Adeola Ready

Welcome!

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I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian! Please sign your name on talk pages using four tildes (~~~~); this will automatically produce your name and the date. If you have any questions ask me on my talk page or you can just type {{help me}} on this page, followed by your question, and someone will show up shortly to answer your questions. Again, welcome! Jan Myšák (talk) 16:16, 17 August 2021 (UTC)

Speedy deletion nomination of User:Adeola Ready

A tag has been placed on User:Adeola Ready requesting that it be speedily deleted from Wikipedia. This has been done under section U5 of the criteria for speedy deletion, because the page appears to consist of writings, information, discussions, and/or activities not closely related to Wikipedia's goals. Please note that Wikipedia is not a free web hosting service. Under the criteria for speedy deletion, such pages may be deleted at any time.

If you think this page should not be deleted for this reason, you may contest the nomination by visiting the page and clicking the button labelled "Contest this speedy deletion". This will give you the opportunity to explain why you believe the page should not be deleted. However, be aware that once a page is tagged for speedy deletion, it may be deleted without delay. Please do not remove the speedy deletion tag from the page yourself, but do not hesitate to add information in line with Wikipedia's policies and guidelines. If the page is deleted, and you wish to retrieve the deleted material for future reference or improvement, then please contact the deleting administrator, or if you have already done so, you can place a request here. Jan Myšák (talk) 16:16, 17 August 2021 (UTC)

Please, do not delete my account but you can delete the contents (Biography) only. Thanks. Mr. Adeola Ready. Adeola Ready (talk) 18:01, 17 August 2021 (UTC)

The World of Nigeria’s lesbians

1. W4RNigeria Love for same sex

Across Nigeria, mostly in urban centers, rings of women seeking women for love and sex are booming. In Lagos, Port Harcourt and Enugu, these rings are fast metamorphosing into burgeoning communities and are hardly distinct from your everyday bisexual prostitution rackets. Operational modules include physical approaches and contacts through social media, especially Facebook messenger, Whatsapp, Instagram,etc. In fact, Social media presently accounts for more than 62% of the boom in the trade according to statistics obtained by Daily Sun in Lagos . A sample of most of those interviewed who are not lesbians but who nonetheless, have been approached for lesbian acts confirms the statistics. Bimbo Talabi ( real names withheld),21, a beautician residing in the Surulere area of Lagos disclosed that her Messenger platform has at least six inter –exchanges weekly with lesbians seeking for her love and eventual sex. One of the messages which she displayed reads: “ Hi bae”

“Hi”( reply) “ How are you”

“You look good and pretty.” “Thanks” (reply)

“I would like to meet you. I am Jane. Where do you stay?” I stay in Ikeja.(No response)

“Can you find time this evening or tomorrow morning to meet me at Cason hotel (Bar)

And she promptly dispatches sexually explicit nude pictures of herself in self-fondling of breasts and genitals ( 3 in a row)

From an act that was done in the exclusivity of darkness and hidden from public glare, lesbianism in Nigeria has assumed a liberal proportion where even matchmaking as an added incentive is made and nurtured. Hook –up takes the shape of the normal male- female love entangles, except that in most cases lesbians are faster, without regards to any considerations of physical attractions, compatibility or dressing. The supposed husband in a lesbian relationship showers the wife with gifts and love while the wife respects her and shows undiluted commitment to the affair.

In Nigeria, Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender ( LGBT) are constrained because of legal and social challenges. Nigeria does not recognize or allow their rights. There is no legal protection against discrimination. Culture and social mores prohibit it. Very few of them are open about their orientation, and violence, and stigmatization against them are frequent. For instance, Edafe Okporo fled Nigeria to the United States of America, USA to seek asylum based on his sexual orientation and was granted political asylum in 2017. Many other Nigerian lesbians are also fleeing to countries with better protection in laws.

A review of the 2007 Pew Global Attitudes Project shows that 97% of Nigerians believe that lesbianism is a way of life that must not be accepted. In 2015, a survey by an organization founded by a Nigerian homosexual activist based in London claimed this percentage has reduced to 94%. However, Bisi Alimi , a self – acclaimed homosexual says Nigerians who agree that they should receive education ,healthcare, and housing is a mere 13%. Alimi has since relocated to the UK claiming discrimination and death threats. The first Nigerian lesbian wedding between Judith Ndukwu and Mona Nghixulifwa , a Namibian happened in the Hagues, Netherlands ( Beach Club Naturale, Scheveningen) far removed from the prying laws of Nigeria. Judith was the wife while Mona was the husband. Progressively, lesbians in Nigeria have continued to dig in, forcefully entrenching passive acceptance. Last year, the first lesbian documentary, in the country “Under the Rainbow” by Pamela Adie was released to the shock and awe of many people. The documentary according to the theme “ celebrates resilience and the pursuit of happiness and delivers its message as a love letter” . The documentary is a “visual memoire” about her personal journey of coming home to herself by walking the viewer through her experiences. She came to terms with her sexuality and shared it with her family. She struggled through a marriage, depression, loss, rejection from her family and their attempt to “cure” her of her sexuality. Storytelling, using herself is her own idea of advocacy. Another budding lesbian, Dewy Oputa, is the daughter of maverick musician and rights activist, Charlie Boy. Disconcerted by her sexual orientation, Charlie boy got estranged with her, shunned her and blocked her on every social media platform. Charlie boy, who has reactivated his fight for the acceptance of the LGBT community in Nigeria, ended his rationale for the renewed battle with “each on his own”. Like rabbits from a hole, more lesbians in Nigeria are getting increasingly bold, audacious and are crawling out to own up to their sexuality. Unoma Azuah,an acclaimed award winning writer has just released “ Embracing my shadow,” ‘growing up lesbian in Nigeria’, the first Nigerian lesbian memoir, which traces her challenging growth as a lesbian in Nigeria and how she navigated the paths of abuse, ethnic discrimination and homophobia in a hyper- religious and patriarchal Nigerian society.

Identity recognition for Lesbians

Lesbians usually thrust their tongue out to lure and seduce suspects, according to investigations by Daily Sun.When a lady in contact with, or meeting another lady thrusts her tongue out in a quick flash and there is a response, then a relationship is made. Depending on the circumstances of their meeting and convenience, a partnership is quickly struck. A random survey also indicates that some Nigerian girls living in Nigeria claiming to be bisexuals are, in fact lesbians. They only claim to be bisexuals to conform to societal expectations of getting married to a man and thereafter continue to ply their trade. Recently, a Nigerian Lesbian, Pamela Adie celebrated what she called “10 years of freedom. According to her, the occasion marked 10 years since she came out as a lesbian, divorced her husband and the perks of motherhood.. She noted that she would have been living as a closeted lesbian in her marriage. She shared all her achievements within this period with the intention to inspire others. Her words: “By now, I would have had 3 children and would have been celebrating the 10th anniversary of the wedding to my ex- husband. Many would have clapped and congratulated me for having been married for so long. But I wouldn’t have been honest with myself and those celebrating me… no one would know that I am lesbian behind closed doors. But today, I celebrate my truth and my freedom”

Another way of identifying lesbians who are married, it was discovered, is the continuous, unhindered denial of sex to their spouses. This group often resorts to seeking divorce on grounds of sexual dissatisfaction and irreconcilable differences. If, and when they obtain divorce, the women often display a non- chalant attitude to the children by not checking on them and are seen more in social circles in company with their female friends. Again, conceited lesbians are hard to satisfy in bed, no matter the duration or the hardness of the penis, because the kind of orgasm they have while making out with their female counterpart is longer and more frequent and also does not happen due to penetration. The addiction to their same sex partners and the act will not allow penetration from a man give them orgasm. Another mode of self- identity that is mutual and less overt is by fixing the second finger or index, which is also known as the pointer into the mouth on sighting a lady. Some flash broad sexy smiles to the fellow female or wink seductively at her. Usually, the opposite lesbian will return the gestures and a partnership is instantly struck.

However, it is pertinent to note that there are ways by which we can identify these people among us, among which include their mode of dressing ,attitude towards the opposite sex, behavior in the society especially in social gatherings, etc. Oftentimes, all they talk about are the females in their lives as they have more female friends than male friends and sometimes imagine themselves with these women instead of the other way around. In a gathering, they notice the feminine gender first before realizing that there is a male around.

Controversial Nigerian Lesbians and transgender elements

Aderonke Apata

Aderonke Apata who was once married, later found out she had feelings for women and came out, declaring she wanted to live her life as a lesbian.

Allegedly, she suffered persecution, from friends and family, and then fled to the United Kingdom to seek asylum and has over the years become Nigeria’s most vocal lesbian. She was involved in a battle to stay in the UK after the authorities vowed to deport her back to Nigeria. She did everything to prove to them that she was truly a lesbian, including recording herself while having sex with her partner and even wanted to do same at the office. She later got married to her lesbian partner and was rewarded for her passion for LGBT in the UK.

Miss SaHHara

After being expelled from Benue State University due to his homosexual tendencies, Clifford Oche, a Benue State born man, sneaked out of the country and for many years nobody heard anything about him till he surfaced as a woman known as Miss SaHHara. Before then, many Nigerians never thought one of their own could go that lane of transformation. She has gone on to win the Miss World Transgender Pageant.

Ms Mandy La Candy

Shortly after Miss SaHHara made her debut, another Nigerian man came out calling herself Ms Mandy La Candy, saying she also undertook the corrective surgery to become a woman after she was tired of living a fake life as a man.

Though nothing has been heard of the Canada based Ms Mandy Candy recently, she makes the list for her boldness in coming out of the closet.

Stephanie Rose

A lot of Nigerians would not have cared about Stephanie Rose, who was another transgender born with the name Dapo Adaralegbe, until she took to social media to pour insults on Almighty God, calling Him all sorts of derogatory names such as foolish, maggot, wicked, idiot, among others.

All of a sudden, Nigerians got to know her and a look into her background revealed that he was a notorious homosexual studying Law at the prestigious Obafemi Awolowo University, Ife before he was expelled in 2001 and then he fled to Holland where his lover paid for a sex change surgery.

She is now a non-conformist God-hater, who does not look back at any opportunity to attack the Almighty God. She is the author of the book en-titled: ‘Nobody Goes to Heaven Because Nobody Goes to Hell’.

How it all began

Lesbianism which is also known as sapphism or female homosexuality is the sexual desire between females. This is the act of two people of the female gender to have intense erotic or romantic attraction for themselves and become intertwined in a love triangle whereby they please themselves sexually. The history of lesbianism can be traced as far back to the last 16th century. Then, in the late 19th century, it became more pronounced when an association was formed with the tender passionate poetry written by Lesbian poet Sappho (610-c. 580BCE) to and about other women.

In the late 20th century Europe and North America, a lot of the issues faced by lesbians were not different from those that concerned either heterosexual women or other gay men. Just like the heterosexual women, lesbians were affected by issues such as equal pay. In the early 21st century, Europe and North America in particular adopted laws or constitutional provisions establishing the rights of same sex couples to marry.

In the year 2013, then President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan signed the Same Sex Prohibition Act of 2013 hindering the legalization of the same sex marriage between lesbians and between gay men. As at that time, the issue of lesbian and gay men marriage was becoming rampant as it had already been legalized in some western countries. This, however caused some stir in the world as people felt it was a hindrance on their right to marry whoever they wanted to marry. But this was also done to uphold the sanctity of our Nigerian customs which forbade it.

Currently in Nigeria, there are people who practice lesbianism and homosexuality, but majority of them hide under the cloak of fashion, saying their lifestyle is mainly for the purpose of entertainment or modeling as creative artistes as the case may be with cross-dressers.

A sizeable number of women are involved in it in Nigeria today, and though a lot of people think it’s a bad omen because of the belief that it is un-african, unhealthy and irreligious, some other people are also indifferent to it as they believe everyone is entitled to their own space to love who they want to and should not be punished for it. They feel the emotion called love does not have any barriers and can come to whoever it chooses at any time for the person to show it to anybody of their choice. Therefore, people wanting to be with anyone of the same sex could stem from either a medical problem or it could be cupid at work in their lives.

In some cases, these women might be interested in both males and females alike. In this case, we refer to them as ‘Bi-sexual’. Bisexual women, though having interest in both genders still prefer one as against the other and in most cases, go for the same sex.

Before now, the issue of lesbianism or even the mere mention of it was like an abomination in our country Nigeria, but presently, it is funny how people do it without blinking an eyelid, to the extent that some people even sought the legalization of same- sex marriage to give them the right to be united legally with someone of the same gender whom they have romantic feelings for. These days, you hear and even see women coming out to say they want to get married and stay together. A lot of people have said this is not part of the indigenous African culture. But the pattern of its adoption and its exponential grown defies the logic of its wholesale importation from western culture as our people say. Although it is regarded as an ‘abomination’ the shock of the act has reduced in proportion to when it started, creating the impression that it is being received on a wide scale.

Popularity

Recently, there have been groups springing up to fight for these women, among which include the Women’s Health and Equal Rights (WHER)- Initiative. A group of women who were concerned about the marginalization of lesbians in sexual and reproductive health rights programming came together to form this group which is based in Abuja. It was found that some of the problems facing many lesbians, bisexual women and Women who have sex with Women (WSW) includes, though not limited to low level of literacy, high school drop-out and lack of sustainable employment.

However, according to Bisi Alimi, a Gay Activist, who was the first man to come out openly on television and declare his homosexuality, the idea that homosexuality is Western, is based on another western thought. He said that while he was digging up facts about homosexuality because he needed to teach students about a history that was not written when he was appointed by Berlin’s Humboldt University to teach a course titled “Pre and post-colonial sexual orientation and sexual identity in Africa”, he found out that while many Africans say that homosexuality is un-African, African culture is no stranger to homosexual behaviors and acts. He also stated examples to back up his claim, saying that in Yoruba land, the word for homosexual is adofuro which might sound insulting or derogatory, but the word was meant to describe the behavior and it was not a new word. He also made mention of the Hausa term yan dauduwhich was used to describe effeminate men who were considered to be wives to other men. The Yoruba word talks about behavior while the Hausa word talks more about identity and you have to look and act like one to be called one.

☀Love for same sex

Across Nigeria, mostly in urban centers, rings of women seeking women for love and sex are booming. In Lagos, Port Harcourt and Enugu, these rings are fast metamorphosing into burgeoning communities and are hardly distinct from your everyday bisexual prostitution rackets. Operational modules include physical approaches and contacts through social media, especially Facebook messenger, Whatsapp, Instagram,etc. In fact, Social media presently accounts for more than 62% of the boom in the trade according to statistics obtained by Daily Sun in Lagos . A sample of most of those interviewed who are not lesbians but who nonetheless, have been approached for lesbian acts confirms the statistics. Bimbo Talabi ( real names withheld),21, a beautician residing in the Surulere area of Lagos disclosed that her Messenger platform has at least six inter –exchanges weekly with lesbians seeking for her love and eventual sex. One of the messages which she displayed reads: “ Hi bae”

“Hi”( reply) “ How are you”

“You look good and pretty.” “Thanks” (reply)

“I would like to meet you. I am Jane. Where do you stay?” I stay in Ikeja.(No response)

“Can you find time this evening or tomorrow morning to meet me at Cason hotel (Bar)

And she promptly dispatches sexually explicit nude pictures of herself in self-fondling of breasts and genitals ( 3 in a row)

From an act that was done in the exclusivity of darkness and hidden from public glare, lesbianism in Nigeria has assumed a liberal proportion where even matchmaking as an added incentive is made and nurtured. Hook –up takes the shape of the normal male- female love entangles, except that in most cases lesbians are faster, without regards to any considerations of physical attractions, compatibility or dressing. The supposed husband in a lesbian relationship showers the wife with gifts and love while the wife respects her and shows undiluted commitment to the affair.

In Nigeria, Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender ( LGBT) are constrained because of legal and social challenges. Nigeria does not recognize or allow their rights. There is no legal protection against discrimination. Culture and social mores prohibit it. Very few of them are open about their orientation, and violence, and stigmatization against them are frequent. For instance, Edafe Okporo fled Nigeria to the United States of America, USA to seek asylum based on his sexual orientation and was granted political asylum in 2017. Many other Nigerian lesbians are also fleeing to countries with better protection in laws.

A review of the 2007 Pew Global Attitudes Project shows that 97% of Nigerians believe that lesbianism is a way of life that must not be accepted. In 2015, a survey by an organization founded by a Nigerian homosexual activist based in London claimed this percentage has reduced to 94%. However, Bisi Alimi , a self – acclaimed homosexual says Nigerians who agree that they should receive education ,healthcare, and housing is a mere 13%. Alimi has since relocated to the UK claiming discrimination and death threats. The first Nigerian lesbian wedding between Judith Ndukwu and Mona Nghixulifwa , a Namibian happened in the Hagues, Netherlands ( Beach Club Naturale, Scheveningen) far removed from the prying laws of Nigeria. Judith was the wife while Mona was the husband. Progressively, lesbians in Nigeria have continued to dig in, forcefully entrenching passive acceptance. Last year, the first lesbian documentary, in the country “Under the Rainbow” by Pamela Adie was released to the shock and awe of many people. The documentary according to the theme “ celebrates resilience and the pursuit of happiness and delivers its message as a love letter” . The documentary is a “visual memoire” about her personal journey of coming home to herself by walking the viewer through her experiences. She came to terms with her sexuality and shared it with her family. She struggled through a marriage, depression, loss, rejection from her family and their attempt to “cure” her of her sexuality. Storytelling, using herself is her own idea of advocacy. Another budding lesbian, Dewy Oputa, is the daughter of maverick musician and rights activist, Charlie Boy. Disconcerted by her sexual orientation, Charlie boy got estranged with her, shunned her and blocked her on every social media platform. Charlie boy, who has reactivated his fight for the acceptance of the LGBT community in Nigeria, ended his rationale for the renewed battle with “each on his own”. Like rabbits from a hole, more lesbians in Nigeria are getting increasingly bold, audacious and are crawling out to own up to their sexuality. Unoma Azuah,an acclaimed award winning writer has just released “ Embracing my shadow,” ‘growing up lesbian in Nigeria’, the first Nigerian lesbian memoir, which traces her challenging growth as a lesbian in Nigeria and how she navigated the paths of abuse, ethnic discrimination and homophobia in a hyper- religious and patriarchal Nigerian society.

