literal sense; and as these poems were prized by many above all others in after times, the same opinion was attributed to "the [ancient] Arabs," who were supposed to have given effect to their verdict in the way already described. A somewhat simpler version also given by Nahhas in the passage already cited is as follows:

Most of the Arabs were accustomed to meet at 'Oqaz and recite verses; then, if the king was pleased with any poem, he said, 'Hang it up, and preserve it among my treasures.'" But, not to mention other difficulties, there was no king of all the Arabs; and it is unlikely that any Arabian king attended the fair at Oqaz.[2]

The story that the poems were written in gold originated in the name "the golden poems" (literally "the gilded"), a figurative expression for excellence. The designation "suspended" may be interpreted in the same way, referring to those (poems) which have been raised, on account of their value, to a specially honourable position. Another derivative of the same root is ʻilq, "precious thing." A clearer significance attaches to another name sometimes used for these poems assumut, "strings of pearls". The comparison of artificially elaborated poems to these strings is extremely apt. Hence it became popular, even in ordinary prose, to refer to speech in rhythmical form as naqm "to string pearls." The selection of these seven poems is unlikely to have been the work of the ancient Arabs, but rather some one writing at a later date.[2]

Another hypothesis is given by Robson, who argues that the title was given by Hammad to indicate that the poems are "suspended" from their rightful place—that is, like a disrespected wife denied her place by a husband of multiple wives (Qu'ran 4.128), the poems are denied their proper place: a diwan.[3] Regardless of meaning, most scholars doubt the poems were physically hung at the Kaaba.[3][7]


The seven renowned onesEdit

The lives of these poets were spread over a period of more than a hundred years. The earliest of the seven was Imru' al-Qais, regarded by many as the most illustrious of Arabian Muʻallaqah poets. His exact date cannot be determined; but probably the best part of his career fell within the midst of the sixth century. He was a scion of the royal house of the tribe Kindah, which lost its power at the death of its king, Harith ibn ʻAmr, in the year 529. The poet's royal father, Hojr, by some accounts a son of this Harith, was killed by a Bedouin tribe, the Banu Asad ibn Khuzaymah. The son led an adventurous life as a refugee, now with one tribe, now with another, and appears to have died young. The anecdotes related of him which, however, are untrustworthy in detail as well as his poems, imply that the glorious memory of his house and the hatred it inspired were still comparatively fresh, and therefore recent. A contemporary of Imruʻ al-Qais was Abid ibn al-Abras, one poem of whose, as we have seen, is by some authorities reckoned among the collection. He belonged to the Banu Asad, and is fond of vaunting the heroic dead of his tribe the murder of Hujr in opposition to the victim's son, the great poet.[2]

The Muʻallaqah of 'Amr ibn Kulthum hurls defiance against the king of al-Hirah, 'Amr III ibn al-Mundhir, who reigned from the summer of 554 until 568 or 569, and was afterwards slain by the poet. This prince is also addressed by Harith in his Muʻallaqa. Of Tarafa, who is said to have attained no great age, a few satirical verses have been preserved, directed against this same king. This agrees with the fact that a grandson of the Qais ibn Khalid, mentioned as a rich and influential man in Tarafa's Muʻallaqah (v. 80 or 81), figured at the time of the Battle of Dhi Qar, in which the tribe Bakr routed a Persian army. This battle falls about 610 CE.[2]

The Muʻallaqah of Antarah ibn Shaddad and that of Zuhayr bin Abi Sulma contain allusions to the feuds of the kindred tribes Banu Abs and Banu Dhubyan. Famous as these contests were, their time cannot accurately be ascertained. But the date of the two poets can be approximately determined from other data. Ka'b bin Zuhayr, composed first a satire, and then, in the year 630, a eulogy on the Prophet; another son, Bujair, had begun, somewhat sooner, to celebrate Muhammad. Antara killed the grandfather of Ahnaf ibn Qais, who died at an advanced age in 686 or 687; he outlived 'Abdallah ibn Simma, whose brother Duraid was old when he died in battle against Muhammad's army (early in 630 CE); and he had communications with Ward, whose son, the poet Urwah ibn al-Ward, may perhaps have survived the flight of Muhammad to Medina. From all these indications we may place the productive period of both poets in the end of the 6th century. The historical background of Antara's Muʻallaqat lies somewhat earlier than that of Zuhayr's.[2]

To the same period appears to belong the poem of 'Alqama ibn 'Abada, which, as we have seen, Ibn Khaldun reckons amongst the Muʻallaqāt. This too is certainly the date of Al-Nabigha, who was one of the most distinguished of Arabic poets. For in the poem often reckoned as a Muʻallaqah, as in many others, he addresses himself to the king of al-Hirah, al-Nu'man III ibn al-Mundhir, who reigned in the two last decades of the sixth century. The same king is mentioned as a contemporary in one of poems of ʻAlqama.[2]

The poem of al-A'sha, sometimes added to the Muʻallaqāt, contains an allusion to the battle of Dhi Qar (under the name "Battle of Hinw", v. 62). This poet, not less famous than Nabigha, lived to compose a poem in honour of Muhammad, and died not long before 630 CE.[2]

Labīd is the only one of these poets who embraced Islam. His Muʻallaqa, however, like almost all his other poetical works, belongs to the pre-Islamic period. He is said to have lived until 661, or even later; certainly it is true of him, what is asserted with less likelihood of several others of these poets, that he lived to a ripe old age.[2]

