The Chitpavan Brahmin or Konkanastha Brahmin (i.e., "Brahmins native to the Konkan") is a Hindu Maharashtrian Brahmin community inhabiting Konkan, the coastal region of the state of Maharashtra. The community came into prominence during the 18th century when the heirs of Peshwa from the Bhat family of Balaji Vishwanath became the de facto rulers of the Maratha empire.[1] Under the British Raj, they were the one of the Hindu communities in Maharashtra to flock to western education and they provided the bulk of social reformers, educationalists and nationalists of the late 19th century.[2] Until the 18th century, the Chitpavans were held in low esteem by the Deshastha, the older established Brahmin community of Maharashtra region.[3][4][5]

Chitpavan/Konkanastha Brahmins
LanguagesMarathi, Gujarati, Chitpavani Konkani, Kannada,
Populated statesKonkan (Coastal Maharashtra, Goa, Karnataka, some parts of Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat)
Chitpavan Brahmins practicing Bodan, a rite performed on important occasions like birth or marriage

As per the 1901 census, about 5% of the Pune population was Brahmin and about 27% of them were Chitpawans.[6]


The Chitpavan are also known as Konkanastha Brahmin.[7][8] They have only a single mythological story of origin which is based on the etymology of their name, meaning "pure of mind", while an older belief uses the alternate etymological meaning : "pure from the pyre" and is based on the tale of Parashurama in the Sahyadrikhanda of the Skanda Purana.[9][10]

Historian Tudor Parfitt and Professor Yulia Egorova says, The Parashurama mythological story of shipwrecked people is similar to the mythological story of the Bene Israel Jews of Raigad district.[11] According to the historian Roshen Dalal, similarities between the legends may be due to a connection between the Chitpawans and the Bene Israel communities.[12] The history of Bene Israel, who also settled in Konkan, claims that the Chitpavans are also of Jewish origin.[13][14][15] In addition, Indian scholar Ramakrishna Gopal Bhandarkar has shown similarity between names of Chitpawans and the geographical sites in Palestine.[16][17]

The Konkan region witnessed the immigration of groups, such as the Bene Israel, and Kudaldeshkars. Each of these settled in distinct parts of the region and there was little mingling between them. The Chitpavans were apparently the last major community to arrive there and consequently the area in which they settled, around Ratnagiri, was the least fertile and had few good ports for trading. The other groups generally took up trade as their primary occupation. In ancient times, the Chitpawans were employed as messengers and spies. Later, with the rise of the Chitpawan Peshwa in the 18th century they began migrating to Pune and found employment as military men, diplomats and clerks in the administration. A 1763-4 document shows that at least 67% of the clerks at the time were Chitpawans.[5][18][19]


Rise during the Maratha ruleEdit

Peshwa Madhavrao II with Nana Fadnavis and attendants, at Pune in 1792

Very little is known of the Chitpavans before 1707 CE[5] Around this time, Balaji Vishwanth Bhat, a Chitpavan arrived from Ratnagiri to the Pune-Satara area. He was brought there on the basis of his reputation of being an efficient administrator. He quickly gained the attention of Chhatrapati Shahu. Balaji's work so pleased the Chhatrapati that he was appointed the Peshwa or Prime Minister in 1713. He ran a well-organized administration and, by the time of his death in 1720, he had laid the groundwork for the expansion of the Maratha Empire. Since this time until the fall of the Maratha Empire, the seat of the Peshwa would be held by the members of the Bhat family.[20][21]

With the ascension of Balaji Baji Rao and his family to the supreme authority of the Maratha Empire, Chitpavan immigrants began arriving en masse from the Konkan to Pune[22][23] where the Peshwa offered all important offices to his fellow castemen.[5] The Chitpavan kin were rewarded with tax relief and grants of land.[24] Historians cite nepotism[25][26][27][28][29][30] and corruption[28][30] as causes of the fall of the Maratha Empire in 1818. Richard Maxwell Eaton states that this rise of the Chitpavans is a classic example of social rank rising with political fortune.[23]

Role in Indian politicsEdit

After the fall of the Maratha Empire in 1818, the Chitpavans lost their political dominance to the British. The British would not subsidise the Chitpavans on the same scale that their caste-fellow, the Peshwas, had done in the past. Pay and power was now significantly reduced. Poorer Chitpavan students adapted and started learning English because of better opportunities in the British administration.[24]