Identity recognition for Lesbians

Lesbians usually thrust their tongue out to lure and seduce suspects, according to investigations by Daily Sun.When a lady in contact with, or meeting another lady thrusts her tongue out in a quick flash and there is a response, then a relationship is made. Depending on the circumstances of their meeting and convenience, a partnership is quickly struck. A random survey also indicates that some Nigerian girls living in Nigeria claiming to be bisexuals are, in fact lesbians. They only claim to be bisexuals to conform to societal expectations of getting married to a man and thereafter continue to ply their trade. Recently, a Nigerian Lesbian, Pamela Adie celebrated what she called “10 years of freedom. According to her, the occasion marked 10 years since she came out as a lesbian, divorced her husband and the perks of motherhood.. She noted that she would have been living as a closeted lesbian in her marriage. She shared all her achievements within this period with the intention to inspire others. Her words: “By now, I would have had 3 children and would have been celebrating the 10th anniversary of the wedding to my ex- husband. Many would have clapped and congratulated me for having been married for so long. But I wouldn’t have been honest with myself and those celebrating me… no one would know that I am lesbian behind closed doors. But today, I celebrate my truth and my freedom”

Another way of identifying lesbians who are married, it was discovered, is the continuous, unhindered denial of sex to their spouses. This group often resorts to seeking divorce on grounds of sexual dissatisfaction and irreconcilable differences. If, and when they obtain divorce, the women often display a non- chalant attitude to the children by not checking on them and are seen more in social circles in company with their female friends. Again, conceited lesbians are hard to satisfy in bed, no matter the duration or the hardness of the penis, because the kind of orgasm they have while making out with their female counterpart is longer and more frequent and also does not happen due to penetration. The addiction to their same sex partners and the act will not allow penetration from a man give them orgasm. Another mode of self- identity that is mutual and less overt is by fixing the second finger or index, which is also known as the pointer into the mouth on sighting a lady. Some flash broad sexy smiles to the fellow female or wink seductively at her. Usually, the opposite lesbian will return the gestures and a partnership is instantly struck.

However, it is pertinent to note that there are ways by which we can identify these people among us, among which include their mode of dressing ,attitude towards the opposite sex, behavior in the society especially in social gatherings, etc. Oftentimes, all they talk about are the females in their lives as they have more female friends than male friends and sometimes imagine themselves with these women instead of the other way around. In a gathering, they notice the feminine gender first before realizing that there is a male around.

Controversial Nigerian Lesbians and transgender elements

Aderonke Apata

Aderonke Apata who was once married, later found out she had feelings for women and came out, declaring she wanted to live her life as a lesbian.

Allegedly, she suffered persecution, from friends and family, and then fled to the United Kingdom to seek asylum and has over the years become Nigeria’s most vocal lesbian. She was involved in a battle to stay in the UK after the authorities vowed to deport her back to Nigeria. She did everything to prove to them that she was truly a lesbian, including recording herself while having sex with her partner and even wanted to do same at the office. She later got married to her lesbian partner and was rewarded for her passion for LGBT in the UK.

Miss SaHHara

After being expelled from Benue State University due to his homosexual tendencies, Clifford Oche, a Benue State born man, sneaked out of the country and for many years nobody heard anything about him till he surfaced as a woman known as Miss SaHHara. Before then, many Nigerians never thought one of their own could go that lane of transformation. She has gone on to win the Miss World Transgender Pageant.

Ms Mandy La Candy

Shortly after Miss SaHHara made her debut, another Nigerian man came out calling herself Ms Mandy La Candy, saying she also undertook the corrective surgery to become a woman after she was tired of living a fake life as a man.

Though nothing has been heard of the Canada based Ms Mandy Candy recently, she makes the list for her boldness in coming out of the closet.

Stephanie Rose

A lot of Nigerians would not have cared about Stephanie Rose, who was another transgender born with the name Dapo Adaralegbe, until she took to social media to pour insults on Almighty God, calling Him all sorts of derogatory names such as foolish, maggot, wicked, idiot, among others.

All of a sudden, Nigerians got to know her and a look into her background revealed that he was a notorious homosexual studying Law at the prestigious Obafemi Awolowo University, Ife before he was expelled in 2001 and then he fled to Holland where his lover paid for a sex change surgery.

She is now a non-conformist God-hater, who does not look back at any opportunity to attack the Almighty God. She is the author of the book en-titled: ‘Nobody Goes to Heaven Because Nobody Goes to Hell’.

How it all began

Lesbianism which is also known as sapphism or female homosexuality is the sexual desire between females. This is the act of two people of the female gender to have intense erotic or romantic attraction for themselves and become intertwined in a love triangle whereby they please themselves sexually. The history of lesbianism can be traced as far back to the last 16th century. Then, in the late 19th century, it became more pronounced when an association was formed with the tender passionate poetry written by Lesbian poet Sappho (610-c. 580BCE) to and about other women.

In the late 20th century Europe and North America, a lot of the issues faced by lesbians were not different from those that concerned either heterosexual women or other gay men. Just like the heterosexual women, lesbians were affected by issues such as equal pay. In the early 21st century, Europe and North America in particular adopted laws or constitutional provisions establishing the rights of same sex couples to marry.

In the year 2013, then President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan signed the Same Sex Prohibition Act of 2013 hindering the legalization of the same sex marriage between lesbians and between gay men. As at that time, the issue of lesbian and gay men marriage was becoming rampant as it had already been legalized in some western countries. This, however caused some stir in the world as people felt it was a hindrance on their right to marry whoever they wanted to marry. But this was also done to uphold the sanctity of our Nigerian customs which forbade it.

Currently in Nigeria, there are people who practice lesbianism and homosexuality, but majority of them hide under the cloak of fashion, saying their lifestyle is mainly for the purpose of entertainment or modeling as creative artistes as the case may be with cross-dressers.

A sizeable number of women are involved in it in Nigeria today, and though a lot of people think it’s a bad omen because of the belief that it is un-african, unhealthy and irreligious, some other people are also indifferent to it as they believe everyone is entitled to their own space to love who they want to and should not be punished for it. They feel the emotion called love does not have any barriers and can come to whoever it chooses at any time for the person to show it to anybody of their choice. Therefore, people wanting to be with anyone of the same sex could stem from either a medical problem or it could be cupid at work in their lives.

In some cases, these women might be interested in both males and females alike. In this case, we refer to them as ‘Bi-sexual’. Bisexual women, though having interest in both genders still prefer one as against the other and in most cases, go for the same sex.

Before now, the issue of lesbianism or even the mere mention of it was like an abomination in our country Nigeria, but presently, it is funny how people do it without blinking an eyelid, to the extent that some people even sought the legalization of same- sex marriage to give them the right to be united legally with someone of the same gender whom they have romantic feelings for. These days, you hear and even see women coming out to say they want to get married and stay together. A lot of people have said this is not part of the indigenous African culture. But the pattern of its adoption and its exponential grown defies the logic of its wholesale importation from western culture as our people say. Although it is regarded as an ‘abomination’ the shock of the act has reduced in proportion to when it started, creating the impression that it is being received on a wide scale.

Popularity

Recently, there have been groups springing up to fight for these women, among which include the Women’s Health and Equal Rights (WHER)- Initiative. A group of women who were concerned about the marginalization of lesbians in sexual and reproductive health rights programming came together to form this group which is based in Abuja. It was found that some of the problems facing many lesbians, bisexual women and Women who have sex with Women (WSW) includes, though not limited to low level of literacy, high school drop-out and lack of sustainable employment.

However, according to Bisi Alimi, a Gay Activist, who was the first man to come out openly on television and declare his homosexuality, the idea that homosexuality is Western, is based on another western thought. He said that while he was digging up facts about homosexuality because he needed to teach students about a history that was not written when he was appointed by Berlin’s Humboldt University to teach a course titled “Pre and post-colonial sexual orientation and sexual identity in Africa”, he found out that while many Africans say that homosexuality is un-African, African culture is no stranger to homosexual behaviors and acts. He also stated examples to back up his claim, saying that in Yoruba land, the word for homosexual is adofuro which might sound insulting or derogatory, but the word was meant to describe the behavior and it was not a new word. He also made mention of the Hausa term yan dauduwhich was used to describe effeminate men who were considered to be wives to other men. The Yoruba word talks about behavior while the Hausa word talks more about identity and you have to look and act like one to be called one. Adeola Ready (talk) 20:47, 7 September 2021 (UTC)

NGF Chairman Expresses Governors Stance on Petroleum Industry Act

The Chairman of the NGF, Dr. Kayode Fayemi says that the Governors commend the President on the development of the Petroleum Industry Act in the country. He said that “we don’t have a problem with the act being signed into the law. We would have been happier to be a member of the implementation committee. To be represented at the sub-nationals.”

Mr. Fayemi said that Governors encourage the new regime. The only issues are around ownership, structure, accountability, and transparency.

The Chairman stated that the Honorable Minister of State reached out to him. It has been indicated that the letter on Governors's suggestion towards the PIB bill was received.

The Officials who are the drivers, part of the implementation committee have reached out to the Governors. He believes that they know the place that the sub-nationals hold.

Watch the full clip on our YouTube Adeola Ready (talk) 05:08, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria National Cricket Federation Brief History

Brief History In the 19th century, British colonial administrators first introduced and popularised the game of cricket in Nigeria. Nigeria’s first international cricket match was against the Gold Coast British Colony (now Ghana) in 1904.

The Nigeria Cricket Association (expatriates) and the Nigeria Cricket Association (indigenous) were formed in 1932 and 1933 respectively. In 1951, a joint board of control was inaugurated in Lagos with each association retaining its identity. Six years later, in 1957, both expatriate and indigenous bodies merged to form the Nigeria Cricket Association (NCA). This name was changed to the Nigeria Cricket Federation (NCF) in 2006.

In the 1960s, the NCF was involved in a movement which resulted in the formation of a sub-regional cricket body, the West Africa Cricket Federation (WACF), with headquarters in Nigeria. Later, in 1976, the WACF evolved into the West Africa Cricket Council/West Africa Cricket Conference (WACC). Nigeria was granted Associate Membership of the ICC in 2002.

Presently, the Nigeria Cricket Federation (NCF) is the official governing body of the sport of Cricket in Nigeria. Its current headquarters is in Abuja. The NCF is Nigeria’s representative at the International Cricket Council (ICC) and has been an associate member of that body since 2002. Nigeria used to be part of the West Africa Cricket Council, which was an ICC member in its own right. The NCF is also a member of the African Cricket Association (ACA). Adeola Ready (talk) 05:22, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Plan International

Plan International has been operating in Nigeria since 2014 to promote children’s rights and equality for girls.

Over the years there has been a struggle in Nigeria to provide the country’s young and vast population with a quality education. The situation has been exacerbated by violence from insurgents in the North East of the country since 2009. As a result, thousands of people have died and millions have fled their homes either within Nigeria or to neighbouring countries.

The violence has also caused acute food shortages across the entire Lake Chad region.

Our key areas of work are:

Ensuring that children continue their education in safety Reducing maternal and child mortality amongst marginalised and vulnerable women and girls Nutritional support for mothers and young children Protecting children from violence Empowering young people to stand up for their rights and seek accountability from leaders. Adeola Ready (talk) 05:28, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria Distribution Sector Recovery Program

Development Objective The Program Development Objective is to improve financial and technical performance of the electricity distribution companies. Adeola Ready (talk) 05:36, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria Sustainable Urban and Rural Water Supply, Sanitation and Hygiene Program-for-Results

Development Objective The Project Development Objectives (PDO) are to increase access to water, sanitation, and hygiene services and to strengthen sector institutions in participating states of Nigeria. Adeola Ready (talk) 05:40, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria SFTAS Additional Financing for Covid-19 Response PforR

Development Objective The Program Development Objective (PDO) is to strengthen the fiscal transparency, accountability and sustainability in the participa ting states. Adeola Ready (talk) 05:42, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

NIGERIA: COVID-19 Action Recovery and Economic Stimulus Program

Development Objective To expand access to livelihood support and food security services, and grants for poor and vulnerable households and firms Adeola Ready (talk) 05:45, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Edo Basic Education Sector and Skills Transformation Operation

Development Objective To improve the teaching and learning processes in basic education and expand access to quality digital skills and entrepreneurship d evelopment programs for youth in Edo State. Adeola Ready (talk) 05:47, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria COVID-19 Preparedness and Response Project

Development Objective The Project Development Objective (PDO) is to prevent, detect, and respond to the threat posed by COVID-19 at state level in Nigeria . Adeola Ready (talk) 05:50, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Adolescent Girls Initiative for Learning and Empowerment

Development Objective To improve secondary education opportunities among girls in targeted areas in participating states. Adeola Ready (talk) 05:54, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria Rural Access and Agricultural Marketing Project

Abstract* The development objective of Rural Access and Agricultural Marketing Project for Nigeria is to improve rural access and agricultural marketing in participating states while strengthening the financing and institutional base for effective development, maintenance and management of the rural road network. This project has four components. 1) The first component, Improvement of Rural Access and Trading Infrastructure, has two subcomponents: (i) Major Civil Works; and (ii) Consultancies and Supervision. 2) The second component, Asset Management, Agro-logistics Performance Enhancement and Sector Reform, has the following subcomponents: (i) Other Civil works; (ii) Support to Agro-logistics Activities; and (iii) Consultancies Studies and Supervision. 3) The third component, Institutional Development, Project Management and Risk Mitigation, is to provide technical and material support for the rural transport and agrologistics capacity building, smooth functioning of the project and risk mitigation and resiliency activities. 4) The fourth component, Contingent Emergency Response, aims to address any emergency infrastructure needs following a natural disaster.

• The project abstract is drawn from the PAD, SAR or PGD and may not accurately reflect the project's current nature

Development Objective The proposed project objective is to improve rural access and agricultural marketing in participating states while strengthening the financing and institutional base for effective development, maintenance and management of the rural road network. Adeola Ready (talk) 06:03, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Sustainable Procurement, Environmental and Social Standards Enhancement Project (SPESSE)

Abstract* The development objective of the Sustainable Procurement, Environmental, and Social Standards Enhancement Project for Nigeria is to develop sustainable capacity in managing procurement, environment, and social standards in the public and private sectors. The project comprises of two components. The first component, technical assistance and support to implementing agencies consists of following sub-components: (i) technical assistance and support to bureau of public procurement (BPP), environmental assessment department at the ministry of environment (EAD), and federal ministry of women affairs (FMWA); (ii) technical assistance and support to National Universities Commission (NUC); (iii) technical assistance to NUC for the campaign for change; and (iv) technical assistance to the federal ministry of finance, budget, and national Planning (FMoFB and NP). The second component, establishment and operating of the sustainable procurement, environmental, and social standards centers of excellence (SPESSECE) consists of following sub-components: (i) funding support to the CE to facilitate project startup; and (ii) disbursement-linked indicator (DLI)-based support to operating the CEs.

• The project abstract is drawn from the PAD, SAR or PGD and may not accurately reflect the project's current nature

Development Objective The project development objective is to develop sustainable capacity in managing procurement, environment and social standards in th e public and private sectors. Adeola Ready (talk) 06:07, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Ogun State Economic Transformation Project

Abstract* The development objective of the Ogun State Economic Transformation Project for Nigeria is to increase the participation of the private sector in the economy of Ogun state with a focus on improving the business-enabling environment (BBE), strengthening agri-food value-chains, and upgrading skills. The project comprises of two components. The first component, results-based financing to improve the business-enabling environment and foster private sector participation in the agri-food and skills sectors will support the Ogun state government’s reform efforts to increase private sector investment through the following three results areas: (i) improving the BEE; (ii) strengthening agri-food value chains; and (iii) upgrading skills. The second component, strengthening the capacity of the government to implement the state’s economic transformation agenda will finance technical assistance (TA) and investments to support the implementation of the results-based component. It consists of following sub-components: (i) improving the business environment; (ii) strengthening agri-food value-chains; (iii) upgrading skills development; (iv) improving public sector management; and (v) project implementation support.

• The project abstract is drawn from the PAD, SAR or PGD and may not accurately reflect the project's current nature

Development Objective The Project Development Objective (PDO) is to increase the participation of the private sector in the economy of Ogun State with a f ocus on improving the business-enabling environment, strengthening agri-food value-chains and upgrading skills. Adeola Ready (talk) 06:11, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria Improved Child Survival Program for Human Capital MPA

Development Objective The project development objective (PDO) of the first phase (IMPACT) is to improve the utilization and quality of immunization plus a nd malaria services in selected states. Adeola Ready (talk) 06:13, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria Digital Identification for Development Project

Abstract* The objective of the Digital Identification for Development Project for Nigeria is to increase the number of persons with a national ID number, issued by a robust and inclusive foundational Identification (ID) system, that facilitates their access to services. The Project has four components. 1. Strengthening the legal and institutional framework component will finance the reform of the ID legal, regulatory, and institutional framework. 2. Establishing a robust and inclusive foundational ID system component will support the harmonization of existing functional ID systems and the establishment of a digital foundational ID platform that issues free of charge a unique national ID number (NIN) as an identity credential to all persons in Nigeria as well as Nigerians living abroad. Component 2 comprises the following subcomponents and activities: (i) Subcomponent 2.1: Reinforcing the National Identity Management System (NIMS). This subcomponent will reinforce deduplication capacity at NIMC, back-end systems, telecommunications links, and human resources, as well as the development of specifications for key systems. (ii) Subcomponent 2.2: Reinforcing the foundational ID ecosystem. This subcomponent will support the foundational ID system’s capacity to deliver NINs at birth as part of the birth registration process through links with a digitized Civil Registration (CR). (iii) Subcomponent 2.3: Development of the enrollment system. (iv) Subcomponent 2.4: Reinforcing information security and privacy. (v) Subcomponent 2.5: Registration of the population. (vi) Subcomponent 2.6: Training of ecosystem partners and their enrollment staff. 3. Enabling Access to Services through IDs component will support integration between public and private sector services and the foundational ID system to facilitate access to services. Component 3 will comprise the following subcomponents: (i) Sub

• The project abstract is drawn from the PAD, SAR or PGD and may not accurately reflect the project's current nature

Development Objective The Development Objective of the project is to increase the number of persons with a national ID number, issued by a robust and incl usive foundational ID system, that facilitates their access to services. Adeola Ready (talk) 06:18, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

BASIC HEALTHCARE PROVISION FUND PROJECT (HUWE PROJECT)

Development Objective The project development objective (PDO) is to establish the accreditation, verification and payment mechanisms for the operationaliz ation of the Basic Health Care Provision Fund in the participating states. Adeola Ready (talk) 06:21, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria For Women Project

Abstract* The development objective of Nigeria For Women Project is to support improved livelihoods for women in targeted areas of Nigeria. This project has four components. 1) The first component, Building Social Capital, aims to build social capital by galvanizing women to become members of Women Affinity Groups (WAGs) and strengthening both new and existing WAGs that can serve as institutional platforms for women in Nigeria. It has the following subcomponents: (i) Influencing Social Norms; and (ii) Women Affinity Groups. 2) The second component, Livelihoods Program, aims to support economically active women in WAGs through provision of livelihoods grants and holistic, as well as targeted skills trainings. It has the following subcomponents: (i) Support to Individual Livelihoods; and (ii) Support to Livelihoods Collectives. 3) The third component, Innovations and Partnerships, aims to use Nigeria’s talent pool to identify and deploy innovations that can (a) transform women’s social and livelihood outcomes, and (b) improve project delivery and overall impact. 4) The fourth component, Project Management, Monitoring and Evaluation, and Learning, aims to support the socioeconomic upliftment of women by supporting the advancement of policy dialogue; strengthening technical and implementation capacity; and better coordination among implementing partners at the federal, state, and Local Government Area (LGA) levels through deployment of highly qualified technical professionals.