Hammad Ar-Rawiya's seven poetsEdit

  1. Imru' al-Qais
  2. Labīd
  3. Tarafa
  4. Zuhayr ibn Abi Sulma
  5. Antara Ibn Shaddad
  6. Amr ibn Kulthum
  7. Harith ibn Hilliza

Poets sometimes numbered amongst the sevenEdit

  1. Al-Nabigha
  2. al-A'sha
  3. 'Abid ibn al-Abras

The poemsEdit

The seven Mu'allaqat, and also the poems appended to them, represent almost every type of ancient Arabian poetry. Tarafa's long, anatomically exact description of his camel had an extraordinary charm of its own for the Bedouins, every man of whom was a perfect connoisseur on this subject down to the minutest points[citation needed]. In the Mu'allaqat of 'Amr and Harith we can read the haughty spirit of the powerful chieftains, boastfully celebrating the splendours of their tribe. The song of Zuhayr contains the practical wisdom of a sober man of the world. The other poems are fairly typical examples of the customary qasida, the long poem of ancient Arabia, and bring before us the various phases of Bedouin life. In the Mu'allaqat of 'Antara, whose heroic temperament had overcome the scorn with which the son of a black slave-mother was regarded by the Bedouins, there predominates a warlike spirit, which plays practically no part in the song of Labid.[2]

There is a high degree of uniformity in the Mu'allaqat[citation needed]. For example, the poets use an strict metrical system. The only poem which shows unusual metrical freedom is the above-mentioned song of 'Abid. However, Abid's contemporary Imru' al-Qais, in a poem which in other respects also exhibits certain coincidences with that of 'Abid, presents himself considerable licence in the use of the same rare metre. Presumably, the deviations from the schema in 'Abid are due simply to incorrect transmission by compilers who failed to grasp the meter. The other poems ascribed to 'Abid, together with all the rest attributed to Imru' al-Qais, are constructed in precise accord with the metrical canons.[2]

The last poet in the Mu'allaquat is Hammad to whom is attributed the collection of the Mu'allaqat. He, at the same time, marks the transition of the rhapsodist to the critic and scholar. Hammad dealt in the most arbitrary fashion with the enormous quantity of poetry which he professed to know thoroughly. The seven Mu'allaqat are indeed free from the suspicion of forgery[citation needed], but even in them the text is frequently altered and many verses are transposed. Some of the Mu'allaqat have several preambles: so, especially, that of 'Amr, the first eight verses of which belong not to the poem, but to another poet. Elsewhere, also, we find spurious verses in the Mu'allaqat. Some of these poems, which have been handed down to us in other exemplars besides the collection itself, exhibit great divergences both in the order and number of the verses and in textual details. This is particularly the case with the oldest Mu'allaqat—that of Imru' al-Qais—the critical treatment of which is a problem of such extreme difficulty that only an approximate solution can ever be reached. The variations of the text, outside the Mu'allaqat collection, have here and there exercised an influence on the text of that collection. It would be well if our manuscripts at least gave the Mu'allaqat in the exact form of Hammad's day. The best text in fact, we may say, a really good text is that of the latest Mu'allaqat, the song of Labid.[2]

The Mu'allaqat exist in many manuscripts, some with old commentaries. They have also been several times printed, such as the edition of Sir Charles James Lyall with the commentary of Tibrizi (Calcutta, 1894). The nature of the expression and of the subjects only allows for a paraphrase for large portions of the work, unless the sense is to be entirely obliterated.[2]

See alsoEdit


  1. ^ Pettersson, Anders; Lindberg-Wada, Gunilla; Petersson, Margareta; Helgesson, Stefan (2011). Literary History: Towards a Global Perspective: Volume 1: Notions of Literature Across Cultures. Volume 2: Literary Genres: An Intercultural Approach. Volume 3+4: Literary Interactions in the Modern World 1+2. Walter de Gruyter. p. 158. ISBN 978-3-11-089411-0.
  2. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o   One or more of the preceding sentences incorporates text from a publication now in the public domainNöldeke, Theodor (1911). "Mo'allakāt". In Chisholm, Hugh (ed.). Encyclopædia Britannica. 18 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 632–635.
  3. ^ a b c d Robson, James (1936). "The Meaning of the Title "Al-Mu'allaqāt"". The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (1): 83–86. ISSN 0035-869X. JSTOR 25182040.
  4. ^ Nasser, Shady (2012). The Transmission of the Variant Readings of the Qurʾān: The Problem of Tawātur and the Emergence of Shawādhdh. BRILL. p. 245. ISBN 978-90-04-24179-4.
  5. ^ Orfali, Bilal (2012). "A Sketch Map of Arabic Poetry Anthologies up to the Fall of Baghdad". Journal of Arabic Literature. 43 (1): 29–59. ISSN 0085-2376. JSTOR 41725590.
  6. ^ Brown, Jonathan A.C. (2003). "The Social Context of Pre-Islamic Poetry: Poetic Imagery and Social Reality In the Mu'allaqāt". Arab Studies Quarterly. 25 (3): 29–50. ISSN 0271-3519. JSTOR 41858448.
  7. ^ Kister, M. J. (1969). "The Seven Odes: Some notes on the compilation of the Mu'allaqāt". Rivista degli studi orientali. 44 (1): 27–36. ISSN 0392-4866. JSTOR 41880056.

Further readingEdit


External linksEdit