Some of the prominent figures in the Hindu reform movements of the 19th and 20th centuries came from the Chitpavan Brahmin community. These included Dhondo Keshav Karve,[31] Justice Mahadev Govind Ranade,[32] Vinayak Damodar Savarkar,[33][34] Gopal Ganesh Agarkar,[35] Vinoba Bhave.[36][37]

Some of the strongest resistance to change came from the very same community. The vanguard and the old guard clashed many times. D. K. Karve was ostracised. Even Tilak offered penance for breaking caste or religious rules. One was for taking tea at Poona Christian mission in 1892 and the second was going to England in 1919.[38]

The Chitpavan community includes two major politicians in the Gandhian tradition: Gopal Krishna Gokhale, whom Mahatma Gandhi acknowledged as a preceptor, and Vinoba Bhave, one of his outstanding disciples. Gandhi describes Bhave as the "jewel of his disciples", and recognised Gokhale as his political guru. However, strong opposition to Gandhi came from the Chitpavan community. Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, the founder of the Hindu nationalist political ideology Hindutva, was a Chitpavan Brahmin and several other Chitpavans were among the first to embrace it because they thought it was a logical extension of the legacy of the Peshwas and caste-fellow Tilak.[39] These Chitpavans felt out of place with the Indian social reform movement of Phule and the mass politics of Gandhi. Large numbers of the community looked to Savarkar, the Hindu Mahasabha and finally the RSS., drew their inspiration from fringe groups in this reactionary trend.[40][full citation needed]

Anti-Brahmin violence in the 20th century after Gandhi's assassinationEdit

After Mahatma Gandhi's assassination by Nathuram Godse, a Chitpawan, Brahmins in Maharashtra, became targets of violence, mostly by members from the Maratha caste. The motivating factor for the violence was not love for Gandhi on the part of the rioters but the denigration and humiliation that the Marathas were subjected to due to their caste status.[41][42]

In the Patwardhan princely states such as Sangli, the Marathas were joined by the Jains and the Lingayats in the attacks against the Brahmins. Here, specifically, advanced factories owned by the Chitpawans were destroyed. This event led to the hasty integration of the Patwardhan states into the Bombay Province by March 1948 - a move that was opposed by other Brahmins as they feared the Maratha predominance in the integrated province. During the early 20th century, the ruler of Kolhapur state, Shahu and Bal Gangadhar Tilak fell out with each other due to vedokta controversy. He was also instrumental in shaping anti-Brahmin attitude in the non-Brahmin communities during that period. This led to great violence against Brahmins in Kolhapur.[43]


The Chitpavans have considered themselves to be both warriors and priests.[44] Their involvement in military affairs began with the rise of the Peshwas[45] and their willingness to enter military and other services earned them high status and power in the Deccan.[46]


In their original home of Konkan, their primary occupation was farming, while some earned money by performing rituals among their own caste members.[47]

Anthropologist Donald Kurtz writes that the late 20th century opinions about the culture of the Chitpavans was that they were frugal to the point of appearing cheap, impassive, not trustworthy and also conspiratorial.[48] According to Tilak, a Chitpawan himself, his community was known for cleanliness and being industrious but he suggested they should learn virtues such as benevolence and generosity from the Deshasthas.[49] During the heyday of the Maratha Empire, the city of Pune became the financial metropolis of the empire with 150 big and petty moneylenders. Most of these were Chitpavan or Deshastha Brahmins.[50]

D.L.Sheth, the former director of the Center for the Study of Developing Societies in India (CSDS), lists Indian communities that were traditionally "urban and professional" (following professions like doctors, lawyers, teachers, engineers, etc.) immediately after Independence in 1947. This list included Chitpawans and CKPs(Chandraseniya Kayastha Prabhus) from Maharashtra; the South Indian Brahmins; the Nagar Brahmins from Gujarat; the Punjabi Khatris, Kashmiri Pandits and Kayasthas from northern India; the Probasi and the Bhadralok Bengalis; the Parsis and the upper crusts of Muslim and Christian communities. According to P.K.Verma, "Education was a common thread that bound together this pan Indian elite" and almost all the members of these communities could read and write English and were educated beyond school.[51][52][53]


Chitpavan Brahmins in Maharashtra speak Marathi as their language. The Marathi spoken by Chitpavans in Pune is the standard form of language used all over Maharashtra today.[2] This form has many words derived from Sanskrit and retains the Sanskrit pronunciation of many, misconstrued by non-standard speakers as "nasalised pronunciation".[54]