• The project abstract is drawn from the PAD, SAR or PGD and may not accurately reflect the project's current nature

Development Objective To support improved livelihoods for benefiting women in targeted areas of Nigeria. Adeola Ready (talk) 06:25, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria Electrification Project

Abstract* The development objective of the Electrification Project for Nigeria is to increase access to electricity services for households, public educational institutions, and underserved (MSMEs) micro, small, and medium enterprises. The project comprises of four components. The first component, solar hybrid mini grids for rural economic development will be implemented under a market-based private sector led approach to construct, operate, and maintain economically viable mini grids, supported by subsidies that reduce initial capital outlays. It consists of following sub-components: (i) minimum subsidy tender for mini grids; and (ii) performance-based grants program. The second component, stand-alone solar systems for homes and MSMEs goal is significantly increase the market for stand-alone solar systems in Nigeria in order to provide access to electricity to more than one million Nigerian households and MSMEs at lower cost than their current means of service such as small diesel gensets. It consists of following sub-components: (i) market scale-up challenge grants; and (ii) performance-based grants. The third component, energizing education objective is to provide reliable, affordable, and sustainable power to public universities and associated teaching hospitals. The fourth component, technical assistance is designed to build a framework for rural electrification upscaling, support project implementation as well as broad capacity building in Rural Electrification Agency (REA), Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC), Federal Ministry of Power, Works, and Housing (FMPWH), and other relevant stakeholders.

• The project abstract is drawn from the PAD, SAR or PGD and may not accurately reflect the project's current nature

Development Objective The development objective is to increase access to electricity services for households, public educational institutions, and underse rved micro, small and medium enterprises. Adeola Ready (talk) 06:30, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

States Fiscal Transparency, Accountability and Sustainability PforR

Abstract* The development objective of the States Fiscal Transparency, Accountability, and Sustainability - Program-for-Results (PforR) Project for Nigeria is to strengthen the fiscal transparency, accountability, and sustainability in the participating states. The program is a hybrid with two components of activities that support Nigerian states to achieve the key result areas of the program: (1) a performance-based financing component for state governments, which will be implemented as a PforR; and (2) a technical assistance (TA) component for states and selected national-level institutions, which will be implemented as an investment project financing (IPF). The program will support the full and sustained implementation of a strategic subset of reforms from the FSP and the open government partnership (OGP) commitments that are implemented at the state-level. The PforR will cover the fiscal performance of states over four fiscal years: 2018-2021. The program will provide performance-based financing on an annual basis to states which have been verified through the annual performance assessments (APA) as having: (1) complied with the annual eligibility criteria; and (2) achieved the annual disbursement linked results (DLRs).

• The project abstract is drawn from the PAD, SAR or PGD and may not accurately reflect the project's current nature

Development Objective The Program Development Objective (PDO) is to strengthen the fiscal transparency, accountability and sustainability in the participa ting states. Adeola Ready (talk) 06:33, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria- Accelerating Nutrition Results

Abstract* The development objective of Accelerating Nutrition Results in Nigeria Project is to increase utilization of quality, cost-effective nutrition services for pregnant and lactating women, adolescent girls and children under five years of age in select areas of the Recipient's territory. This project has two components. 1) The first component, Basic Package of Nutrition Services, aims to scale up a basic package of nutrition-related interventions in twelve states. 2) The second component, Stewardship and Project Management, aims to strengthen key stewardship functions at the federal and state levels for the sustained delivery of nutrition services.

• The project abstract is drawn from the PAD, SAR or PGD and may not accurately reflect the project's current nature

Development Objective To increase utilization of quality, cost-effective nutrition services for pregnant and lactating women, adolescent girls and childre n under five years of age in select areas of the Recipient's territory. Adeola Ready (talk) 06:37, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria Sustainable Urban and Rural Water Supply, Sanitation and Hygiene Program-for-Results

Development Objective The Project Development Objectives (PDO) are to increase access to water, sanitation, and hygiene services and to strengthen sector institutions in participating states of Nigeria. Adeola Ready (talk) 06:40, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Open Government Partnership Country Capacity Support

Development Objective To enhance the capacity of the OGP Secretariat to provide technical assistance and knowledge activities to Beneficiary Countries und ertaking open government reforms and participatory policy-making processes. Adeola Ready (talk) 06:45, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria Erosion and Watershed Management Project (NEWMAP) - Additional Financing

Abstract* The development objective of Erosion and Watershed Management Project for Nigeria is to reduce vulnerability to soil erosion in targeted sub-watersheds. This project requires additional financing to scale up successful gully restoration and watershed management activities and add new activities that have emerged from implementation experience, global commitments, and country initiatives. It also requires changes in the results framework and the triggering of safeguard policies as a result of the Additional Finance (AF). The project will be extended by one year and the closing date of the project is extended to June 30, 2021.

• The project abstract is drawn from the PAD, SAR or PGD and may not accurately reflect the project's current nature

Development Objective To reduce vulnerability to soil erosion in targeted sub-watersheds. Adeola Ready (talk) 06:49, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria Polio Eradication Support Project Additional Financing

The development objective of Polio Eradication Support Project for Nigeria is to assist the recipient, as part of a global polio eradication effort, to achieve and sustain at least eighty percent coverage with oral polio vaccine immunization in every state in the recipient's territory, and sustain national routine immunization coverage. This second level of restructuring requires fund the procurement of Oral Polio Vaccine (OPV) and the implementation of national- and state-level polio immunization campaigns and support the procurement of vaccines for Routine Immunization (RI). Subcomponents under Component 1 will be consolidated into a single component which will be renamed as Polio eradication support.

• The project abstract is drawn from the PAD, SAR or PGD and may not accurately reflect the project's current nature

Development Objective To assist the Recipient, as part of a global polio eradication effort, to achieve and sustain at least 80 percent coverage with oral polio vaccine immunization in every state in the Recipient’s territory, and improve national routine immunization coverage. Adeola Ready (talk) 06:54, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

NG-Electricity Transmission Project

The development objective of the Electricity Transmission Project for Nigeria is to increase the transfer capacity of the transmission network in Nigeria. There are two project components. First component, Transmission network strengthening and improvement (US 408 million dollars equivalent, of which the Federal Government of Nigeria (FGN) US 4 million dollars and IDA and IDA Scale-Up Facility (SUF) US 404 million dollars equivalent, excluding contingency).This component has four sub components: (a) the upgrading and rehabilitation of up to 48 existing substations—of these, approximately 11 require the replacement of transformers, while the others require the addition (not the replacement) of transformers, and addition and replacement of protection and control systems, switchgear, and associated equipment; (b) replacement of conductor on up to 13 132 kV transmission lines and conversion of up to two 132 kV lines from single circuit to double circuit (the total length of the transmission lines is about 1,260 km); (c) the upgrading and expansion of the network’s Supervisory Control and Data Acquisition (SCADA) and telecommunication systems and construction of four regional control centers; and (d) installation of static var compensator (SVC) at the remotely located Gombe substation in the northeast, which is supplied by a long 132 kV line, and purchase of spare equipment. Second component, Capacity building and technical assistance (IDA and IDA SUF US 32 million dollars equivalent, excluding contingency).This component includes the following activities: (a) consulting services (transaction advisory to support the preparation of transaction documents and procurement of a sponsor i.e. private developer) for a pilot Public-Private Partnership (PPP) for transmission infrastructure that is part of network expansion (that is, greenfield infrastructure); (b) consulting suppor

• The project abstract is drawn from the PAD, SAR or PGD and may not accurately reflect the project's current nature

Development Objective The project development objective is to increase the transfer capacity of the transmission network in Nigeria. Adeola Ready (talk) 06:57, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Conflict Monitoring System in Nigeria

Development Objective The project development objective is to increase the capacity of NBS to collect data in conflict affected areas using mobile phones to monitor socio-economic conditions and understand how conflict affects the poor. Adeola Ready (talk) 07:00, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Better Education Service Delivery for All

To increase equitable access for out-of-school children and improve literacy in focus states, and strengthen accountability for res ults, in basic education in Nigeria. Adeola Ready (talk) 07:02, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria - Kaduna State Economic Transformation Program-for-Results

The Project Development Objective is to improve the business enabling environment and strengthen fiscal management and accountabilit y in Kaduna State. Adeola Ready (talk) 07:04, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria: Mineral Sector Support for Economic Diversification Project (MinDiver)

The development objective of Mineral Sector Support for Economic Diversification Project for Nigeria is to enhance the mining sector’s contribution to the economy by strengthening key government institutions, improving information infrastructure and knowledge, and fostering domestic investment in the sector. This project has three components. 1) The first component, Establishing a Strong Foundation for Mining Sector Development, aims to strengthen the Government in its role to establish a strong foundation for mining sector development, thereby enhancing its capacity as regulator and facilitator. This component is divided into four sub-components as follows: (i) Strengthening Mining Governance, Transparency, Accountability, and Administration; (ii) Strengthening Geological Knowledge and Information Infrastructure; (iii) Skills Building and Education Support for Mining Sector Development; and (iv) Environmental, Health, and Social Performance. 2) The second component, Facilitating Downstream Sector Development and Enhancing Competitiveness, aims to facilitate sector development and enhance its competitiveness and attractiveness to investors for both (a) Greenfield exploration targets identified under A2-1; and (b) Brownfield mineral assets that have been blocked as a result of social and environmental legacy issues, past market conditions, and infrastructure gaps. This component is divided into four sub-components as follows: (i) Developing Measures for Formalizing, Regulating, and Inventorying ASM; (ii) Catalyzing the Mineral Sector for Regional Development; (iii) Implementing Steps to Enhance Value Addition and Some Upstream Activities; (iv) Addressing Access to Finance and Mineral Sector Investment Climate Constraints; and (v) Advancing ‘Proof of Concept’ Investments. 3) The third component, Project Management and Coordination, aims to provide support at implementa

• The project abstract is drawn from the PAD, SAR or PGD and may not accurately reflect the project's current nature

DevelopmObjective To enhance the mining sector's contribution to the economy by strengthening key government institutions, improving information infr astructure and knowledge, and fostering domestic investment in the sector. Adeola Ready (talk) 07:09, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Agro-Processing, Productivity Enhancement and Livelihood Improvement Support Project

The development objective of the Agro-Processing, Agricultural Productivity Enhancement and Livelihood Improvement Support Project for Nigeria is to enhance agricultural productivity of small and medium scale farmers and improve value addition along priority value chains in the Participating States. The project has five components. (1) production and productivity enhancement is to increase total supply of the targeted priority value chains with a purpose to ensure consistent, reliable and timely stream of produce to the markets. (2) primary processing, value addition, post-harvest management and women and youth empowerment will support the reduction of post-harvest losses, facilitate the consolidation of produce and primary processing by farmers’ cooperative societies and small and medium-scale enterprises in project intervention areas, focusing on gender-sensitive activities along the core segment of the value chains (production, processing, marketing) and ancillary businesses (agro-dealership, haulage, packaging, business management, etc.); (3) infrastructure support to agri-business clusters t aims at improving physical environment (last mile connection to roads and utilities) for agro-industrial and cottage processing units, located in agri-business clusters with significant potential for agro-processing and greater inclusion of small to medium size farmers into the agri-business supply chains through the business alliances; (4) technical assistance, knowledge management and communication is to build capacity of the project staff and partner in the relevant areas of the value chain development, harness the knowledge acquired and generated under the project. (5) project management and coordination is to ensure effective management and coordination of theproject for proper accomplishment of project related goals and the achievement of the PDO. This component will

• The project abstract is drawn from the PAD, SAR or PGD and may not accurately reflect the project's current nature

Development Objective The objective of the Project is to enhance agricultural productivity of small and medium scale farmers and improve value addition al ong priority value chains in the Participating States Adeola Ready (talk) 07:13, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Multi-Sectoral Crisis Recovery Project for North Eastern Nigeria

The objectives of the Multi-Sectoral Crisis Recovery Project are to: (a) support the Government of Nigeria towards rehabilitating and improving critical service delivery infrastructure, improve the livelihood opportunities of conflict and displacement-affected communities, and strengthen social cohesion in the North East Participating States of Borno, Yobe and Adamawa; and (b) in the event of an eligible Crisis or Emergency, to provide immediate and effective response to said Eligible crisis or emergency. There are four components to the project, the first component being strengthening peace building, stability, and social cohesion. The focus is on: transitional support toward stabilization and self-reliance by increasing and improving the access to basic necessity kits, and restoring immediate access to productive assets by providing agricultural inputs and livestock for farming families and trading commodities for non-farmers. The second component is the infrastructure rehabilitation and service delivery restoration and improvement. This component will include the rehabilitation of critical physical infrastructure and the sustainable restoration of service delivery. The third component is the technical assistance and program management support. This component will include TA for: (a) strengthening the institutional capacity for the coordination of the programmatic recovery program, in line with the Buhari Plan and the RPBA and (b) strengthening the MCRP implementation capacity. Support for overall programmatic and policy coordination at the federal, interstate, and intrastate levels will include the provision of TA for the development of implementation and performance management frameworks for programmatic recovery. Finally, the fourth component is the contingent emergency response. This component will have no funding allocation initially and will draw resources fro

• The project abstract is drawn from the PAD, SAR or PGD and may not accurately reflect the project's current nature

Development Objective To improve access to basic services and livelihood opportunities for the crisis-affected communities of Adamawa, Borno, and Yobe St ates, and enhance coordination among these States and other Lake Chad countries Adeola Ready (talk) 07:17, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

NEITI Reporting Compliance

The project development objective is to assist Nigeria in meeting the EITI requirement for data timeliness. Adeola Ready (talk) 07:19, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Additional Financing NG-Polio Eradication Support Project

The development objective of the Polio Eradication Support Project for Nigeria is to assist the Government of Nigeria, as part of a global polio eradication effort, to achieve and sustain at least 80 percent coverage with oral polio vaccine (OPV) immunization in every state in the country. The project has the following three components: 1.Supply of OPV to national strategic cold stores, 2. Polio Eradication Operations Support, and 3. Routine Immunization (RI) Support. The proposed AF will help finance the costs associated with polio eradication in all the states in Nigeria and the procurement of vaccines for RI for children under 5 years and women of reproductive age. Given that most of the OPV procurement, the polio eradication activities and RI vaccine procurement need to take place in the first half of 2016 (the lead time required to procure and deliver vaccines is at least two months), the AF proposes to apply retroactive financing of 20 percent.

• The project abstract is drawn from the PAD, SAR or PGD and may not accurately reflect the project's current nature

Development Objective To assist the Recipient, as part of a global polio eradication effort, to achieve and sustain at least 80 percent coverage with oral polio vaccine immunization in every state in the Recipient’s territory, and improve national routine immunization coverage. Adeola Ready (talk) 07:23, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

National Social Safety Nets Project

The development objective of the National Social Safety Nets Project for Nigeria is to provide access to targeted transfers to poor and vulnerable households under an expanded national social safety nets system. It has comprises the following two components. The first component, establishing the foundation for a National Social Safety Net System is to strengthen and consolidate the building blocks of a safety net system at the national and state level that can deliver targeted support to poor households across Nigeria. This component will include two subcomponents. i) Project Management and Institutional Capacity will provide resources to support the Government’s decision to establish a coordinating office for SSNs in Nigeria. It will also include financing for capacity building, communications, citizen engagement (CE), and grievance redress/complaints-handling. ii) Developing Building Blocks of the Safety Net System will finance investments in the main building blocks of the national social safety nets system: (a) a robust targeting mechanism and a national registry of poor and vulnerable households; (b) payment systems; and (c) Monitor and evaluation and the Management Information System MIS. The second component, implementing a targeted cash transfer will finance safety net transfers to targeted poor and vulnerable households included in the NSR, delivering regular and reliable transfers in a way that is accessible to beneficiaries and with benefit levels that are consistent with project objectives.

• The project abstract is drawn from the PAD, SAR or PGD and may not accurately reflect the project's current nature

Development Objective The project development objective (PDO) is to provide access to targeted transfers to poor and vulnerable households under an expand ed national social safety nets system. Adeola Ready (talk) 07:27, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria: AF - State Education Program Investment Project

The development objectives of State Education Program Investment Project for Nigeria are to support: (a) need-based teacher deployment; (b) school-level management and accountability; and (c) measurement of student learning in Participating States. The proposed Additional Financing (AF) Credit of 100 million US dollars would finance activities to support Government’s emergency program for the North East through the scaling-up of original project activities. Based on the implementation experience from the original project, this AF would support the following: (a) scaling-up of the interventions that have successfully contributed to the improvement of service delivery, primarily relating to: (i) extending project coverage to address teacher needs in conflict- and displacement-affected areas in North East States; (ii) strengthening of school-level management and accountability for the improvement of education quality through school grants funding; and (b) enhancing technical assistance (TA) to address the needs of the North East. The original project closing date of October 31, 2017 will be extended to October 31, 2019.

• The project abstract is drawn from the PAD, SAR or PGD and may not accurately reflect the project's current nature

Development Objective The project development objective is to strengthen the educational system by supporting: (a) need-based teacher deployment; (b) scho ol-level management and accountability; and (c) measurement of student learning in the Participating States. Adeola Ready (talk) 07:31, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Third Lagos State Development Policy Operation

The Lagos State Development Policy Program consists of a series of two programmatic operations (second and third lagos state development policy operation) that supports the Lagos State Government (LASG) in its endeavor to improve public finances and the investment climate in support of sustained rapid growth and poverty reduction in a fiscally sustainable manner. The program encompasses four pillars of the development policy operation (DPO): (a) fiscal sustainability, (b) budget planning and preparation, (c) budget execution, and (d) investment climate. The Third Lagos State DPO (TSLSDPO) in the amount of United States (U.S.) 200 million dollars (equivalent) will deepen the reforms agenda through implementation of indicative triggers for TLSDPO highlighted in the SLSDPO program document presented to the Board in March 2014. Strong growth supported by prudent macroeconomic management over the last few years, however, has not always translated into improved socio-economic outcomes. Nigerian states, which account for over 50 percent of revenue and expenditure, are playing a more prominent role in Nigeria’s development.

• The project abstract is drawn from the PAD, SAR or PGD and may not accurately reflect the project's current nature

Development Objective To support the Lagos State Government in its endeavor to improve public finances and the investment climate, which is expected to contribute to sustained rapid economic growth and poverty reduction in a fiscally sustainable manner. The operation has four pillars: (a) Fiscal Sustainability, (b) Budget Planning and Preparation, (c) Budget Execution, and (d) Investment Climate. Adeola Ready (talk) 07:35, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria Partnership for Education Project

The objective of the Partnership for Education Project for Nigeria is to improve access and quality of basic education in selected states, with particular attention to girls’ participation. There are three components to the project, the first component being promoting school effectiveness and improved learning outcomes. The objective of this component is to improve the effectiveness of schools, and in so doing, encourages pupils to enroll and stay in school. These ends will be achieved by promoting school-level resourcing, decision-making with measures to promote increased accountability. The provision of resources to primary and pre-primary education will focus on interventions that target improved teaching and learning in reading, literacy and numeracy. The second component is the increasing access to basic education for out-of-school girls. The objective of this component is to expand access to basic education for female students, and promote gender equality. In addition, relevant training will be provided to strengthen SBMCs. This component will be delivered through three subcomponents: Girls’ access to primary education; scholarships for female teachers; and community mobilization and SBMC training. Finally, the third component is the strengthening planning and management systems including learning assessment and capacity development. The objective of this component is to ensure the effective coordination, monitoring and supervision of project activities, and the provision of technical support and capacity building through the provision of funds to support operating costs and short and long-term consultancy services for state and federal governments.

