Grand Ayatollah Sayyid Ali al-Husayni al-Sistani (Arabic: علي الحسيني السيستاني; Persian: على حسينى سيستانى, born 4 August 1930), commonly known as Ayatollah Sistani, is one of the most influential Iraqi Shia marja' of Iranian origins living in Iraq.
السيد علي الحسيني السيستاني
Ali Sistani in 2009
|Parents||Muhammad-Baqir al-Sistani (father)|
|Jurisprudence||Twelver Shia Islam|
|Main interest(s)||Religious jurisprudence|
|Relatives||Jawad al-Shahristani (son-in-law)|
|Based in||Najaf, Iraq|
|Period in office||1993–present|
|Predecessor||Abd al-A'la al-Sabziwari|
He is described as the leading spiritual leader of Iraqi Shia Muslims, and one of the most senior clerics in Shia Islam. He has been included in all editions of "The Muslim 500: The World's Most Influential Muslims" mostly in the top ten positions since 2009. He is one of the 8 Maraji’ mentioned in the most recent edition. In 2005, al-Sistani was listed among the Top 100 intellectuals of the world. In 2005 and 2014, he was also nominated for Nobel Prize Award towards his efforts for establishing peace.
al-Sistani was born in Mashhad, to a family of religious clerics who claim descent from Husayn ibn Ali, the grandson of Muhammad. His father was Mohammad-Baqir al-Sistani and his mother was the daughter of Ridha al-Mehrebani al-Sarabi.
al-Sistani began his religious education as a child, first in Mashhad in his father's hawzah, and continuing later in Qom. In Qom he studied under Grand Ayatollah Hossein Broujerdi. Later in 1951, al-Sistani traveled to Iraq to study in Najaf under Grand Ayatollah Abu al-Qasim al-Khoei. al-Sistani rose to the rank of mujtahid in 1960, at the age of thirty-one.
When al-Khoei died in 1992, Abd al-A'la al-Sabziwari briefly became the leading marja'. However, when he died in 1993, al-Sistani ascended to the rank of Grand Ayatollah through traditional peer recognition of his scholarship. His role as successor to al-Khoei was symbolically cemented when he led funeral prayers for al-Khoei, He also inherited most of al-Khoei's network and following, although there are many Shias who continue to follow al-Khoei.
During the years of Saddam Hussein's rule of Iraq through the Baath Party, al-Sistani was untouched during the violent Baathist repression and persecution that killed many clerics including Mohammad al-Sadr in 1999, for which Saddam denied any involvement. However, al-Sistani's mosque was forcefully shut down in 1994 and did not reopen until the 2003 invasion of Iraq.
Role in contemporary IraqEdit
Since the overthrow of the Baath Party, al-Sistani has played an increasingly prominent role in regional religious and political affairs and he has been called the "most influential" figure in post-invasion Iraq.
Shortly after the US invasion began, al-Sistani issued a fatwa advising Shia clergy to become engaged in politics in order to better guide the Iraqi people toward "clearer decisions," and to fight "media propaganda." As the summer of 2003 approached, al-Sistani and his followers began to petition the occupying forces for a constitutional convention. Later, Sistani called for a democratic vote of the people for the purpose of forming a transitional government. Observers described the move as being a path leading directly to Shia political dominance over Iraq's government, as Shia Muslims make up approximately 65% of the total Iraqi population. Subsequently, al-Sistani criticized plans for an Iraqi government for not being democratic enough.
In early August, 2004, al-Sistani experienced serious health complications related to a previously diagnosed heart condition. He traveled to London to receive medical treatment. It was, reportedly, the first time that al-Sistani had left Iraq in decades, and may have been due, in part, to growing concerns for his safety from sectarian violence. Though still recovering, al-Sistani returned later in the month to broker a military truce at the Imam Ali Mosque in Najaf where Muqtada al-Sadr and the Mahdi Army had been cornered by American and Iraqi forces. Sadr, who rose rapidly to prominence through a series of independent military actions beginning in 2004, has since actively challenged Sistani's more progressive influence over Shia in the region.
Sistani's edicts reportedly provided many Iraqi Shia cause for participating in the January 2005 elections—he urged, in a statement on October 1, 2004, that Iraqis recognize the election as an "important matter," additionally, al-Sistani asked that the elections be "free and fair. . . with the participation of all Iraqis." Soon after, al-Sistani issued a fatwa alerting Shia women that they were religiously obligated to participate in the election, even if their husbands had forbidden them from voting. In an issued statement al-Sistani remarked that, "truly, women who go forth to the polling centers on election day are like Zaynab, who went forth to Karbala."