Social statusEdit

Earlier, the Deshastha Brahmins believed that they were the highest of all Brahmins and looked down upon the Chitpavans as parvenus (a relative newcomer to a socio-economic class), barely equal to the noblest of dvijas. The Deshastha Brahmins and the Karhadas treated the Peshwa's caste with contempt and refused to interdine with them. Even during the days of earlier Peshwa's they hesitated the admit the Chitpavans to social equality.[55] Even the Peshwa was denied the rights to use the ghats reserved for Deshastha priests at Nashik on the Godavari river.[56][57]

After the appointment of Balaji Vishwanath Bhat as Peshwa, Konkanastha migrants began arriving en masse from the Konkan to Pune,[58][59] where the Peshwa offered some important offices to the Konkanastha caste.[60] The Konkanastha kin were rewarded with tax relief and grants of land.[61] Historians point out nepotism[62][63][64][65][66][67] and corruption during this time.

The rise in prominence of the Chitpavans compared to the Deshastha Brahmins resulted in intense rivalry between the two communities.[68] 19th century records also mention Gramanyas or village-level debates between the Chandraseniya Kayastha Prabhus and the Chitpavans, Saraswat Brahmins and the Chitpavans, Pathare Prabhus and the Chitpavans and Shukla Yujurvedi Deshastha Brahmins and the Chitpavans. These were quite common in Maharashtra.[69]

Bal Gangadhar Tilak believed that the Deshasthas, Chitpawans and Karhades should get united. As early as 1881, he encouraged this by writing comprehensive discussions on the urgent need for these three Maharashtrian Brahmin sub-castes to give up caste exclusiveness by intermarrying and dining together.[70]

Starting in the 20th Century, the relations between the Deshastha Brahmins and the Chitpavan Brahmins have improved by the large-scale mixing of both communities on social, financial and educational fields, as well as with intermarriages.[71][72][73]


Traditionally, Chitpavan Brahmins are vegetarian. Rice is their staple food.[74]


A.J.Agarkar describes Bodan as follows and adds that some kind of dancing is also involved:

In certain Chitpawan families, it is obligatory to perform bodan, after a birth or a marriage has taken place in the family. Four married women and an unmarried girl are invited to meals. A metal idol of the Goddess Annapurna is placed in a plate containing all the items of the meals in small quantities. All the contents of the plate along with the idol are mixed together by the invited women and if any of them is in the habit of getting possessed on such occasions, or if anyone gets possessed for the first time, ghee, milk, honey, etc. are added to the mixture according to her instructions. The idol is afterwards removed and the mixture is fed to a cow.[75]

Notable peopleEdit

See alsoEdit



  1. ^ Collector A. M. T. Jackson, a Sanskrit scholar was affectionately called"Pandit Jackson".Kanhere murdered him for Ganesh Damodar Savarkar's trial and an acquittal of a British Engineer in the death of a farmer caused by rash driving.[104][105][106]