• The project abstract is drawn from the PAD, SAR or PGD and may not accurately reflect the project's current nature

Development Objective The PDO is to improve access and quality of basic education in selected States, with particular attention to girls' participation. Adeola Ready (talk) 07:39, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Additional Financing-LSMS-ISA Nigeria General Household Survey-Panel Component

Improve the quality (accuracy, timeliness and relevance) of agricultural data in Nigeria. Adeola Ready (talk) 08:56, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria Edo State Fiscal Improvement and Service Delivery Operation

This Edo State Fiscal Improvement and Service Delivery Development Policy Operation Program is the first in a new series of two programmatic development policy operations that supports Edo state’s medium term strategic plan focused on inclusive growth, employment creation and poverty reduction. Edo is one of 36 states in Nigeria’s federal structure. Like the average Nigerian state, Edo has a population of approximately 4 million people. It is situated in the south-south geo-political zone of the country and is one of the nine oil-producing states, albeit a marginal one. Since 2008, the current administration in Edo has vigorously pursued an infrastructure-oriented growth and employment agenda. The World Bank has supported Edo with a number of different operations during this period5. From 2012, the collaboration deepened with budget support in the form of a programmatic series of three development policy operations, each for the sum of US$75 million. The Bank began to provide Edo with development policy support due to the progress Edo had made on its own in implementing its development strategy and its commitment to undertake policy and institutional reforms to support its development agenda. The first operation, which was approved in March 2012 and closed in June 2014, supported Edo’s earlier development strategy articulated in the 2009 Edo Vision 2020, which identified high poverty, unemployment, flooding and dilapidated infrastructure as main development challenges. Edo also suffered from weak governance structures, particularly in the management of public finances. The state made appreciable reform gains under that operation in the areas of building a stronger public financial management system, improving institutional arrangements for land registration and strengthening the delivery of technical and vocational education; and it remains committed to an agenda of p

• The project abstract is drawn from the PAD, SAR or PGD and may not accurately reflect the project's current nature

Development Objective To support Edo state in the implementation of critical policy and institutional reforms to improve the management of its public resources; increase private sector access to land for investment and improve the quality of education. Adeola Ready (talk) 09:01, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria - Program to Support Saving One Million Lives

The objective of the Saving One Million Lives Initiative Program-for-Results (PforR) Project for Nigeria is to increase the utilization and quality of high impact reproductive, child health, and nutrition interventions. The first indicator will be tracked by income quintile to determine whether the poorest 40 percent of the population have experienced significant progress. The results to be achieved will be measured annually and targets will be based on the historical progress on these indicators in Nigeria and globally: (i) Increase in the combined coverage of six key SOML services; (a) vaccination coverage among young children; (b) contraceptive prevalence rate (modern methods); (c) Vitamin A supplementation among children 6 months to 5 years of age; (d) skilled birth attendance; (e) HIV counselling and testing among women attending antenatal care; and (f) use of insecticide treated nets (ITNs) by children under five; and (ii) improved quality of care index at health center level. Nigeria has made limited progress in the health sector over the last two decades which means that some 900,000 children and mothers are dying per year. The slow rate of progress has serious economic and development consequences. Simple solutions focused on improving inputs have not worked in the past but the availability of many of the needed inputs (such as health facilities and trained health workers) suggests that governance, broadly defined, is the binding constraint. This has been recognized by the Government which is why the SOML initiative provides an opportunity to change the game and boldly address governance and management issues. This PforR operation supports SOML and ensures: (a) a greater focus on results; (b) increased accountability; (c) improved measurement; (d) strengthened management; and (e) encouragement of innovation. Besides its direct effect on health outcomes, the o

• The project abstract is drawn from the PAD, SAR or PGD and may not accurately reflect the project's current nature

Development Objective The objective of the Program is to increase the utilization and quality of high impact reproductive, child health and nutrition inte rventions. Adeola Ready (talk) 09:04, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

NG-Polio Eradication Support - Additional Financing

The project development objective for the Polio Eradication Support Project in Nigeria is to assist the recipient, as part of a global polio eradication effort, to achieve and sustain at least 80 percent coverage with oral polio vaccine immunization in every state in the Recipient’s territory, and sustain national routine immunization coverage. The project development objective is modified to incorporate routine immunization (RI) activities. This project paper seeks an additional credit of $200 million for Polio eradication, which will go directly to the World Health Organization (WHO). The project will have two components: (i) polio eradication operations support, which would finance the distribution of polio vaccine and other operational requirements of polio eradication activities; and (ii) routine immunization support which would include procurement of vaccines for routine immunization. Using the same procurement arrangements that were applied in the original project, all routine vaccines to be financed by the additional financing (AF) will be procured and supplied by UNICEF. Monitoring and evaluation for this component will be carried out through annual household survey (SMART survey) that will be conducted by the National Bureau of Statistics with collaboration with stakeholders while UNICEF will provide technical assistance.

• The project abstract is drawn from the PAD, SAR or PGD and may not accurately reflect the project's current nature

Development Objective To assist the Recipient, as part of a global polio eradication effort, to achieve and sustain at least 80 percent coverage with oral polio vaccine immunization in every state in the Recipient’s territory, and improve national routine immunization coverage. Adeola Ready (talk) 09:07, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

State and Local Governance Reform Project

The Project Development Objective (PDO) is to improve transparency, accountability and quality in public financial management in the participating states. Adeola Ready (talk) 09:10, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Development Finance Project

The development objective of the Development Finance Project for Nigeria is to increase the availability and access to finance for micro, small, and medium enterprises (MSMEs) through eligible financial intermediaries with the support of a new wholesale development finance institution. The project consists of four components. The first component, technical assistance and capacity building will fund tailored technical assistance to the participating financial institutions (PFIs). This component will also support establishment of specific financial consumer protection measures, such as disclosure requirements, to be adopted by all PFIs to facilitate competition and thereby enhance responsible finance and affordability. The second component, line of credit facility will provide United States (U.S.) 445 million dollars to the new development finance institution (DFI) designated for lines of credit to eligible PFIs for on-lending to eligible enterprises and subprojects. The third component, credit guarantee facility (CGF) will provide U.S. 35 million dollars for a CGF to be established as the DFIs wholly owned subsidiary and housed within the DFI. The fourth component, project management will fund the project management functions supporting overall project implementation. This component will pilot and test various mechanisms for reducing the cost of MSME credit, including auctioning of credit line funds, an incentives-based first-loss facility, and other such initiatives to be implemented by the DFI with the assistance of qualified external providers, as appropriate.

• The project abstract is drawn from the PAD, SAR or PGD and may not accurately reflect the project's current nature

Development Objective The project development objective is to increase the availability and access to finance for micro, small, and medium enterprises through eligible financial intermediaries with the support of a new wholesale development finance institution. Adeola Ready (talk) 09:14, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Transforming Irrigation Management in Nigeria

The Transforming Irrigation Management in Nigeria Project objective is to improve access to irrigation and drainage services and to strengthen institutional arrangements for integrated water resources management and agriculture service delivery in selected large-scale public schemes in Northern Nigeria. The Project consists of four components. These are linked with each other. The main thrust of the project is Component 2 with the aim of rehabilitating public irrigation schemes. This needs to be complemented with improvements in dams/reservoirs via Component 1 to assure integrated water management and to improve safety for people downstream. Component 3 is helping to increase agricultural productivity of the irrigated lands as well as with the processing and marketing side of the increased output. Finally, Component 4 is essential for capacity building and managing the three components.

• The project abstract is drawn from the PAD, SAR or PGD and may not accurately reflect the project's current nature

Development Objective To improve access to irrigation and drainage services and to strengthen institutional arrangements for integrated water resources management and agriculture service delivery in selected large-scale public schemes in Northern Nigeria. Adeola Ready (talk) 09:22, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Ibadan Urban Flood Management Project

The Ibadan Urban Flood Management Project development of Nigeria has an objective to improve the capacity of Oyo State to effectively manage flood risk in the city of Ibadan. The project consists of three main components described in subsequent paragraphs: (i) Flood Risk Identification, Prevention and Preparedness Measures; (ii) Flood Risk Reduction; and (ii) Project Administration and Management Support. The first component assess flood risk in the city of Ibadan, plan risk reduction measures, and finance preventive structural and non-structural measures to enhance flood preparedness. The second component is to ensure flood risk mitigation through structural measures by financing public infrastructure investments for flood mitigation and drainage improvements. The third component will finance incremental operational costs related to the implementation of the project for goods, equipment, staff, travel, and Project Management Unit’s consultant services.

• The project abstract is drawn from the PAD, SAR or PGD and may not accurately reflect the project's current nature

Development Objective The project development objective is to improve the capacity of Oyo State to effectively manage flood risk in the city of Ibadan. Adeola Ready (talk) 09:27, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria Power Sector Guarantees Project

The development objective of the Power Sector Guarantees Project for Nigeria is to increase the supply of electricity received by Nigerian consumers. The project supports one component, partial risk guarantee (PRG) series with three sub-components based on the type of transactions supported: (i) greenfield independent power producers (IPP) transactions will include the option of both credit enhancement for Nigerian bulk electricity trading (NBET) and private debt mobilization support, that is,: (a) the NBET credit enhancement guarantee, with or without letter of credit; (b) the commercial debt mobilization guarantee; or (c) a combination of both forms of guarantees; (ii) privatization of generation companies (GENCOs) will include both gas fired as well as hydropower companies; (iii) under privatization of distribution companies (DISCOs), the ability of the DISCOs to successfully turn around dismal customer service levels and improve revenues flows to finance investments upstream in the value chain will make or break the power sector reform efforts. Out of the eleven DISCOs being privatized, four have been identified as advanced stage candidates: Abuja DISCO, Benin DISCO, Eko DISCO, and Ikeja DISCO.

Development Objective The proposed Project will (i) increase the installed power generation capacity of Independent Power Producers (IPP) and privatized Generation Companies (GENCOs); and (ii) improve the efficiency of electricity delivery by privatized Distribution Companies (DISCOs). Adeola Ready (talk) 09:34, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Third National Urban Water Sector Reform Project

The development objectives of the Third National Urban Water Sector Reform Project for Nigeria are to: (a) increase access to improved water supply service in selected states of Nigeria and improve the financial viability of existing water utilities in those states, and (b) increase the investment planning capacity of participating states. The project has three components. The first component, sector reforms and water supply investments will finance civil works associated with a range of large infrastructure (water supply) investments, which are likely to include rehabilitation, upgrading, and or expansion of water intakes and treatment plans; rehabilitation and or replacement of bulk transmission pipelines; construction of new pipelines; rehabilitation and or construction of reservoirs, boreholes, and well fields; replacement, expansion, and or construction of distribution networks; replacement and installation of water meters; as well as refurbishing of laboratories and construction of new office buildings. It comprises of following two sub-components: (i) rehabilitation and expansion of water production and distribution facilities; and (ii) performance based allocation. The second component, water sector governance, institutional strengthening, and human capital development will support the design and implementation of reforms in nine states (participating states) as well as minor but urgently needed water supply infrastructure investments for quick improvements in service provision. The third component, sector wide improvement and project management at the federal level will strengthen the capacity of the Federal Government to, inter-alia, identify an appropriate financing model for the sector, and to support and monitor the reform process and utility performance.

Development Objective The Project Development Objectives (PDO) are: a) to increase access to improved water supply service in selected States of Nigeria and improve the financial viability of existing water utilities in those States, and b) to increase the investment planning capacityof participating States. Adeola Ready (talk) 09:38, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria Lagos Second State Development Policy Credit

This Second Lagos State Development Policy Operation Program (SLSDPO) supports the implementation of a reform program in Lagos State through a new series of two programmatic operations. Lagos State contains the city of Lagos, a mega-city of an estimated 16-21 million inhabitants that has suffered for decades from large-scale poverty, rampant crime, environmental degradation, and insufficient public services. Over the last decade, however, Lagos State has achieved what many would not have believed possible, sustaining rapid growth, improving infrastructure and services, reducing crime significantly, and bringing millions out of poverty. The World Bank has supported Lagos State with a number of different instruments during this time. Since 2011, this cooperation has deepened to include budget support in the form of development policy operations. The SLSDPO supports the Lagos State Government in its quest to further increase value-for-money in budgetary spending, improve the business climate, maintain fiscal sustainability, and properly monitor, and manage financial risks. As such, it represents a start of a new series of programmatic development policy lending s. The First Lagos State Development Policy Operation (FLSDPO) was approved in 2011, and was planned as part of an anticipated programmatic series of three DPOs. It supported reforms under four pillars: fiscal sustainability, budget planning, budget execution, and the investment climate. Given the unanticipated gap in time between the FLSDPO and this operation, some of the anticipated prior actions for the second DPO planned under FLSDPO are no longer relevant. A number of them were already completed in 2011-2012. For this reason, the present operation should be viewed as the first operation of a separate series of two operations that is continuing the directions of reforms supported by the FLSDPO. The new series

Development Objective The operation supports Lagos State for reforms in budgetary planning, budgetary exectution, and for improving the business climate in the areas of lands and building permits. Adeola Ready (talk) 09:42, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Community and Social Development AF

The development objective of the Additional Financing (AF) for the Community and Social Development Project for Nigeria is to increase access by the poor to improved social and natural resource infrastructure services in a sustainable manner throughout Nigeria. The AF will:(i) increase opportunities for social and livelihood activities for poor households; (ii) strengthen the local level mechanism of support for poor and vulnerable households; and (iii) provide information for input into the process of development of a national strategy for a community driven development approach for inclusive growth and development in Nigeria. This AF will introduce following changes: (i) revision to the results framework, (ii) introduction of a new component to ensure vulnerable groups also have increased access to social support services, and (iii) triggering of two new safeguards policies.

Development Objective The new PDO is to increase access by the poor people, and particularly by the internally displaced and vulnerable people in the Nort h East of Nigeria, to improved social and natural resource infrastructure services in a sustainable manner throughout Nigeria. Adeola Ready (talk) 09:49, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria State Health Investment Project (NSHIP) Additional Financing

Development Objective To increase the delivery and use of high impact maternal and child health interventions and improve quality of care available to the people in Nasarawa and Ondo and all the States in the NE. Adeola Ready (talk) 09:53, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Lagos Eko Secondary Education Project Additional Financing

Abstract* The development objective of the Additional Financing for the Lagos Eko Secondary Education Project for Nigeria is to improve the quality of public junior and senior secondary education in Lagos State. This additional financing also entail the following: (i) changes in the results framework; (ii) minor modifications in the project components; and (iii) an update of existing implementation arrangements, and disbursement estimates. The changes being proposed relate to: (1) extending school development grants to 667 schools for improving education quality and student learning under the original project up to 2015; (2) continuing professional development of teachers, principals and vice-principals, enhanced capability of Lagos State to undertake standardized testing; and (3) strengthening monitoring and evaluation. Expected outcomes include (a) increased performance in student learning achievement under the Basic Education Certificate Examination (BECE) and the West Africa Senior Secondary Certificate Examination (WASSCE); (b), enhanced system of student assessment; and (c) strengthened institutional capacity within the Lagos State educational system, particularly at district and school level.

Development Objective The development objective of the project is to improve the quality of public junior and senior secondary education in Lagos State. The project will support over half a million public school students in 637 secondary schools, over 7,000 teachers and school administrators and will strengthen the capacity of district, state and education institutions. Adeola Ready (talk) 09:57, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Housing Finance Development Program

The objective of the Housing Finance Project for Nigeria is to increase access to housing finance by deepening primary and secondary mortgage markets in the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The project has four components. The first component is establishment of the mortgage refinance company. The project will support the establishment and operation of Nigeria Mortgage Refinance Company (NMRC), created in partnership between private financial institutions, development finance institutions, and the ministry of finance. It will issue standard corporate bonds into the capital markets and subsequently issue loans (refinance and pre-finance) to mortgage lending institutions. The second component is establishment of a mortgage guarantee product, targeted at lower income borrowers. The project will fund the product development including testing and financial modeling, and then launch a competitive process, among private or public owned nonbank financial institutions to select a mortgage guarantee agent to implement the project. The project will also provide a line of credit to the project implementing entity on account of the mortgage guarantee agent for the issuance of mortgage guarantee products to eligible lenders. The third component is Housing Microfinance (HMF). This component aims to support the development and piloting of new and or emerging formal HMF products and to demonstrate a sustainable business case for these activities. The fourth component is Technical Assistance (TA) and capacity building. The TA will be provided to support components one, two, and three. The TA will include provision of operational support to NMRC including assistance for bond issuance, mortgage lender training, mortgage consumer protections and financial literacy, housing market information, and impact evaluation of the mortgage market. TA also will be provided for HMF product development an

Development Objective The project development objective is to increase access to housing finance by deepening primary and secondary mortgage markets in the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Adeola Ready (talk) 10:03, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

THIRD NATIONAL FADAMA DEVELOPMENT PROJECT - ADDITIONAL FINANCING

The objective of the Additional Financing (AF) for the Third National Fadama Development Project for Nigeria is to increase the incomes for users of rural lands and water resources within the Fadama areas in a sustainable manner throughout the recipient's territory. The additional financing will focus on improving farm productivity performance of clusters of farmers engaged in priority food staples namely rice, cassava, sorghum and horticulture in six selected states with high potential. Under the AF, specific to the six participating states, changes will be made to the intermediate indicators, to include state level and commodity specifics, and revision of targets to account for the additional financing. The new strategy seeks to attract private investment in processing and milling, and other commercial aspects of agriculture around nucleus farms, with associated small-holder linkages such as out-grower schemes and contracting farming arrangements. AF will draw lessons from a number of successful models of contract farming arrangement in the agribusiness subsector in Nigeria including the malting companies, Thai Farm and Dutch Agricultural Development and Trading Company (DADTCO) farms. Within this framework, private investors will enable a transformation process to higher levels of productivity, better quality and production.

Development Objective The new PDO will be: to increase the incomes for users of rural lands and water resources in a sustainable manner, and to contribute to restoration of the livelihoods of conflict affected households in the selected area in the North East of the Recipient's territory . Adeola Ready (talk) 10:10, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria Youth Employment & Social Support Operation

The development objective of Youth Employment and Social Support Project for Nigeria is to increase access of the poor to youth employment opportunities, social services, and strengthened safety net systems in participating states. The proposed additional credit of 100 million US dollars would help finance the costs associated with modified and new activities arising from scaling up and restructuring of the current operation in the North East of Nigeria (Borno, Yobe, Adamawa, Taraba, Bauchi, and Gombe States) with the aim of providing assistance to poor and vulnerable households - including internally displaced persons (IDPs), i.e. those able to return or resettle to safe environments - and host communities, for increased consumption and improved livelihoods and human capital. In addition to restoring livelihoods, the Additional Financing (AF) will also be used to provide trauma and psychosocial support to conflict-affected and returnee households, internally displaced groups, and individuals, as a form of social assistance intervention. The psychosocial support will be provided in addition with other AF operations at different levels. The closing date of the project is extended to June 30, 2020.