He has consistently urged the Iraqi Shia not to respond in kind to attacks from Sunni Salafists, which have become common in Sunni-dominated regions of Iraq like the area known as the "Triangle of Death," south of Baghdad. Even after the destruction of the Shia Al-Askari Mosque in Samarra in February 2006, his network of clerics and preachers continued to urge calm and told their followers that "it was not their Sunni neighbors who were killing them but foreign Wahhabis." Sistani's call for unity after the bombing of the mosque helped to control a potentially dangerous situation, preventing the country to enter in a bloody sectarian war. al-Sistani did the same when the same mosque was bombed again in 2007.
An alleged plot to assassinate al-Sistani was foiled on January 29, 2007, when three Jund al-Samaa gunmen were captured at a hotel near his office. It is believed to have been part of a larger attack against a number of targets in Najaf.
In an online open poll, 2005, Ali al-Sistani was selected as the 30th topmost intellectual person in the world on the list of Top 100 Public Intellectuals by Prospect (UK) and Foreign Policy (US).
On June 13, 2014 al-Sistani appealed that Iraqis should support the government against the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant militant group which had taken over Mosul and Tikrit and was threatening Baghdad. Later in June 2014, al-Sistani revised his statement and issued a fatwa calling for "Citizens to defend the country, its people, the honor of its citizens, and its sacred places," against the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant terrorist group.
Al-Sistani said the Iraqi government and police were liable for the killing of protestors during the 2019–20 Iraqi protests. He requested that the government prosecute those who gave the command to shoot protesters. The ayatollah rarely voices his opinion on politics except in extreme unrest. The protests have been described as Iraq's worst violence since ISIL was militarily defeated in 2017.A month later in November 2019, in response to the death of three Iraqi protesters, al-Sistani said “No person or group, no side with a particular view, no regional or international actor may seize the will of the Iraqi people and impose its will on them.”
As the leading cleric in Najaf, al-Sistani oversees sums amounting to millions of US dollars. His followers offer him a fixed part of their earnings (khums), which is used for educational and charitable purposes. al-Sistani's office has reported that it supports 35,000 students in Qom, 10,000 in Mashhad, and 4,000 in Isfahan. It also oversees a network of representatives (wakil) "who promote his views in large and small ways in neighborhoods, mosques, bazaars, and seminaries from Kirkuk to Basra."
In Iran, as a result of the post-invasion opening of the Iraqi cities of Najaf and Karbala to Iranians, many Iranians are said to return from pilgrimage in Iraq as supporters of al-Sistani.
Criticism and controversyEdit
In May 2007, hundreds of Shias demonstrated publicly in Basra and Najaf to protest comments made by television presenter and journalist Ahmed Mansour during a Qatari broadcast of Al Jazeera television programming. While presenting Bela Hodod (a.k.a. Without Borders), Mansour voiced skepticism of al-Sistani's leadership credentials while directing questions about the Iraqi-born cleric to his guest, Shia cleric Jawad al-Khalsi. Mansour also suggested that al-Sistani was not aware of contemporary problems in Iraq or of prevailing post-war conditions, and he alleged that Sistani's edicts were, largely, written and disseminated by aides. At another point, Mansour asked Khalsi whether the United States was using Iraqi politicians, and also al-Sistani, to promote Western interests in Iraq.
In January 2010, during a Jumu'ah khutba (Friday sermon), Saudi cleric Mohamad al-Arefe vehemently criticized al-Sistani by referring to him as an atheist and by describing his behavior as "debauched". The remarks prompted protest by his followers in Iraq, Qom and Lebanon. Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki rebuked the Saudi religious authorities. Lebanon-based Islamist militant organization Hezbollah also condemned the attack on al-Sistani, calling the speech "inauspicious," while praising al-Sistani as one of Shia Islam's "most prominent religious references."
Nobel Peace Prize nominationEdit
On 4 March 2014, The Daily Telegraph commentator Colin Freeman published an article naming Ali al-Sistani as the most appropriate Nobel Peace Prize candidate. He also reported that he had been nominated earlier in 2006, by a group of Iraqi Christians.
Thomas L. Friedman, former bureau chief of The New York Times in Beirut and Jerusalem (1982–88), proposed Ayatollah al-Sistani for the prize in 2005 in a column published in The New York Times on 20 March 2005.
Guardianship of Islamic Jurists (Wilayat al-Faqih)Edit
Like his predecessor al-Khoei, al-Sistani has not wholly embraced the post-Age-of-Occultation theory known as the Guardianship of the Islamic Jurists, which was espoused and supported by the late Iranian Grand Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini and which is currently extant and enforced by the Iranian government through its own constitution and by its supreme leader and highest religious authority Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Sistani's scholarly views regarding guardianship resembles Khoei's views, but differs in several respects. Additionally, the primary difference between Sistani's interpretation and the interpretation of Grand Ayatollahs Khomeini and Khamenei is reportedly in the range of power that a Grand Ayatollah has in ruling the Islamic community. al-Sistani has publicly stated and maintained that his interpretation of the doctrine is one that grants more power to the Ayatollahs than al-Khoei, but less than either Khoemeini or Khamenei:
Question: What is Grand Ayatollah Sistani's opinion about velayat-e faqih? Answer: Every jurisprudent (Faqih) has wilayah (guardianship) over non-litigious affairs. As for general affairs to which social order is linked, and enforcement of doctrine, this depends on certain conditions, one of which is popularity of the Faqih among the majority of momeneen (believers).