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  80. ^ Bal Ram Nanda (1977). Gokhale: The Indian Moderates and the British Raj. Princeton University Press. p. 17. ISBN 9781400870493. His[Deshmukh's] family of Chitpawan Brahmans, one of the greatest beneficiaries of the Peshwa regime...
  81. ^ Jones, Kenneth W. (January 1992). Religious Controversy in British India: Dialogues in South Asian Languages. SUNY Press. p. 238. ISBN 9780791408278. Retrieved 14 September 2020.
  82. ^ Mahadev Govind Ranade (Rao Bahadur) (1992). The Miscellaneous Writings of the Late Hon'ble Mr. Justice M.G. Ranade. Sahitya Akademi.
  83. ^ Wolpert, Stanley A. (April 1991). Tilak and Gokhale: Revolution and Reform in the Making of Modern India. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 9. ISBN 978-0195623925.
  84. ^ Pinney, Christopher (2004). Photos of the gods : the printed image and political struggle in India. London: Reaktion. p. 48. ISBN 9781861891846.
  85. ^ Bayly, Susan (2000). Caste, society and politics in India from the eighteenth century to the modern age (1st, Indian ed.). Cambridge [u.a.]: Cambridge Univ. Press. p. 236. ISBN 978-0-5217-9842-6. The true nature of these groups, said fearful Bombay officials, had been revealed in 1879 in the response of the region's politically active intelligentsia to the actions of W.B.Phadke, a chitpawan ex-government clerk from Pune.
  86. ^ Pinney, Christopher (2004). Photos of the gods : the printed image and political struggle in India. London: Reaktion. pp. 46–47. ISBN 978-1861891846. a petty government clerk in Poona, Vasudev Balvant Phadke, led an uprising that would anticipate the revolutionary terrorism that would come to mark India in the first half of the twentieth century. Like B.G. Tilak, Phadke was a Chitpawan brahman...
  87. ^ Donald Mackenzie Brown"The Congress." The Nationalist Movement: Indian Political Thought from Ranade to Bhave (1961): 34
  88. ^ Stanley A. Wolpert, Tilak and Gokhale: revolution and reform in the making of modern India (1962) p ix
  89. ^ KESHAVSUT, PRABHAKAR MACHWE, Indian Literature, Vol. 9, No. 3 (JULY-SEPTEMBER 1966), pp. 43-51
  90. ^ Kumari Jayawardena (1995). The White Woman's Other Burden: Western Women and South Asia During British Rule. Routledge. p. 104. ISBN 9781136657146. By the early 1880s, Indian women started to benefit from the opening of medical studies to women in Europe and the United States, the first being Anandibai Joshi (1865–1887), born in Pune to a Chitpavan Brahmin family. She was married (according to custom) when she was nine years old. In 1883, at age eighteen, she went to the United States (with her husband)and studied medicine at the Women's Medical College of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia where she graduated in medicine in 1886
  91. ^ Wolpert, Stanley A. (April 1991). Tilak and Gokhale: Revolution and Reform in the Making of Modern India. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 2. ISBN 978-0195623925.
  92. ^ Echenberg, Myron (2006). Plague ports : the global urban impact of bubonic plague,1894-1901. New York [u. a.]: New York Univ. Press. p. 66. ISBN 978-0-8147-2232-9.
  93. ^ Shailaja Paik (11 July 2014). Dalit Women's Education in Modern India: Double Discrimination. ISBN 9781317673309.
  94. ^ Omvedt, Gail (30 January 1994). Dalits and the Democratic Revolution: Dr Ambedkar and the Dalit Movement in Colonial India. p. 138. ISBN 9788132119838.
  95. ^ Arundhati Roy (May 2017). The Doctor and the Saint: Caste, Race, and Annihilation of Caste, the Debate Between B.R. Ambedkar and M.K. Gandhi. Haymarket Books. p. 129. ISBN 9781608467983. According to Teltumbde, “There was a deliberate attempt to get some progressive people from nonuntouchable communities to the conference, but eventually only two names materialised. One was Gangadhar Nilkanth Sahasrabuddhe, an activist of the Social Service League and a leader of the cooperative movement belonging to the Agarkari Brahman caste, and the other was Vinayak alias Bhai Chitre, a Chandraseniya Kayastha Prabhu. In the 1940s, Shasrabuddhe became the editor of Janata- another of Ambedkar's newspapers.
  96. ^ SRI NARASIMHA CHINTAMAN "ALIAS" TATYASAHEB KELKAR, K. N. Watve, Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Vol. 28, No. 1/2 (January–April 1947), pp. 156-158, published by Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute [3]
  97. ^ Wolf, Siegfried (Editor) (2009). Heidelberg Student papers, Vinayak Damodar Savarkar:: Public Enemy or national Hero (PDF). Dresden: Heidelberg University. p. 10. ISBN 978-3-86801-076-3.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
  98. ^ Lise McKean (15 May 1996). Divine Enterprise: Gurus and the Hindu Nationalist Movement. University of Chicago Press. p. 72. ISBN 978-0-226-56010-6.
  99. ^ Y. D. Phadke (1981). Portrait of a revolutionary: Senapati Bapat. Senapati Bapat Centenary Celebration Samiti. p. 2. Among such young men initiated into revolutionary activities was Pandurang Mahadeo Bapat who later on became widely known as Senapati (General) Bapat. On 12 November 1880, Pandurang Bapat was born in a Chitpawan or Konkanastha Brahmin family at Parner in the Ahmednagar
  100. ^ Jain, Kajri (2007). Gods in the Bazaar: The Economies of Indian Calendar Art. Duke University Press Books. p. 151. ISBN 978-0822389736.