Development Objective The project development objective is to increase access of the poor and vulnerable, using improved social safety net systems, to you th employment opportunities in all Participating States and to provide Targeted Cash Transfers to the poor, vulnerable and internall y displaced people (IDPs) in the North East States. Adeola Ready (talk) 10:16, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria - State Education Program Investment Project

The development objective of the State Education Program Investment Project for Nigeria is to support: (a) need-based teacher deployment; (b) school-level management and accountability; and (c) measurement of student learning in Participating States. The project has two components. First component is results-based support to education sector reform program (US$125.0 million). The aim of this component is to support participating state governments’ program priorities through selected disbursement-linked indicators focusing on the achievement of tangible and measurable results over the project period as follows: (a) improving teacher effectiveness through better deployment, based on needs, including: (i) deployment to hard-to staff schools; and (ii) deployment in core subject areas (English Language, Mathematics, Physics, Chemistry and Biology); (b) improving regular measurement of student achievement; (c) strengthening school-based management committee’s participation and capacity for supporting school management and accountability; and (d) supporting stronger partnerships with the private sector to improve the relevance of technical and vocational schools, with emphasis on skills for employment. The second component is technical assistance (US$25.0 million). The objective of this component is to provide technical assistance channeled through two levels: (a) state level (US$20 million)- supporting participating states towards achievement of Disbursement-linked Indicators (DLIs), and the associated institutional capacity strengthening; and (b) federal level (US$5 million)- supporting the Federal Ministry of Education (FMOE) and Universal Basic Education Commission (UBEC) in overall project coordination and in providing the enabling environment in line with national policies, and in ensuring sustainability and scaling-up of successful activities in other potential states.

Development Objective The project development objective is to strengthen the educational system by supporting: (a) need-based teacher deployment; (b) scho ol-level management and accountability; and (c) measurement of student learning in the Participating States. Adeola Ready (talk) 10:22, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria Post-Compliance I EITI

Development Objective To support the Nigeria EITI secretariat, aimed at sustaining the EITI process through the development of a roadmap that will assi st the Government in achieving timely annual EITI reconciliation and reporting. It is also aimed at increasing accountability in the administration of extractive industries.

NG-RURAL ACCESS & MOBILITY PROJECT-Phase 2

The objective of the Second Rural Access and Mobility Project for Nigeria is to improve transport conditions and bring sustained access to the rural population through rehabilitating and maintaining key rural transport infrastructure in a sustainable manner in selected Nigerian states. The project has three components. (1) Upgrading and Rehabilitation of Rural Transport Infrastructure component will finance the upgrading and/or rehabilitation of an estimated 1,450 km of rural roads in tier-one states. In addition, about 65 river-crossings will be financed under this component in order to ensure minimal access at locations selected for their importance for agricultural productivity or to give access to social services. (2) Community-based road maintenance and annual mechanized maintenance component will finance the maintenance of the roads rehabilitated under Component 1, as well as a few other pilot roads to build up the maintenance system while the roads are being rehabilitated. Pilot programs will be initiated in each one of the tier-one states for up to 50 km of rural roads rehabilitated through other means. (3) Project Management and Strengthening of State and Federal Road Sector Institutional, Policy and Regulatory Framework component will provide a comprehensive institutional development package at the state and federal levels to: (a) support an effective implementation of the project (including through technical audits, whenever needed); (b) design and implement sound rural transport policies; (c) improve the planning and execution of public expenditures in rural transport; and (d) promote the dissemination of best practices, as well as to prepare a possible scaling up of the project in tier one and tier two states.

Development Objective The Project's Development Objective (PDO) is to improve transport conditions and bring sustained access to the rural populationthrou gh rehabilitating and maintaining key rural transport infrastructure in a sustainable manner in selected Nigerianstates. Adeola Ready (talk) 11:20, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria Electricity and Gas Improvement Project (add. financing)

The development objectives of the Electricity and Gas Improvement Project for Nigeria are to: (i) improve the availability and reliability of gas supply to increase power generation in existing public sector power plants; and (ii) improve the power network’s capacity and efficiency to transmit and distribute quality electricity to the consumer. The NEGIP consists of: (component one) a series of guarantees in support of gas suppliers to increase power generation; (component two) investments in transmission and distribution infrastructure; and (component three) technical advisory services. At the time of the Board presentation in 2009, two guarantee transactions were presented, and it was agreed that any subsequent guarantee transaction in the series would be presented to the Board on an ‘Absence of Objection’ basis once the transactions are ready and the team has completed the due diligence. This Supplement to the Project Appraisal Document and Additional Financing Project Paper presents the next transaction in the NEGIP guarantee series. The International Development Association (IDA) guarantee supports the Gas Sales Agreement (GSA) of Accugas Limited for the Calabar Power Plant. The Calabar GSA is a 20-year gas supply agreement executed between Accugas Limited (as Seller) and Calabar Generation Company (CGC) Limited (as Buyer), a wholly-owned company of Niger Delta Power Holding Company Limited (NDPHC), for the supply of gas to the Calabar Power Plant that has been commissioned in 2015. The GSA will supply 131 mmscfd, with a take-or-pay volume of 105 mmscfd, at a price starting at US$3.16 per mmbtu as adjusted per the inflation index on a yearly basis.

Development Objective The development objectives of the Project are to: (i) improve the availability and reliability of gas supply to increase power generation in existing public sector power plants; and (ii) improve the power network#s capacity and efficiency to transmit and distribute quality electricity to the consumers. Adeola Ready (talk) 11:24, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Kainji Hydro Power Plants Rehabilitation

Kainji Hydro Power Plants Rehabilitation Adeola Ready (talk) 11:27, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria Statistics Development Program (NSDP)

The Project Development Objective (PDO) of the SRF-CF, is to initiate the implementation of the National Strategy for the Development of Statistics (NSDS) by producing reliable statistics in participating states: Anambra, Bauchi, Edo, Kaduna, Niger and Ondo states. Adeola Ready (talk) 11:29, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria - Growth & Employment

The objective of the Growth and Employment in States (GEMS) Project for Nigeria is to increase growth and employment in participating states. Under this restructuring, the Federal Ministry of Finance (FMF) requested a review of the project design to ensure that relevant work within its new policies and initiatives to support growth and employment can be funded by the credit. FMF also requested that the project support the 'Agricultural Transformation Agenda', and the 'YouWin' business plan competition. International Development Association (IDA) was also requested to review project design and ensure that the project is not primarily used for government administrative expenditure.Development Objective To increase firm growth and employment in participating firms in Nigeria. Adeola Ready (talk) 11:33, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Implementation of the International Comparison Program (ICP) in the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS)

The project development objective is to ensure successful conduct of the International Comparison Program (ICP) activities in the Co mmonwealth of Independent States (CIS) region, and to further institute the ICP as a permanent element of the regional and national statistical program, as per the United Nations Statistical Commission (UNSC) recommendation. Furthermore, through the conduct of var ious activities, the project aims to enhance statistical capacity of the CIS National Statistical Offices (NSOs), especially in rela tion to economic statistics. Adeola Ready (talk) 12:41, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Development of Pumped Storage Hydropower in Java Bali System Project

The objective of the Project is to support Indonesia’s energy transition and decarbonization goal by: (i) developing the first large -scale pumped storage hydropower to improve power generation peaking and storage capacity of the Java-Bali grid; and (ii) strengthen ing PLN’s capacity for hydropower development and management. Adeola Ready (talk) 12:44, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

NIGERIA: ACCESS TO JUSTICE FOR THE POOR

Development Objective To enhance access to legal aid services by the poor and vulnerable in Kaduna State to enable them to effectively enforce their socio-economic rights and resolve civil matters disputes. Adeola Ready (talk) 12:46, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Community Health Systems Strenghtening for Malaria Control in Anambra and Akwa Ibom, Nigeria

The project development objective is to support the State Ministries of Health in Akwa Ibom, Anambra, and Gombe states in reducing (i) malaria-related morbidity and mortality and (ii) the consequent social and economic costs.This project is funded by the Japan Social Development Fund (JSDF) to support the Malaria Control Booster Project (P097921; Additional Financing P115036). The project development objectives of the parent project are to (i) to ensure that the target population will have improved access to, and utilization of, a well-defined set of Malaria Plus Package (MPP) interventions; and (ii) to strengthen Federal and States’ ability to manage and oversee delivery of malaria plus interventions. Adeola Ready (talk) 12:49, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

African Smallholders to Play Out Climate Drama on the Airwaves

African Smallholders to Play Out Climate Drama on the Airwaves Adeola Ready (talk) 12:51, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Lagos Urban Transport

Development Objectives are to (a) improve mobility along prioritized corridors; and (b) promote a shift to more environmentally sustainable urban transport modes. Adeola Ready (talk) 12:56, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

EarthCare Solid Waste Composting Project

The PDO of the EarthCare Solid Waste Composting Project is to set up a compost facility that is fully operational and capable of gen erating GHG reductions.As stated in the Carbon Finance Assessment Memorandum (which was prepared in lieu of the PAD) the project im plementation objectives are summarized as follows:•Production of high quality compost for sale to Nigerian farmers providing them an environment friendly and cost effective alternative to chemical fertilizers and in the long-term it is expected to contribute to improvement of soil quality and crop yield thus strengthening food security in Nigeria while contributing to the sustainable develo pment of the region; and•Support to the global efforts in fighting the current climate change problem by curtailing methane emiss ions from MSW dumped in unmanaged landfills in Lagos State. Adeola Ready (talk) 13:00, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria HIV/AIDS Program Development Project II

The objective of the Second HIV/AIDS Program Development Project for Nigeria is to reduce the risk of HIV infections by scaling up prevention interventions and to increase access to and utilization of HIV counseling, testing, care and support services. The project was approved by the World Bank Board on June 16, 2009. Due to the changes in the procedures of the Federal Government of the Republic of Nigeria, the credit agreement was signed seventeen months later on November 25, 2010. The restructuring includes: (i) extension of the closing date, (ii) revisions of the performance indicators, baselines and targets, and (iii) formal revision of the disbursement estimates.

Development Objective The Project Development Objective is to reduce the risk of HIV infections by scaling up prevention interventions and to increase acc ess to and utilization of HIV counseling, testing, care and support services. Adeola Ready (talk) 13:05, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Commercial Agriculture Development Project

The objective of the Commercial Agriculture Development Project for Nigeria is to strengthen agricultural production systems and facilitate access to market for targeted value chains among small and medium scale commercial farmers in the five participating states (Lagos, Kano, Kaduna, Enugu, and Cross River). These value chains are: oil palm, cocoa, fruit trees, poultry, aquaculture and dairy, with maize and rice as staples. There are two components to the project. The first component of the project is agricultural production and commercialization. This component will provide resources to facilitate the adoption of appropriate and existing agriculture technologies. It will also support staple crop production systems to complement the country's food security initiatives and develop domestic and export markets. There are four subcomponents: a) technology demonstration and adoption; b) support to staple crop production systems; c) market facilitation; and d) capacity building. The second component of the project is rural infrastructure. This component will provide resources for construction of new roads, rehabilitation of existing ones and maintenance of roads to communities, and selected agricultural activities. Depending on their location, length and standards, roads will be provided and maintained using the various forms of performance-based contracting. There are two subcomponents: a) network of farm access roads; and b) rural energy.

Development Objective The Project Development Objective is to strengthen agricultural production systems and facilitate access to market for targeted value chains among small and medium scale commercial farmers in the five participating states. These value chains are rice, oil palm, cocoa, fruit trees, poultry production, aquaculture and dairy, with maize and rice as staples. Adeola Ready (talk) 13:09, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Wildlife Conservation Bond Operation

Wildlife Conservation Bond Operation Adeola Ready (talk) 13:15, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Implementation of the International Comparison Program (ICP) in the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS)

Development Objective The project development objective is to ensure successful conduct of the International Comparison Program (ICP) activities in the Co mmonwealth of Independent States (CIS) region, and to further institute the ICP as a permanent element of the regional and national statistical program, as per the United Nations Statistical Commission (UNSC) recommendation. Furthermore, through the conduct of var ious activities, the project aims to enhance statistical capacity of the CIS National Statistical Offices (NSOs), especially in rela tion to economic statistics. Adeola Ready (talk) 13:21, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Assessment of the enabling environment for road safety civil society organizations in three sub-Saharan African countries

Development Objective The objective of this proposed project is to generate research-based guidance on the enabling environment of non-government organiza tions (NGOs) in road safety management in Ethiopia, Uganda and Zambia, thus to contribute to the development of global, regional and country capacity to support the sustainable reduction in road deaths in low-and-middle-income countries. Adeola Ready (talk) 13:24, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Open Government Partnership Country Capacity Support

Development Objective To enhance the capacity of the OGP Secretariat to provide technical assistance and knowledge activities to Beneficiary Countries und ertaking open government reforms and participatory policy-making processes. Adeola Ready (talk) 13:25, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

COVID-19 ENERGY ACCESS RELIEF FUND

Development Objective The objective of the Project is to facilitate concessional financing to Eligible Energy Access Companies affected by COVID-19 that e nsures their continued operation and service provision to customers. Adeola Ready (talk) 13:27, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

WB COVID-19 MPA Vaccination AF

Development Objective The Program Development Objective is to prevent, detect and respond to the threat posed by COVID-19 and strengthen national systems for public health preparedness. Adeola Ready (talk) 13:29, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Global Development Network Awards

Development Objective The objective of the Global Development Awards Competition (hereafter ‘the Awards Competition’, or ‘the Awards’) is to support the r esearch capacity development of economics and social science researchers, and fund innovative social development projects benefiting marginalized groups in the developing world. The aim is to ensure sustainability by fostering the replication and scaling-up of the se innovative development projects through other funding sources. Adeola Ready (talk) 13:33, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

LGBT+

1. W4RNigeria GBT stands for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender/transsexual people. However, it is recognised that those four letters do not necessarily include all those whose sexuality is not heterosexual, or whose gender identity is not based on a traditional gender binary.

The ‘+’ symbol that is therefore used to include people whose identities do not fit typical binary notions of male and female, or who decide to identify themselves using other categories to describe their gender identity or their own understanding of their sexuality. This will include, for example, people who identify themselves as queer (a general term describing people not fitting into existing norms), questioning (people who explore their sexual orientation or/and gender identity), or pansexual (people who are attracted to all sexes and genders). It should be remembered, however, that some people may not want to identify themselves with any existing category.

Volence Against LGBT+ People

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Volence against LGBT+ people is often neglected when gender-based violence is discussed. It is not unusual, for example, for perpetrators of violence against LGBT+ people to ‘justify’ their actions by expressing disgust at gay sexuality or gay masculinities. Neglect of gender-based violence against LGBT+ people partly reflects a lack of awareness of such violence , but it is also a consequence of inadequate legal and institutional protections for LGBT+ people in many countries of Europe and in the rest of the world.

Homophobia, biphobia and transphobia are terms that describe a fear, dislike or hatred of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people. Such hatred is usually deeply rooted in stereotypes and prejudices, and supported by a hostile social and political climate towards LGBT+ people. It can take many forms, for example:

Telling offensive jokes, using banter or words that make fun of LGBT+ people. Sometimes these are told with no malicious intention, but they may still have a negative impact on LGBT+ people. Bullying at school, which can take many forms, such as exclusion, violent incidents targeting young LGBT+ people, or threats. Such behaviour often results in young people being frightened, hurt or left out. Furthermore, in some schools the climate may be very hostile towards people who do not conform to traditional gender norms, and may therefore intentionally or unintentionally promote homo-, bi- or transphobia. Hate speech and hate crimes: LGBT+ young people frequently experience hate speech, especially on the Internet. This may not necessarily be as a result of personal targeting: they may still be affected when LGBT+ people in general are targeted. Such behaviour can have a devastating impact on the lives of young LGBT+ people: it lowers their self-confidence and sense of selfworth, it hinders their coming out process, it makes them feel alone. There are examples of hate speech targeting LGBT+ people that lead to suicidal attempts. Hate crimes are crimes motivated by prejudice and intolerance, where an offender hurts another person, because of the victim’s actual or perceived ethnicity, national origin, race, sexual orientation, gender identity, religious beliefs, or disability, etc. Hate crimes include assault, harassment, insults, rape, torture, damage to property, or murder. Discrimination, such as the exclusion of young LGBT+ people from education or the job market; the absence of gender-neutral toilets for people who do not identify with assigned sex or specific gender; a lack of, or limited access to, medical services; inadequate legislation to allow non-heterosexual couples to enter into legally recognised form of union or partnership, etc. Other types of violence, such as forcing gays and lesbians to undergo therapy altering their sexual orientation - procedures which are now banned in many countries In some countries, sexual orientation other than heterosexual is illegal and punished, even with death penalty.

Domestic violence in LGBT relationships Domestic violence in LGBT+ relationships is harder to identify, both for the victims and for the services offering support, because ‘mainstream’ services for domestic violence do not always recognise domestic violence in same sex relationships, and there are few people who are experienced in dealing with its specific aspects. However, statistics show that violence in heterosexual, gay, and lesbian relationships occurs at approximately the same rate (one in four).

The main similarities and differences between same-gender and opposite-gender domestic violence are summarised below60.

Similarities include the form of abuse, the control the perpetrator has over the victim, the isolation the abused may experience, and the dynamics of the ‘cycle of violence’.

Differences include: Isolation The isolation that accompanies domestic violence can be compounded by being LGBT+ in a homophobic society. Silence about domestic violence within the LGBT+ community further isolates the victim, giving more power to the abuser. Added to this, is the problem of limited community space within LGBT+ networks: privacy may be difficult to maintain and leaving a relationship may be more difficult.

Heterosexist manipulation An abuser may threaten to ‘speak out about’ a person’s sexual orientation or gender identity to friends, family, co-workers, or a landlord. In addition to this, existing support services may require an individual to ‘come out’ against his or her will.

Fear of further oppression As an oppressed and defamed group, the LGBT+ community is often hesitant to address issues that many fear will further ‘stain’ the community.

Gender myths People assume that two men in a fight must be equals. Similarly, gay, bi- sexual and transgendered (GBT) men often reject the idea that they can be victims. Given social assumptions about ‘deviance’, it might also be assumed that the violence is part of a sadomasochistic relationship.

The context of historical oppression LGBT+ people often approach shelters, social service agencies, domestic violence service-providers, the police, and the courts with great caution. LGBT+ victims may fear re-victimisation through homophobia, disbelief, rejection and degradation from institutions that have a history of exclusion, hostility and violence toward LGBT people. Adeola Ready (talk) 15:25, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Sexual Orientations and Gender Identities

There is often confusion about what sexual orientation is, and how it is linked to gender identity.

Sexual orientation describes patterns of emotional, romantic and sexual attraction to other people. Traditionally, there are three sexual orientations:

heterosexual (attraction to people of the opposite sex), bisexual (attraction to people of both sexes) and homosexual (attraction to people of the same sex). These three categories are by no means the only labels that describe the variety of sexual identifications. Sexual orientation should be seen on a continuum from heterosexual to homosexual, with many options in between. Furthermore, some people may decide not to identify themselves with a particular sexual orientation.