On the specific question of obedience to a supreme leader, al-Sistani has said that any pronouncement given by a supreme leader "supersedes all, (including those given by other Maraji') unless the pronouncements are proven to be wrong or the pronouncements are proven to be against what is in the Qur'an or in Religious Tradition."
Additionally, instead of advocating for the rule by Islamic clerics or for fundamentalist legal views, i.e. "the Quran as constitution," al-Sistani is said to favor a more relaxed perspective related to the provision of values and guidelines for social order (nizam al-mujama) as being the recognized, primary role of Islam.
Also, according to Sadegh Zibakalam, professor of political science at Tehran University, al-Sistani has consistently avoided supporting a strict interpretation of the theory, especially of absolute guardianship, nor has he explicitly offered any substantive affirmation of the theory as a whole (including limited guardianship); thereby creating "a major lacuna" in the "grand ideological scenario" of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
According to scholar Vali Nasr, despite Sistani's disagreements with Iran's ruling clerics, he has "never tried to promote a rivalry" between his religious center of Najaf and the Iranian center in Qom, and has never made any comments about the confrontations between reformists and conservatives in Qom or between clerics in Lebanon, a reflection, Nasr believes, of Sistani's reluctance to become involved in politics.
Works translated into EnglishEdit
- Current Legal Issues
- A Code of Practice For Muslims in the West
- Hajj Rituals
- Islamic Laws
- Jurisprudence Made Easy
- Contemporary Legal Rulings in Shia Law
His office states that thirty-two other works exist, but have not been translated into English.
By working with Shia computer programmers and other specialists, al-Sistani sponsored the establishment of The Aalulbayt (a.s.) Global Information Center, an international web-resource, and he has since been called "the electronic grand ayatollah par excellence."
On September 18, 2008, hackers attacked hundreds of Shia websites. The attacks reportedly were the work of group-xp, a Muslim faction based in the Arabian peninsula which is linked to Salafi and Wahhabi, strict forms of Islam. They attacked an estimated three hundred Shia internet websites including The Ahlulbayt (a.s.) Global Information Center. It was later dubbed the "largest Wahhabi hacker attack" in recent years.
After the attack, visitors to the site were greeted by a red attack banner bearing the slogan "group-xp" paired with a message in Arabic denouncing Shia beliefs and officials. Hackers also replaced a video of al-Sistani with one of comedian Bill Maher mocking al-Sistani.
However, the attack led to the retaliatory hacking of more than nine hundred Wahhabi and Salafi websites. One such successful attack was documented on video and uploaded to YouTube on October 3, 2008. The hacker, a Shia from the United Arab Emirates using the handle "ShiaZone," was shown logging into email accounts of suspected members of group-xp. The hacked email accounts reportedly yielded group-xp's contact information, information that was subsequently posted on Shia websites.
al-Sistani has notoriously avoided public appearances, despite his widespread fame and not shying away from attention. In practice, al-Sistani never delivers public sermons or speeches, and only releases official statements through "official representatives". The statements are later transcribed and posted on Sistani's official webpage, with the Grand Ayatollah's official stamp, indicating the authenticity of the remarks. Though al-Sistani has appeared in a few short videos, he does not say anything in these videos and is usually motionless. The only known public recording of Sistani's voice is a short, Persian-language lecture by al-Sistani to students. Another video depicts al-Sistani in the back of a room conversing with a fellow cleric, again in Persian, and faintly captures sparse bits of Sistani's vocalizations.
Journalist Ahmed Mansour has suggested that Sistani's Fatwas (edicts) were largely written and disseminated by his aides. Currently, Sheikh Abdul-Mahdi Al-Karbalai is Sistani's foremost representative and gives speeches in Sistani's stead. Abdul-Mahdi Al-Karbalai is noted for having announced Sistani's famous Fatwa (edict) obligating Iraqis to vote, and with the rise of terrorism, to join the military to oppose ISIS.
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- Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani Fast Facts
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a frail, 70-something Shiite Muslim (search) cleric with a heart condition—has emerged in post-Saddam Hussein Iraq as the land's most influential figure, something US planners may not have counted on.
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- Nasr, Vali, The Shia Revival, Norton, 2006, p. 172
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- on YouTube
- on YouTube
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- Ali, Saif. "Iltizam Najl Samahat al-Sayyid al-Sistani Bil Ta'limat al-Sihiyya Athnaa Iqamat Salat al-Mayyit" [Sayyid Sistani's son complies with health measures during funeral]. Shafaqna News Association. Retrieved 2020-04-11.
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