  101. ^ Richard I. Cashman (25 September 2018). The Myth of the Lokamanya: Tilak and Mass Politics in Maharashtra. University of California Press. p. 222. ISBN 9780520303805. Retrieved 25 September 2018.
  102. ^ Subramanian, L., 2000. The master, muse and the nation: The new cultural project and the reification of colonial modernity in India∗. South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, 23(2), pp.1-32.
  103. ^ Kulkarni, A.R., 2002. Trends in Maratha Historiography: Vishwanath Kashinath Rajwade (1863–1926). Indian Historical Review, 29(1-2), pp.115-144.
  104. ^ "Organiser, Volumes 35-36". Bharat Prakashan. 1983. THE NASIK ASSASSINATION - By : Mrs. Sunanda Swarup ...Anant Kanhere, who actually killed Jackson, was a sixteen-year-old chitpavan Brahman youth...The whole episode will not be complete without mentioning about Jackson, who was assassinated. Ironically enough the records show that he was a popular Collector and liked by many. He was a Scholar of Sanskrit and was even known as Pandit Jackson. He was very fond of the theatre, dramas...Even On the eve of assassination, he had gone to watch the play “Sharada” which was organised in his honour Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  105. ^ Bimanbehari Majumdar (1966). Militant Nationalism in India and Its Socio-religious Background, 1897-1917. p. 94. On December 21, A. M. T. Jackson was murdered at Nasik by Anant Laxman Kanhere. Jackson was a learned Indologist. He contributed many interesting papers on Indian history and culture and was popularly known as Pandit Jackson. His fault was that he had committed Ganesh Savarkar to trial and acquitted an Engineer named Williams of the charge of killing a farmer by rash and negligent driving. He was not harsh in punishing people charged with sedition. W. S. Khare, a pleader of Nasik delivered some seditious speeches. Jackson ordered him to execute a personal bond of Rs. 2,000 and to be of good behaviour for one year with two substantial and respectable sureties of Rs. 1,000 each.
  106. ^ Pramod Maruti Mande (2005). Sacred offerings into the flames of freedom. Vande Mataram Foundation. p. 27. At that time an Englishman named Jackson was the Collector of Nashik District. A cruel man by nature, he greatly harassed the people. He used to hold public assemblies to hear the people's grievances, but this was just a show, meant to put a gloss on his despotic administration. There was no justice for the people. Rather, they were subject to great tyranny.
  107. ^ Maloni, edited by Mariam Dossal, Ruby (1999). State intervention and popular response : western India in the nineteenth century. Mumbai: Popular Prakashan. p. 87. ISBN 9788171548552.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
  108. ^ Amur, G.S. (1994). Dattatreya Ramachandra Bendre (Ambikatanayadatta). New Delhi: Sahitya Akademi. p. 7. ISBN 9788172015152.
  109. ^ Maloni, edited by Mariam Dossal, Ruby (1999). State intervention and popular response : western India in the nineteenth century. Mumbai: Popular Prakashan. p. 79. ISBN 9788171548552.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
  110. ^ Patricia Uberoi; Nandini Sundar; Satish Deshpande (2008). Anthropology in the East: founders of Indian sociology and anthropology. Seagull. p. 367. In this general atmosphere of reform and women's education, and coming from a professional Chitpavan family, neither getting a education nor going into a profession like teaching would for someone like Irawati Karve have been particularly novel.
  111. ^ a b Alex Damm, ed. (2017). Gandhi in a Canadian Context: Relationships between Mahatma Gandhi and Canada. Wilfrid Laurier University Press. p. 54. ISBN 9781771122603. Moreover, the two principal conspirators behind Gandhi's assassination, who were hung for their actions – Nathuram Godse and Narayan Apte – were both Chitpawan Brahmins from Maharashtra as was Savarkar, their ideological mentor. The Chitpawans had a long history of supporting violence against the alleged enemies of Brahminical Hinduism.
  112. ^ Thomas Blom Hansen (1999). The Saffron Wave: Democracy and Hindu Nationalism in Modern India. Princeton University Press. Gandhi's assassin Naturam Godse, a Chitpavan brahmin from Pune, had been a member of the RSS for some years, as well as a member of the Hindu Mahasabha. In the early 1940s Godse left the RSS to form a militant organization, Hindu Rashtra Dal, aimed at militarizing the mind and conduct of Hindus, to make them “more assertive and aggressive” (interview with Naturam Godse's brother Gopal Godse, still a member of the Hindu Mahasabha, in Pune, 3 February 1993)
  113. ^ Schuler, Barbara. Historicizing Emotions: Practices and Objects in India, China, and Japan. Brill. p. 85. Retrieved 27 November 2020.
  114. ^ Nadkarni, M.V., 2009. Social change through moral development?. Journal of Social and Economic Development, 11(2), pp.127-135.
  115. ^ "Shah Rukh is not a good dancer but has charisma: Madhuri". Times of India. Also, we both come from similar backgrounds and are Kokanastha brahmins and have had typical Maharashtrian upbringing that makes us culturally similar.

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