There are men who have sex with men, or women who have sex with other women, but who do not see themselves as homosexual. They may, at the same time, engage in sexual relationships with people of the opposite sex, but do not want to be identified as bisexual. There is no agreement as to what determines sexual orientation: current research takes into account biological factors, such as genes, brain structure or hormones, as well as other factors, such as environment. Sexual orientation is not a matter of choice or preference and it cannot be altered at will. There are also other terms describing sexual orientation: monosexual (people who feel attracted to people of one gender) or plurisexual (people who are attracted to people of multiple genders). Adeola Ready (talk) 16:06, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

LBGT+ Coming Out

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LBGT+ people may decide to make their sexual orientation and/or gender identity public. This process is called ‘coming out’ or ‘coming out of the closet’. It usually starts with friends, acquaintances and family members. However, it is not obligatory to come out, and should always be a matter of personal choice whether to tell others, or not: no-one should be forced or pressured to do so. Coming out usually starts with acknowledging one’s own sexual orientation and/or gender identity, and accepting it. LGBT+ people often live in environments that are hostile to people who do not conform to traditional norms. The coming out process can therefore be very painful, and is often associated with risks and fears of being rejected, ridiculed, bullied or even physically attacked. Hiding one’s sexual orientation and/or gender identity and not being able to express one’s own needs for a long time may be a very stressful and frustrating experience. Coming out allows people to overcome these negative feelings, and may lead to an experience of relief for many, especially when the response is positive and accepting. However, it may also be connected with a real risk of rejection or violence.

There are controversies related to the process of coming out. Some LGBT+ movements emphasise the affirmative and positive role that coming out can play: they believe that coming out, especially when done publicly by well-known people, leads to greater acceptance of LGBT+ people in the society. However, many queer theorists believe that this equates to a self-labelling process, whereby someone places themselves within a system of oppression in which sexual orientations other than heterosexual are associated with negative characteristics and meanings.

This reinforces the point that the decision about whether to come out should be a personal one and should follow a process of consideration. The process of coming out is different for everyone, and it can take some time for people to feel comfortable and confident enough to talk about it with other people.

Youth work has an important role to play in supporting young people in their coming out process. If a young person decides to come out to a youth worker close to them, the youth worker should be prepared to listen, to demonstrate empathy and understanding, and to keep an open mind. The young person is sharing something very personal and very important. If a youth worker is uncertain of what to say, or thinks that the young person needs further advice, they should point them to services that provide specific support and counselling to LGBT+ people. Adeola Ready (talk) 16:13, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

LGBT+ Movements

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The roots of organised LGBT+ movements can be traced back to the 1920s and 1930s, with the development of an urban gay and lesbian culture59. Homosexual organisations themselves only really began to develop after the Second World War. In the Netherlands, in 1946, gay men - and later lesbian women - got together under the nickname ‘The Shakespeare Club’, and then as an organisation called C.O.C. This stood for the ‘Centre for Culture and Leisure’, a cover name initially adopted after its foundation. C.O.C. is known as the oldest Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender organisation in the world.

In the USA, the first attempts to set up a lesbian and gay organisation can be traced back to 1950 in Los Angeles, when a small group of men set up the Mattachine Society. Mostly male in membership, the Society was joined in 1955 by a lesbian organisation based in San Francisco, called the Daughters of Bilitis. In the 1950s, these organisations remained small, but they established chapters in several cities and published magazines that became a beacon of hope for readers.

The beginning of a gay political movement is today often traced back to 27 June 1969, and a raid by the New York City police on a Greenwich Village gay bar, The Stonewall Inn. Contrary to expectations, the patrons of the bar fought back, provoking three nights of rioting in the area, accompanied by the appearance of ‘gay power’ slogans on the buildings. Almost overnight, a massive grassroots gay liberation movement was born. Owing much to the radical protest of African-Americans, women, and anti-war protesters of the 1960s, gays challenged all forms of hostility and punishment which had been meted out by society. Choosing to ‘come out of the closet’ and publicly proclaim their identity, they gave substantial impetus to a wider movement for social change.

In general, the same developments can be seen in Western European countries, where the lesbian and gay world is no longer an underground subculture, but a well-organised community, particularly in larger cities. This often involves gay businesses, political clubs, social service agencies, community centres and religious congregations bringing people together. In a number of places, openly gay candidates run for elections.

In the course of these struggles, homosexual men and lesbian women came to realise that they did not and would not conform to dominant social gender roles. Homosexual people not only challenged the heterosexual norm, but also challenged the images of how men and women should behave, what they should look like and what roles they should fulfil in society. These confrontations with repressive social norms have been carried out in spectacular ways that have increased the visibility of the struggles, such as a ‘kiss–in’ of lesbian women on a German town square. They have also often used traditional political approaches, such as lobbying and advocacy. The presence of publicly ‘out’ lesbians and gays in politics, and organisations as the International Lesbian and Gay Association (ILGA) or the International Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual and Transgender Youth and Students Organisation (IGLYO) have contributed substantially to the inclusion of LGBT issues in discussions on equal opportunities, human rights and general social policy.

Because of the Stonewall riots in June, the month was chosen as LGBT Pride month, when a number of LGBT Pride marches and festivals are organised across the globe (although in some regions, they take place at other times as well). Such festivals and marches are organised not only to promote self-affirmation, dignity, and equality, but have also become an important way to increase the visibility of LGBT+ people and to mainstream the movement. Adeola Ready (talk) 16:51, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

The Human Rights Framework

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It is often claimed that LGBT+ people want ‘special’ rights, such as the right for gay and lesbian people to marry and adopt children. LGBT+ rights are not special rights: they are the same universal human rights that apply to all human beings, regardless of sex, gender, sexual orientation or gender identity.

On 30 March 2010, the Council of Europe Committee of Ministers adopted Recommendation CM/Rec (2010)561, on measures to combat discrimination on grounds of sexual orientation or gender identity. This Recommendation sets out the principles deriving from existing European and international instruments, with particular emphasis on the European Convention of Human Rights and case law from the European Court of Human Rights.

The Recommendation identifies specific measures to be adopted and effectively endorsed by member states to combat discrimination, ensure respect for LGBT persons, promote tolerance towards them, and ensure that victims have access to legal remedies. Such measures include, among others:

Ensuring effective, prompt and impartial investigations into alleged crimes and other incidents, where the sexual orientation or gender identity of the victim is reasonably suspected to have constituted a motive for the perpetrator Taking action in cases of hate speech targeting LGBT+ people Guaranteeing freedom of association for LGBT+ people and providing support to LGBT+ organisations Repealing any discriminatory legislation criminalising same-sex sexual acts between consenting adults, including any differences with respect to the age of consent for same-sex sexual acts and heterosexual acts Implementing mechanisms protecting people from discrimination on grounds of sexual orientation or gender identity in employment and occupation in the public as well as in the private sector. Promoting mutual tolerance and respect in schools, regardless of sexual orientation or gender identity Encouraging dialogue with, and supporting sports associations and fan clubs, in developing awareness-raising activities regarding discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender persons in sport, and in condemning manifestations of intolerance towards them Protecting asylum seekers from discriminatory policies or practices on grounds of sexual orientation or gender identity.

The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe adopted in 2015 a Resolution on discrimination against transgender people in Europe (Resolution 2048/2015)62, which calls on member States to adopt measures in the areas of anti-discrimination legislation and policies, legal gender recognition, gender reassignment treatment and health care, information, awareness raising and training. It is worth mentioning that in 2015, Malta became the first country in Europe to introduce legislation recognising the right to gender identity. This gave every individual the right to recognition of their gender identity and the right to be treated and identified according to this identity.

The Yogyakarta Principles The Principles and State Obligations on the Application of International Human Rights Law in Relation to Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity, Gender Expression and Sex Characteristics, known as the Yogyakarta principles, were developed in Yogyakarta (Indonesia) in 2006 by a group of human rights experts from diverse regions and backgrounds.

The document includes recommendations to all countries, as well as to UN bodies, national human rights institutions, the media, non-governmental organisations, and others, to implement human rights standards in relation to LGBT+ people.

The Principles were revised in 2017 to include 10 new principles and are now known as The Yogyakarta Principles+10. These new principles include the right to state protection, the right to legal recognition, or the right to freedom from criminalisation and sanction on the basis of sexual orientation, gender identity, gender expression or sex characteristics.

Although it is not a legally binding document, the Principles have a very important role as they represent “an affirmation of existing international legal standards as they apply to all persons on grounds of their sexual orientation, gender identity, gender expression and sex characteristics. States must comply with these principles both as a legal obligation and as an aspect of their commitment to universal human rights Adeola Ready (talk) 17:00, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Feminism and Women’s Rights Movements

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Feminism and Women’s Rights Movements There are people who believe that we do not need feminism today, but nothing could be further from the truth. Women have struggled for equality and against oppression for centuries, and although some battles have been partly won - such as the right to vote and equal access to education – women are still disproportionally affected by all forms of violence and by discrimination in every aspect of life.

It is true that in some areas and on certain issues, there have been improvements: for example, in Saudi Arabia women were allowed, for the first time, to vote and run for office in 2015(!). However, on other issues there has been little or no progress: for example, there have been insignificant reductions in cases of violence against women. Women continue to receive lower pay for the same work as men in all parts of the world; there are still countries that do not have laws against marital rape and still allow child brides, and practices such as 'honour' killings and female genital mutilation still exist.

Jokes about feminism and stereotypes about feminists persist, and many of these are also homophobic and assume that being lesbian is something ‘bad’. In fact, being a feminist is not something particular to any sex or gender: there are women and men who consider themselves feminists, some are gay or lesbian, some heterosexual, bisexual or transgender - and some may identify differently.

The concept of feminism reflects a history of different struggles, and the term has been interpreted in fuller and more complex ways as understanding has developed. In general, feminism can be seen as a movement to put an end to sexism, sexist exploitation, and oppression and to achieve full gender equality in law and in practice.

Women’s movements and the history of feminism There have been many extraordinary women who have played an important role in local or world history, but not all of these have necessarily been advocates of women’s issues. The women’s movement is made up of women and men who work and fight to achieve gender equality and to improve the lives of women as a social group. In most societies, women were traditionally confined to the home as daughters, wives and mothers, and we are often only aware of women in history because of their relation to famous men. Of course many women throughout history did in fact play an important role in cultural and political life, but they tend to be invisible. An organised women’s movement only really started in the 19th century, even though women activists and the struggle for equality have always been part of all human societies.

One of the early pioneers, who thought and wrote about women as a group, is the Italian writer Christine de Pizan, who published a book about women’s position in society as early as 1495. Christine de Pizan wrote about books she had read by famous men, who wrote books about the sins and weaknesses of girls and women, and questioned whether women were really human beings at all, or whether they were more similar to animals. Christine de Pizan’s work offers a good example of the early stages of the struggle for women’s equality. However, she was very unusual in being able to read and write, which was not at all common for women of that time.

In later history, women took part in the French revolution from the very beginning: the demonstrations that led to the revolution started with a large group of working women marching to Versailles to demand not only food to feed their families, but also political change. However, the French Revolution did not lead to proper recognition of women’s rights. For that reason, in September 1791, Olympe de Gouges wrote the Declaration of the Rights of Woman and of the Female Citizen, in response to the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, and with the intention of exposing the failure of the French Revolution to recognise gender equality. As a result of her writings de Gouges was accused, tried and convicted of treason, resulting in her immediate execution.

The women’s movement began to develop in North America, mainly because women there were allowed to go to school earlier than in Europe - and women who can read and write, and who are encouraged to think for themselves, usually start to question how society works. The first activists travelled around North America and fought for the end of both slavery and women’s oppression. They organised the ‘First Women’s Rights Convention’ in 1848, and continued to campaign to improve the social position of all women. The movement also began in Europe with the same broad aims: activists collected signatures demanding that working women should receive their own wages and not their husbands’, that women should be able to own a house and have custody of their children.

First wave of feminism The fight for women’s right to vote in elections is known as the ‘suffragette movement’. By the end of the 19th century, this had become a worldwide movement, and the words ‘feminism’ and ‘feminist movement’ started to be used from that point on.

This first wave of feminism activism included mass demonstrations, the publishing of newspapers, organised debates, and the establishment of international women’s organisations. By the 1920s, women had won the right to vote in most European countries and in North America. At around the same time, women became more active in communist, socialist and social democratic parties because increasing numbers of women began to work outside the home in factories and offices. Women were first allowed to go to university in the early 20th century, having both a career and a family. In certain countries, when fascist parties gained power the feminist movement was banned.

Women started organising again after the end of the Second World War, and they soon gained equal political rights in most European countries, with women’s emancipation becoming an important aim and most women being allowed to take on full-time jobs, divorce their husbands and go to university.

Second wave of feminism In Western Europe and the USA, the feminist movement was resurgent by the 1970s. Although this second wave of feminism aimed to achieve ‘women’s liberation’, different groups had different ideas about how this should be done. Liberal feminists wanted better equality laws and reform of institutions such as schools, churches and the media. Radical feminists argued that the root cause of women’s inequality is patriarchy: men, as a group, oppress women. They also focused on violence against women by men and started to talk about violence in the family, and rape. Socialist feminists argued that it is a combination of patriarchy and capitalism that causes women’s oppression.

The second wave of feminism also resulted in new areas of science: women’s studies became a discipline to be studied at university, and books began to be published about women’s achievements in literature, music and science, and recording women’s previously unwritten history.

Finally, the women’s movement played an important role in the drafting of international documents about women’s rights, such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW, 1979).

Third wave of feminism The third wave of feminism mainly refers to the American movement in the 1990s, and was a reaction to the backlash of conservative media and politicians announcing the end of feminism or referring to ‘post-feminism’. The term ‘backlash’ was popularised by Susan Faludi in her book Backlash. The Undeclared War against Women, published in 1991, and describing the negative reaction of the patriarchal system towards women’s liberation. This was hardly a new phenomenon: women’s movements had always been met with antagonism. However, in the 1980s, institutionalised forms of attacks on women’s rights grew stronger. The third wave of feminism can be characterised by an increased awareness of overlapping categories, such as race, class, gender, sexual orientation. More emphasis was also placed on racial issues, including the status of women in other parts of the world (global feminism). This was also a moment when a number of feminist non-governmental organisations were established, but focusing on specific feminist issues, rather than claiming to represent general feminist ideas.

Third wave feminism actively uses media and pop culture to promote its ideas and to run activities, for example by publishing blogs or e-zines. It focuses on bringing feminism closer to the people’s daily lives. The main issues that third wave feminists are concerned about include: sexual harassment, domestic violence, the pay gap between men and women, eating disorders and body image, sexual and reproductive rights, honour crimes and female genital mutilation.

Cyberfeminism and networked feminism (fourth-wave feminism) The term cyberfeminism is used to describe the work of feminists interested in theorising, critiquing, and making use of the Internet, cyberspace, and newmedia technologies in general. The term and movement grew out of 'third-wave' feminism. However, the exact meaning is still unclear to some: even at the first meeting of cyberfeminists The First Cyberfeminist International (FCI) in Kassel (Germany), participants found it hard to provide a definition, and as a result of discussions, they proposed 100 anti-theses52 (with reference to Martin Luther’s theses) on what cyberfeminism is not. These included, for example, it is not an institution, it is not an ideology, it is not an –ism.

Cyberfeminism is considered to be a predecessor of ‘networked feminism’, which refers generally to feminism on the Internet: for example, mobilising people to take action against sexism, misogyny or gender-based violence against women. One example is the online movement #metoo in 2017, which was a response on social networks from women all over the world to the case of Harvey Weinstein, a Hollywood producer who was accused of sexually harassing female staff in the movie industry. Adeola Ready (talk) 17:10, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Sexism

A#W4RNigeria This term is very often present in feminist literature as well as in the media and everyday life, and it is an important concept in understanding feminism. Sexism means perceiving and judging people only on the basis of their belonging to a particular sex or gender. It also covers discrimination of a person on the same basis. It is important to note that sexism applies to both men and women, however, women are more affected by sexism than men in all areas of life. Everyday sexism takes different forms, sometimes not easily recognisable – for example, telling jokes about girls, commenting on the female body (objectifying women), reacting to the way women are dressed, assigning women easier tasks in Internet games or objectifying women in advertising.

The literature mentions three types of sexism Traditional sexism: supporting traditional gender roles, treating women as worse than men, employing traditional stereotypes which portray women as less competent than men. Modern sexism: denying gender discrimination (‘it is not a problem anymore’), having a negative attitude towards women’s rights, denying the validity of claims made by women Neosexism: This notion refers to ideologies that justify discrimination towards women on the basis of competences – 'men are effectively better competent for some things' – for example in managerial or leadership positions, and not on a direct discrimination of women. Defenders of these ideas tend to ignore or deny the difficulties faced by women in society as having an influence on 'competences'.

If it is true that the situation of women’s human rights has improved in recent years, this does not mean that sexism has ended.

In March 2019, the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe adopted Recommendation CM/Rec(2019)1 on preventing and combating sexism. The Recommendation defines sexism as

any act, gesture, visual representation, spoken or written words, practice or behaviour based upon the idea that a person or a group of persons is inferior because of their sex, which occurs in the public or private sphere, whether online or offline, with the purpose or effect of:

Violating the inherent dignity or rights of a person or a group of persons; Resulting in physical, sexual, psychological or socio-economic harm or suffering to a person or a group of persons; Creating an intimidating, hostile, degrading, humiliating or offensive environment; Constituting a barrier to the autonomy and full realisation of human rights by a person or a group of persons; Maintaining and reinforcing gender stereotypes.

The Recommendation stresses that sexism is a manifestation of historically unequal power relations between women and men, which leads to discrimination and prevents the full advancement of women in society. The Committee of Ministers asks Governments of member states to take measures to prevent and combat sexism and its manifestations in the public and private spheres, and encourage relevant stakeholders to implement appropriate legislation, policies and programmes.

Women’s rights are human rights Why do we need women’s rights, when these are simply human rights? Why do we need human rights treaties about women’s rights, when we have already general human rights instruments? Almost everywhere in the world, women are denied their human rights just because of their sex or gender. Women’s rights should not be seen as special rights: they are human rights enshrined in international human rights treaties and other documents, and include such rights as freedom from discrimination, right to life, freedom from torture, right to privacy, access to health, right to decent living conditions, right to safety, and many others. However, there are also human rights instruments that take into account the specific situation of women in society with regards to accessing or exercising their human rights, or which aim to protect them from violence. Adeola Ready (talk) 17:17, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)

A#W4RNigeria Article 1 Definition of discrimination against women: any distinction, exclusion, or restriction, made on the basis of sex, with the purpose or effect of impairing the enjoyment by women of political, economic, social, cultural, or civil human rights on equal footing with men.

Article 2 States Parties condemn discrimination against women and undertake to pursue a policy of eliminating it in all its forms. States Parties undertake to: include the principles of equality of men and women in national constitutions; adopt legislation prohibiting all discrimination against women; ensure legal protection and effective remedy against discrimination; refrain from any act of discrimination against women and ensure that no public authorities or institutions engage in discrimination; take measures to eliminate discrimination against women by any person, organization or enterprise; take measures to modify or abolish existing laws, customs and practices which constitute discrimination against women.

Article 3 States Parties shall take all appropriate measures, especially in the political, social, economic and cultural fields, to ensure the full development and advancement of women, for the purpose of guaranteeing them enjoyment of human rights on equal footing with men.

Article 4 Affirmative action measures shall not be considered discrimination. Special measures protecting pregnancy shall not be considered discriminatory.

Article 5 States Parties shall take all appropriate measures: to modify social and cultural patterns of conduct of men and women which are based on ideas of inferiority or superiority or on stereotyped roles for men and women; to ensure that family education includes the recognition of the common responsibility of men and women in raising children.

Article 6 States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to suppress traffic in women and exploitation of prostitution.

Article 7 States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women in political and public life and shall ensure equal rights to vote and be eligible for election; to participate in forming government policy and to hold public office; to participate in NGOs.

Article 8 States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to ensure a woman¹s equal right to represent her government at the international level and participate in the work of international organizations.

Article 9 States Parties shall grant women equal rights to a nationality. Neither marriage nor change of nationality by the husband during marriage shall automatically change the nationality of the wife. Women shall have equal rights with men with respect to their children’s nationality.

Article 10 States Parties shall ensure to women equal rights in the field of education. States Parties shall ensure the same conditions for career guidance, access to studies, the same teaching staff and equipment. Stereotyped roles of men and women are to be eliminated in all forms of education. States Parties shall ensure that women have the same opportunities to benefit from scholarships and the same access to continuing education. States Parties shall ensure the reduction of female drop-out rates and shall ensure that women have access to educational information to help ensure health and well-being of families, including information on family planning.

Article 11 States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women in employment and shall ensure, on the basis of equality of men and women, the same rights to work, to the same employment opportunities, to free choice of employment, to promotion, benefits, vocational training, equal remuneration, equal treatment in respect of work of equal value, the right to social security, unemployment, protection of health. States Parties shall prohibit dismissal on the grounds of pregnancy and discrimination in dismissals on the basis of marital status. States Parties shall take measures to introduce maternity leave with pay or social benefits.

Article 12 States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women in the field of health care and shall ensure women equal access to health care services and appropriate services in connection with pregnancy.

Article 13 States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women in other areas of economic and social life and shall ensure the same rights to family benefits, to bank loans, mortgages and other forms of credit.

Article 14 States Parties shall take into account the special problems of rural women and the significant roles they play in the economic survival of their families and shall ensure to them all rights in this convention. States Parties shall ensure equal rights of men and women to participate in and benefit from rural development, and shall ensure to rural women the rights to: participate in development planning; have access to adequate health care facilities and family planning; benefit from social security programs; receive training and education; have access to agricultural credit and loans, marketing, and appropriate technology; receive equal treatment in land reform; and have adequate living conditions, particularly in relation to housing, sanitation, electricity and water supply, transport and communications.

Article 15 Women shall have equality with men before the law. Women and men shall have the same rights regarding movement of persons and freedom to choose residence.

Article 16 States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women in all matters relating to marriage and family relations and shall ensure equal rights to enter marriage, to choose a spouse, to enter marriage only with full consent, the same rights and responsibilities within marriage and in divorce, the same rights and responsibilities as parents, the same rights to decide on the number and spacing of children, the same rights with regard to ownership of property. A minimum age shall be set for marriage.

Articles 17-22 detail how the CEDAW Committee works, including the role in the monitoring in the implementation of the Convention.

Articles 23 to 30 deal with the administration of CEDAW.

Optional Protocol introduces additional mechanisms for the implementation of CEDAW, including an inquiry procedure for the CEDAW committee to address systematic violations and a way for women and girls to submit complaints directly to the CEDAW committee if they consider their human rights protected by CEDAW are violated. Adeola Ready (talk) 17:25, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

European Convention on Human Rights

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The European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (ECHR), includes a number of articles relevant to gender-based violence:

Article 8 of the ECHR protects the right to private and family life, and gives people of marriageable age the right to marry.

Article 14 forbids discrimination on any grounds in relation to any of the other rights in the Convention. This includes discrimination on the grounds of sex or gender.

Article 5 of Protocol 7 to the Convention states that spouses should have equal rights in marriage.

Protocol 12 to the Convention extends the prohibition of discrimination in Article 14 to cases not engaged by other rights in the Convention.

The European Convention has a strong and well-known enforcement mechanism, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), which is able to address complaints from individuals against their state, as well as state vs. state complaints.

This simplified version was prepared by the Directorate of Communication of the Council of Europe for educational purposes only. The only texts which have a legal basis are to be found in the official published versions of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and its protocols.

Summary of the preamble The member governments of the Council of Europe work towards peace and greater unity based on human rights and fundamental freedoms. With this Convention they decide to take the first steps to enforce many of the rights contained in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Article 1 - Obligation to respect human rights States must ensure that everyone has the rights stated in this Convention.

Article 2 - Right to life You have the right to life.

Article 3 - Prohibition of torture No one ever has the right to hurt you or torture you. Even in detention your human dignity has to be respected.

Article 4 - Prohibition of slavery and forced labour It is prohibited to treat you as a slave or to impose forced labour on you.

Article 5 - Right to liberty and security You have the right to liberty. If you are arrested, you have the right to know why. If you are arrested you have the right to stand trial soon, or to be released until the trial takes place.

Article 6 - Right to a fair trial You have the right to a fair trial before an unbiased and independent judge. If you are accused of having committed a crime, you are innocent until proved guilty. You have the right to be assisted by a lawyer who has to be paid by the state if you are poor.

Article 7 - No punishment without law You cannot be held guilty of a crime if there was no law against it when you did it.

Article 8 - Right to respect for private and family life You have the right to respect for your private and family life, your home and correspondence.

Article 9 - Freedom of thought, conscience and religion You have the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. You have the right to practise your religion at home and in public and to change your religion if you want.

Article 10 - Freedom of expression You have the right to responsibly say and write what you think and to give and receive information from others. This includes freedom of the press.

Article 11 - Freedom of assembly and association You have the right to take part in peaceful meetings and to set up or join associations including trade unions.

Article 12 - Right to marry You have the right to marry and to have a family.

Article 13 - Right to an effective remedy If your rights are violated, you can complain about this officially to the courts or other public bodies.

Article 14 - Prohibition of discrimination You have these rights regardless of your skin colour, sex, language, political or religious beliefs, or origins.

Article 15 - Derogation in time of emergency In time of war or other public emergency, a government may do things which go against your rights, but only when strictly necessary. Even then, governments are not allowed, for example, to torture you or to kill you arbitrarily.

Article 16 - Restrictions on political activity of aliens Governments may restrict the political activity of foreigners, even if this would be in conflict with Articles 10, 11 or 14.

Article 17 - Prohibition of abuse of rights Nothing in this Convention can be used to damage the rights and freedoms in the Convention.

Article 18 - Limitation on use of restrictions of rights Most of the rights in this Convention can be restricted by a general law which is applied to everyone. Such restrictions are only allowed if they are strictly necessary.

Articles 19 to 51 These articles explain how the European Court of Human Rights works.

Article 34 - Individual applications If your rights contained in the Convention have been violated in one of the member states you should first appeal to all competent national authorities. If that does not work out for you, then you may appeal directly to the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg.

Article 52 - Inquiries by the Secretary General If the Secretary General of the Council of Europe requests it, a government must explain how its national law protects the rights of this Convention.

Protocols to the Convention Article 1 of Protocol No. 1 - Protection of property You have the right to own property and use your possessions.

Article 2 of Protocol No. 1 - Right to education You have the right to go to school.

Article 3 of Protocol No. 1 - Right to free elections You have the right to elect the government of your country by secret vote.

Article 2 of Protocol No. 4 - Freedom of movement If you are lawfully within a country, you have the right to go where you want and to live where you want within it.

Article 1 of Protocol No. 6 - Abolition of the death penalty You cannot be condemned to death or executed by the state.

Article 2 of Protocol No. 7 - Right of appeal in criminal matters You may appeal to a higher court if you have been convicted for committing a crime.

Article 3 of Protocol No. 7 - Compensation for wrongful conviction You have the right to compensation if you have been convicted for committing a crime and it turns out that you were innocent.

Article 1 of Protocol No. 12 - General prohibition of discrimination You cannot be discriminated against by public authorities for reasons of, for example, your skin colour, sex, language, political or religious beliefs, or origins. Adeola Ready (talk) 17:31, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

The Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence (Istanbul Convention)

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The Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence (Istanbul Convention) was adopted by the Committee of Ministers and opened for signature in Istanbul on 11 May 2011. The Convention entered into force on 1 August 2014, and recognizes gender-based violence against women as a violation of human rights and a form of discrimination.

It focuses on several areas, obliging States Parties to the Convention to take a number of measures to act against violence against women and domestic violence.

Prevention

States should regularly run awareness-raising campaigns, train professionals in close contact with victims, include within teaching materials issues such as gender equality and non-violent conflict resolution in interpersonal relationships, set up treatment programmes for perpetrators of domestic violence and for sex offenders, work closely with NGOs, and involve the media and the private sector in eradicating gender stereotypes and promoting mutual respect.

Protection

This includes granting the police the power to remove a perpetrator of domestic violence from their home, ensuring people’s access to adequate information on available services in a language they understand, setting up easily accessible shelters in sufficient numbers and in an adequate geographical distribution, making available state-wide 24/7 telephone helplines free-of–charge, and setting up easily accessible rape crisis or sexual violence referral centres.

Prosecution

The Convention defines and criminalises the various forms of violence against women, including domestic violence. States that have signed and ratified the treaty must introduce a number of new offences where these do not already exist, for example, psychological and physical violence, sexual violence and rape, stalking, female genital mutilation, forced marriage, forced abortion and forced sterilisation. In addition, States Parties will need to ensure that culture, tradition or so-called “honour” are not regarded as a justification for any of the above-listed courses of conduct. States parties will have to take a range of measures to ensure the effective investigation of any allegation of violence against women, including cases of domestic violence. This means that law enforcement agencies will have to respond to calls for help, collect evidence, and assess the risk of further violence to adequately protect those at risk. In addition, judicial proceedings should be run in a manner that respects the rights of victims at all stages of the proceedings and that avoids secondary victimisation.

Development of integrated policies

It is difficult for one institution alone to act against violence. For that reason, the Convention asks States Parties to implement comprehensive and co-ordinated policies involving government agencies, NGOs, and national, regional and local parliaments and authorities. The aim is for policies to prevent and combat violence against women, including domestic violence, to be carried out at all levels of government and by all relevant agencies and institutions.

The Convention sends a clear message to the whole of society, that violence is never the right way to solve difficulties and cannot lead to a state of peace – either in private or public life. It reinforces the importance of understanding that violence against women is not acceptable and will not be tolerated. While the focus of the Convention is on all forms of violence against women, including domestic violence, it also recognises that there are other victims of domestic violence, such as boys and men. This may include gay men, transgender men or men that do not conform to what society considers to be appropriate behaviour. The Convention devotes an entire chapter to women migrants and asylum-seekers facing gender-based violence. It also recognises the work of NGOs, and seeks to ensure greater political and financial support for their work.

The Convention establishes a monitoring mechanism, consisting of two bodies:

GREVIO (Group of Experts on Action Against Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence), which is a body of independent and impartial experts known for their expertise in the fields of human rights, gender equality, violence against women, or assistance to and protection of victims; or having demonstrated relevant professional experience in any of these fields. GREVIO draws up and publishes reports on legislative and other measures taken by countries that have ratified the Convention, designed to give effect to its provisions (evaluation procedure). In specific circumstances, the group may initiate inquiries (inquiry procedure).

The Committee of Parties is composed of representatives of the Parties to the Convention. The Committee may adopt recommendations on measures to be taken to implement conclusions contained in GREVIO’s reports. The Committee also supervises the implementation of its own recommendations, examines the findings of any inquiry conducted by GREVIO members, and considers any necessary measures pursuant to these findings.

The Istanbul Convention is in many ways an innovative document It is the first international document that contains a definition of gender. It calls for the involvement of all relevant state agencies and services, so that violence against women and domestic violence are tackled in a co-ordinated way. This means that agencies and NGOs are encouraged not to act alone, but to work out protocols for co-operation. It criminalises offences, such as female genital mutilation, forced marriage, stalking, forced abortion and forced sterilisation. This means that states will be obliged, for the first time, to legislate against these serious offences. It recognises violence against women as a violation of human rights and a form of discrimination. States are held responsible if they do not respond adequately to such violence. It obliges states which have signed and ratified the Convention to invite their parliaments to participate in the monitoring process.

Chapter I – Purposes, definitions, equality and non-discrimination, general obligations Article 1 - Purpose of the Convention The Convention aims to protect women against all forms of violence; to prevent, prosecute and eliminate violence against women and domestic violence; to promote real equality between women and men; to provide assistance to organisations and law enforcement agencies to cooperate effectively, in order to adopt an integrated approach.

Article 2 - Scope of the Convention The Convention is applicable in times of peace and conflict. It applies to all forms of violence against women, including domestic violence, but particular attention should be paid to women.

Article 3 - Definitions Violence against women is a human rights violation and a form of discrimination against women. “Violence against women” refers to all acts of violence that result in, or are likely to result in physical, sexual, psychological or economic harm or suffering to women, including threats, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or private spaces. “ Domestic violence refers to all acts of physical, sexual, psychological or economic violence that occur within the family or domestic unit or between former or current spouses or partners, whether or not the perpetrator shares or has shared the same residence with the victim. Gender is defined as the socially constructed roles, behaviours, activities and attributes that a given society considers appropriate for women and men. Gender-based violence against women refers to all violence directed against a woman because she is a woman or that affects women disproportionately, Victim is defined as any person subjected to behaviour which constitutes “violence against women” or “domestic violence”. The Convention states that the term “women” also includes girls under the age of 18.

Article 4 - Fundamental rights, equality and non-discrimination Everyone is entitled to live free from violence in both the public and private sphere, and states must implement the necessary measures, including legislative to ensure this. States must condemn all forms of discrimination against women. This Convention should be applied without discrimination on any grounds. Special measures taken by states to prevent and protect women from gender-based violence do not constitute discrimination.

Article 5 - State obligations and due diligence States and their authorities, officials, agents and other actors must refrain from engaging in gender-based violence against women and must take measures necessary to prevent, investigate, punish and provide reparation for acts of violence perpetrated by non-state actors.

Article 6 - Gender sensitive policies States must include a gender perspective in monitoring the application of this Convention, promote and implement policies of equality between women and men and the empowerment of women.

Chapter II – Integrated policies and data collection Article 7 - Comprehensive and co-ordinated policies States must take measures at State-wide level to adopt and implement policies to prevent and combat all forms of violence against women. The rights of the victim must be placed at the centre of these measures. All relevant actors, including civil society, must be involved in design and implementation.

Article 8 - Financial resources States must allocate appropriate financial and human resources to effectively implement policies and programmes to prevent and combat all forms of violence covered by the scope of the Convention. Resources should be available as well for NGOs and civil society.

Article 9 - Non-governmental organisations and civil society The work of NGOs and civil society should be recognised, encouraged and supported by the State.

Article 10 - Co-ordinating body States must establish one or more official bodies to ensure coordination, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies and measures.

Article 11 - Data collection and research Disaggregated statistical data on all forms of violence, and should be collected at regular intervals. States should support research in the field of gender-based violence. Data collected should be made public.

Chapter III – Prevention Article 12 - General obligations States should aim to eradicate prejudice, customs, traditions and practices which are based on stereotypical roles for men and women; they should implement the necessary legislative measures to prevent violence against women, taking into account the specific needs of persons made vulnerable by certain circumstances; States should engage men and boys in prevention work, and adopt a human rights and victim centred approach.

Article 13 - Awareness raising Awareness raising campaigns or programmes should be conducted on a regular basis with relevant partners and at all levels of society.

Article 14 - Education States should include, where necessary, teaching material on: equality between men and women, non-stereotyped gender roles, respect, non-violent conflict resolution, gender-based violence against women, and the right to personal integrity - in all forms of education and at all levels.

Article 15 - Training of professionals States should provide training for professionals on dealing with victims or perpetrators of gender-based violence.

Article 16 - Preventive intervention and treatment programmes Support and treatment programmes should be established, aimed at preventing perpetrators from re-offending and supporting them to adopt non-violent behaviours. Such programmes should be developed with specialist support services for victims.

Article 17 - Participation of the private sector and the media States should encourage the private sector and media to participate in the elaboration and implementation of policies to prevent violence against women, including in the development of programmes aimed at children, parents and educators on how to deal with the information and communication environment that provides access to degrading and harmful content.

Chapter IV – Protection and support Article 18 - General obligations for protection and support All measures taken by the State should be: based on a gendered understanding of violence against women and domestic violence; have a human rights and victim centred approach; have an integrated approach that takes into account the relationship between victims, perpetrators, children and their environment; avoids secondary victimisation; aims at empowerment and the economic independence of women; allows for a range of support services on the same premises; addresses the needs of vulnerable persons, including child victims. Support services shall not be dependent on pressing charges or testifying against a perpetrator.

Article 19 – Information Victims should receive adequate and timely information on support services available.

Article 20 - General support services The states should make sure that victims have access to services to facilitate their recovery from violence, including access to health care and social services.

Article 21 - Assistance in individual/collective complaints Victims should have information and access to regional and international individual or collective complaints mechanisms. They should also be assisted in presenting any such complaints.

Article 22 - Specialist support services These support services for victims should be provided, in an adequate geographical distribution, including immediate, short- and long-term services.

Article 23 - Shelters States should take measures to make shelters for women and children available.

Article 24 - Telephone helplines States must set up state-wide, round-the-clock, and free of charge telephone helplines.

Article 25 - Support for victims of sexual violence States must set up rape crisis and sexual violence referral centres for victims to provide medical and counselling services.

Article 26 - Protection and support for child witnesses The rights of child witnesses must be taken into account in designing support measures for victims, and due regard must be given to the best interests of the child.

Article 27 - Reporting States should encourage any person to report acts of violence that they might witness or might believe is likely to occur to the relevant authorities.

Article 28 - Reporting by professionals Confidentiality rules should not stop professionals from reporting acts of grave violence where they suspect that such acts might reoccur.

Chapter V – Substantive law Article 29 - Civil lawsuits and remedies Victims must have available adequate civil remedies against the perpetrator or against the State, if the State has failed to take preventive and protective measures.

Article 30 - Compensation Victims have the right to claim compensation from both the perpetrator and from the State, in cases of sustained serious bodily injury or impairment of health, and if the damage is not covered by other sources. The compensation must be granted within the reasonable time.

Article 31 - Custody, visitation rights and safety Incidents of violence should be taken into account in the determination of custody and visitation rights of children, and that the exercise of such rights does not endanger the victim or the children.

Article 32 - Civil consequences of forced marriages Forced marriages concluded under force should be voided, annulled or dissolved without financial or administrative burden.

Article 33 – 40 Criminalisation of gender-based violence The following types of violence should be criminalised: psychological violence, stalking; physical violence; sexual violence, including rape and causing another person to engage in non-consensual acts of a sexual nature with a third person, forced marriage of an adult or child, including luring an adult or child to enter the territory of another state with the aim of forcing them into marriage, female genital mutilation; forced abortion and forced sterilisation, when lacking the informed consent of the women and her understanding of the procedure; sexual harassment, whether it be verbal, nonverbal, or physical.

Article 41 - Aiding or abetting and attempt Intentional aiding or abetting the commission of gender-based violence should be considered an offence. The same applies to attempts to commit it.

Article 42 - Unacceptable justifications for crimes, including crimes committed in the name of so-called “honour” Culture, custom, tradition, religion, or so-called “honour” should not be regarded in criminal proceedings as justifications for acts of gender-based violence mentioned by the Convention.

Article 43 - Application of criminal offences All offences established in accordance with the Convention should apply irrespective of the nature of the relationship between victim and perpetrator.

Article 44 - Jurisdiction States must take measures to established jurisdiction over any offence mentioned in the Convention when the offence is committed on their territory, on board a ship flying their flag, on board of a plane registered under their laws, committed by one of their nationals or by a person who is a resident on their territory.

Article 45 - Sanctions and measures The crimes established by this Convention should be punished by effective, proportionate and dissuasive sanctions. In addition, States may establish measures such as monitoring or supervision of convicted persons and withdrawal of parental rights, if this is in the best interests of the child.

Article 46 - Aggravating circumstances Among many, the following circumstances should be considered aggravating in the determination of a sentence for the offence established in the Convention: offence against current or former spouse or partner as recognised by internal law, by a member of the family or a person cohabitating with the victim; when the offence was committed repeatedly; the offence was committed in a presence of a child; when extreme violence was involved; when the offence resulted in severe physical or psychological harm for the victim.

Article 47 - Sentences passed by another Party Final sentences passed by another state should be taken into account when determining the sentence for perpetrators.

Article 48 - Prohibition of mandatory alternative dispute resolution processes and sentencing States should prohibit mandatory alternative resolution processes, including mediation and conciliation, in relation to all forms of violence covered by the Convention.

Chapter VI – Investigation, prosecution, procedural law and protective measures This chapter (Articles 49 – 58) contains a variety of provisions that cover a broad range of issues related to investigation, prosecution, procedural law and protection against all forms of violence covered by the scope of this Convention, in order to reinforce the rights and duties laid out in the previous chapters of the Convention. For example:

Investigations and judicial proceeding in relation to all forms of violence covered by the Convention should proceed without delay, and should take into account the rights of the victim. (art. 49) In cases where there is an immediate danger, competent authorities can order a perpetrator to leave a residence and prohibit contact with the victim for a period of time. (art. 52) In criminal or civil trials, evidence relating to a victim’s sexual history and conduct is permitted only when relevant and necessary. (art. 54) States can continue investigating and prosecuting a crime under the Convention, even if the victim withdraws her or his statement/complaint. (art. 55) Victims have the right to free legal aid. (art.57)

Chapter VII – Migration and asylum Article 59 – Residence status In cases of asylum and migration, victims of domestic or gender-based violence whose residence status is dependent on that of a spouse or partner can be granted an autonomous residence permit, irrespective of the duration of the marriage or partnership. States should take measures to support victims of forced marriages to regain residence status in the original state, where this has been lost as a result of the forced marriage.

Article 60 - Gender-based asylum claims Gender-based violence against women should be recognised as a form of persecution and ground for granting asylum. Additionally, states must ensure a gender sensitive interpretation of the Convention relating to the Status of Refugees.

Article 61 - Non-refoulment The principle of non-refoulment should respected in the case of victims of violence against women. Victims of gender-based violence shall not be returned to any country where their life might be at risk or where they may be subjected to torture or inhuman or degrading treatment.

Chapter VIII – International co-operation This Chapter sets out the provisions on international co-operation between Parties to the Convention. The provisions are not confined to judicial co-operation in criminal and civil matters but are also concerned with co-operation in preventing all forms of violence covered by the scope of this Convention and assisting victims of that violence.

Chapter IX – Monitoring mechanism Chapter IX of the Convention contains provisions which aim at ensuring the effective implementation of the Convention by the Parties. The monitoring mechanism is designed to cover the scope of this Convention. The Convention sets up a Group of experts on action against violence against women and domestic violence (hereafter “GREVIO”) which is an expert body, composed of independent and highly qualified experts in the fields of human rights, gender equality, violence against women and domestic violence, criminal law and in assistance to and protection of victims of violence against women and domestic violence, with the task of “monitoring the implementation of this Convention by the Parties”. The Convention also establishes a Committee of the Parties, composed of the representatives of the Parties to the Convention.

Chapter X – relationship with other international instruments This Chapter seeks to ensure that the Convention harmoniously coexists with other treaties – whether multilateral or bilateral – or instruments dealing with matters which the Convention also covers. It also states positively that Parties may conclude bilateral or multilateral agreements – or any other legal instrument – relating to the matters which the Convention governs.

Chapter XI – Amendments to the Convention This Chapter states that the states may propose amendments to the provisions of the Convention. They must be communicated to the Secretary General of the Council of Europe and to all Council of Europe member states, to any signatory, to any Party, to the European Union and to any state invited to sign or accede to the Convention. As a next step, the Committee of Ministers examines and adopts the amendment. Before deciding on the amendment, the Committee of Ministers shall consult and obtain the unanimous consent of all Parties to the Convention. Such a requirement recognises that all Parties to the Convention should be able to participate in the decision-making process concerning amendments and are on an equal footing.

Chapter XII – Final clauses This Chapter includes final closing provisions such as related to effects of the Convention, dispute settlement, signature and entry into force, accession to the convention, territorial application, reservations, validity and review of reservations, denunciation and notification. Adeola Ready (talk) 17:52, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Gender Identity, Gender-based Violence and Human Rights

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Gender equality is an essential aim for any society based on human rights, democracy and the rule of law. Gender equality concerns almost every aspect of social interaction and public policy, including youth policy and youth work. Every individual is directly and personally affected by issues relating to gender equality and gender-based violence.

However, discussing gender and gender-based violence can be difficult, as these discussions include concepts and terms which are not always clear, which may change over time, and which cut across different disciplines such as psychology, sociology, culture, medicine, law, education, activism or politics.

The baseline is that gender-based violence is a human rights violation and affects not only people who are directly targeted by it, but also the whole of society. The Spotlight Initiative of the United Nations and the European Union provides the following data1:

Data on gender-based violence provided by the Spotlight Initiative of the United Nations and the European Union

In addition:

1612 transgender people were killed in 62 countries between 2008 and 20142; almost half of the respondents to an EU LGBT survey stated that they had experienced discrimination or harassment because of their sexual orientation3.

These statistics show a little of the extent of gender-based violence, but it is important to note that most examples of the problem continue to go unreported. Acting against gender-based violence requires active involvement from state authorities, from institutions, NGOs and indeed from all members of society. Addressing the problem is a key task for youth work. Adeola Ready (talk) 17:58, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

What is Gender-based Violence?

Gender-based violence and violence against women are two terms that are often used interchangeably, as most violence against women is inflicted (by men) for gender-based reasons, and gender-based violence affects women disproportionately.

Defining violence against women

The UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women defines violence against women as

any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life4.

In more recent legal documents, there are examples of the two terms being merged, and the term ‘gender-based violence against women’ is used. For example, in the Council of Europe’s Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence (Istanbul Convention), Article 3 offers the following definition:

gender-based violence against women shall mean violence that is directed against a woman because she is a woman or that affects women disproportionately5.

Definitions such as these apply to instances where gender is the basis for violence carried out against a person. However, there is more to gender than being male or female: someone may be born with female sexual characteristics but identify as male, or as male and female at the same time, or sometimes as neither male nor female. LGBT+ people (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and other people who do not fit the heterosexual norm or traditional gender binary categories) also suffer from violence which is based on their factual or perceived sexual orientation, and/or gender identity. For that reason, violence against such people falls within the scope of gender-based violence. Furthermore, men can also be targeted with gender-based violence: statistically, the number of such cases is much smaller, in comparison with women, but it should not be neglected.

Defining gender-based violence against women Using the definition of ‘gender-based violence against women’ from the Explanatory report to the Istanbul Convention6 as a starting point we can say that:

Gender-based violence refers to any type of harm that is perpetrated against a person or group of people because of their factual or perceived sex, gender, sexual orientation and/or gender identity.

Gender-based violence is based on an imbalance of power and is carried out with the intention to humiliate and make a person or group of people feel inferior and/ or subordinate. This type of violence is deeply rooted in the social and cultural structures, norms and values that govern society, and is often perpetuated by a culture of denial and silence. Gender-based violence can happen in both the private and public spheres and it affects women disproportionately.

Gender-based violence can be sexual, physical, verbal, psychological (emotional), or socio-economic and it can take many forms, from verbal violence and hate speech on the Internet, to rape or murder. It can be perpetrated by anyone: a current or former spouse/partner, a family member, a colleague from work, schoolmates, friends, an unknown person, or people who act on behalf of cultural, religious, state, or intra-state institutions. Gender-based violence, as with any type of violence, is an issue involving relations of power. It is based on a feeling of superiority, and an intention to assert that superiority in the family, at school, at work, in the community or in society as a whole. Adeola Ready (talk) 19:36, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

What causes Gender-based Violence?

Gender-based violence, and in particular violence against women, is one of the most pronounced expressions of the unequal power relations between women and men.

The main cause of the violence is the perpetrator him or herself: it is very important to keep in mind that a person who has been affected by gender-based violence is never responsible for the perpetrator’s actions.

There is no single factor that can explain gender-based violence in our societies, but rather a myriad of factors contribute to it, and the interplay of these factors lies at the root of the problem.

Four types of factors can be identified CULTURAL

LEGAL

ECONOMIC

POLITICAL

Cultural factors

Patriarchal and sexist views legitimise violence to ensure the dominance and superiority of men. Other cultural factors include gender stereotypes and prejudice, normative expectations of femininity and masculinity, the socialization of gender, an understanding of the family sphere as private and under male authority, and a general acceptance of violence as part of the public sphere (e.g. street sexual harassment of women), and/or as an acceptable means to solve conflict and assert oneself.

Religious and historical traditions have sanctioned the physical punishment of women under the notion of entitlement and ownership of women. The concept of ownership, in turn, legitimises control over women’s sexuality, which, according to many legal codes, has been deemed essential to ensure patrilineal inheritance.

Sexuality is also tied to the concept of so-called family honour in many societies. Traditional norms in these societies allow the killing of women suspected of defiling the honour of the family by indulging in forbidden sex or marrying and divorcing without the consent of the family. Norms around sexuality also help to account for the high numbers of homeless LGBT+ young people, and for the prevalence of hate crimes against them, on the grounds that they are considered a “threat” to societal norms. The same norms around sexuality can help to account for the mass rape of women.

Legal factors Being a victim of gender-based violence is perceived in many societies as shameful and weak, with many women still being considered guilty of attracting violence against themselves through their behaviour. This partly accounts for enduring low levels of reporting and investigation.

Until recently, the law in some countries still differentiated between the public and private spaces, which left women particularly vulnerable to domestic violence.

The Istanbul Convention ensures the right for everyone, particularly women, to live free from violence in both the public and the private spheres. While most forms of gender-based violence are criminalised in most European countries, the practices of law enforcement in many cases favour the perpetrators, which helps to account for low levels of trust in public authorities and for the fact that most of these crimes go unreported.

The decriminalisation of homosexuality is still very recent in many societies. While progress has been achieved in many states by adopting equal marriage, this has sometimes led to a backlash, for example by strengthening opinions holding the traditional family to be the union between a man and a woman, or where countries have adopted laws that forbid “homosexual propaganda”.

Economic factors The lack of economic resources generally makes women, but also LGBT+ people particularly vulnerable to violence. It creates patterns of violence and poverty that become self-perpetuating, making it extremely difficult for the victims to extricate themselves. When unemployment and poverty affect men, this can also cause them to assert their masculinity through violent means.

Political factors The under-representation of women and LGBT+ people in power and politics means that they have fewer opportunities to shape the discussion and to affect changes in policy, or to adopt measures to combat gender-based violence and support equality. The topic of gender-based violence is in some cases deemed not to be important, with domestic violence also being given insufficient resources and attention. Women’s and LGBT+ movements have raised questions and increased public awareness around traditional gender norms, highlighting aspects of inequality. For some, this threat to the status quo has been used as a justification for violence. Adeola Ready (talk) 19:43, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Types of Gender-based Violence

Violence is often associated only with physical violence, neglecting other nonphysical forms. Violence is a complex issue and categorising different types of violence can never be exact.

The Council of Europe Istanbul Convention mentions the following types of violence: psychological violence (Art. 33) stalking (Art. 34) physical violence (Art. 35) forced marriages (Art. 37) sexual violence, including rape (Art. 36) female genital mutilation (Art. 38) forced abortion and forced sterilisation (Art. 39) sexual harassment (Art. 40) aiding or abetting and attempt (Art. 41) unacceptable justifications for crimes, including crimes committed in the name of so-called honour (Art. 42).

Using these as a basis, we shall distinguish five inter-related types of violence: physical violence verbal violence (including hate speech) psychological violence sexual violence socio-economic violence. There also two other categories of violence: domestic violence and (sexual) harassment, both of which may be a combination of all five types of violence mentioned above. In reality, some or many forms of violence can be present at the same time, particularly in abusive relationships. All forms can occur both in the private sphere (in families and intimate relationships) and in the public sphere, committed by (unknown) individuals in public space, or by organisations, institutions and states. Adeola Ready (talk) 19:46, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Exploring Gender and Gender Identity

Gender enters into all our social relations. When people interact, their view of themselves, including their identity and their rights and possibilities, comes up against the way they are perceived by other people, and the way that others behave towards them.

However, it often appears that gender in its truest sense is absent from our social relations, because the way in which most people perceive gender tends to be internalised so deeply that it appears ‘normal’ and natural.

Understanding how we live together means being able to question the things we take for granted in our everyday lives. This includes a key part of our identity: our gender.

This website is a resource for working with others, but it is also a resource that underlines the need constantly to work with oneself. It could even be said that one is not really possible without the other.

In some ways, the reasoning behind this can be expressed easily: each of us is a person with our own subjectivity and experience of living with others in society – so everyone is personally involved in discussions of gender. It is easy to test this out: most people have had experiences where someone’s appearance does not immediately signal ‘male’ or ‘female’.

Perhaps fewer people then go on to ask themselves what this indicates about gender, or about how they perceive gender stereotypes. In fact, on a daily basis, it is common for people to organise their perceptions according to gendered assumptions that have never been questioned.

The concept of ‘gender awareness’ reminds us that we all need to be aware of issues such as the following: We are likely to see ourselves within such categories as male/female or man/woman, but these categories do not in fact do justice to the complexity of gender and sexual identities; We consciously and unconsciously express our gendered selves in numerous ways, including in our relations with others; We interpret and evaluate other people’s gender and this affects the ways that we interact with them; We use images, associations, assumptions and normative standards to interpret the gender(s) and sexualities of others, and are often unaware of the way this happens or how these influences originate; Gender is of key importance in defining the power, privilege and possibilities that some people have and some people do not have in a given society. It affects progress towards equality and freedom from discrimination.

Gender awareness is necessary as an end goal for everyone, but deliberate work on this issue is particularly important for youth workers and young people who want to address issues of gender and violence with their peers. Gender awareness is necessary because no one is ever completely able to ‘step outside’ of the social and cultural processes that partly shape our identities, values and perceptions, but we can still develop ways of reflecting and ways of interrogating ourselves, and this is very important for group work and group interaction. Gender awareness should also be seen as a process, because our ways of thinking about ourselves and others as gendered, sexual beings shift over time and in different contexts. Adeola Ready (talk) 19:50, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Sex and Gender

Different terms are regularly used in theories of sexuality and gender, for example sex, gender, gender identity, gender expressions, gender roles, sexual orientation. It is important to be clear about the meanings of such terms.

Gender is an area that cuts across thinking about society, law, politics and culture, and it is frequently discussed in relation to other aspects of identity and social position, such as class, ethnicity, age and physical ability. Gender is also an important concept within a range of social and political debates and may influence these debates differently according to cultural context.

Gender is a ‘heavy’ word: politicians and public figures often use it with negative connotations, for example in referring to ‘gender police’, or to ideologies that ‘threaten our kids’. These are examples of how gender can be misunderstood and politicised.

There are some languages which do not have a word for ‘gender’. In such cases, the word ‘sex’ is normally used, and in order to distinguish between sex and gender, different terms may be employed, for example ‘biological sex’ may be used to refer to ‘sex’, and ‘cultural and social sex’ may be used to refer to ‘gender’.

However, even when the terms exist in the language, ‘sex’ and ‘gender’ are often used interchangeably.

Definitions of sex and gender A number of definitions have been put forward by different organisations. They provide a useful starting point for discussion.

The World Health Organisation summarises the difference between sex and gender in the following way: Sex refers to “the different biological and physiological characteristics of males and females, such as reproductive organs, chromosomes, hormones, etc.” Gender refers to "the socially constructed characteristics of women and men – such as norms, roles and relationships of and between groups of women and men. It varies from society to society and can be changed. The concept of gender includes five important elements: relational, hierarchical, historical, contextual and institutional. While most people are born either male or female, they are taught appropriate norms and behaviours – including how they should interact with others of the same or opposite sex within households, communities and work places. When individuals or groups do not “fit” established gender norms they often face stigma, discriminatory practices or social exclusion – all of which adversely affect health17.”

The Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence is the first international human rights document that contains a definition of gender. In Article 3, gender is defined as “socially constructed roles, behaviours, activities and attributes that a given society considers appropriate for women and men.” 18

The European Institute for Gender Equality, an autonomous body of the European Union, provides very extensive definitions of sex and gender: “Sex refers to the biological and physiological characteristics that define humans as female or male. These sets of biological characteristics are not mutually exclusive, as there are individuals who possess both, but these characteristics tend to differentiate humans as females or males.” “Gender refers to the social attributes and opportunities associated with being female and male and to the relationships between women and men and girls and boys, as well as to the relations between women and those between men. These attributes, opportunities and relationships are socially constructed and are learned through socialisation processes. They are context- and time-specific, and changeable. Gender determines what is expected, allowed and valued in a woman or a man in a given context. In most societies, there are differences and inequalities between women and men in responsibilities assigned, activities undertaken, access to and control over resources, as well as decision-making opportunities. Gender is part of the broader sociocultural context. Other important criteria for sociocultural analysis include class, race, poverty level, ethnic group and age Adeola Ready (talk) 19:56, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

Gender Equality and Gender Mainstreaming

A#W4RNigeria

The notion of gender equality is often used to refer to equality between women and men.

It describes a state of affairs in which women and men enjoy equal rights and opportunities, where the behaviour, aspirations, wishes and needs of women and men are equally valued and favoured. An equal distribution and access to resources is also implied.

However, gender equality can also refer to broader notions of equality in relation to gender identity (social expectations and norms attached to the masculine and the feminine) and sexual orientation.

The Council of Europe has adopted a number of standards relating to gender equality, for example addressing violence against women, balanced participation in political and public decision-making, gender equality in media, education, health and sport.26 These standards interpret gender equality as equality between women and men. Issues relating to gender identity and sexual orientation are dealt with separately by the Council of Europe.

For the Council of Europe, gender equality means: an equal visibility, empowerment and participation of both sexes in all spheres of public and private life. Gender equality is the opposite of gender inequality, not of gender difference, and aims to promote the full participation of women and men in society. It means accepting and valuing equally the differences between women and men and the diverse roles they play in society. Gender equality includes the right to be different. This means taking into account the existing differences among women and men, which are related to class, political opinion, religion, ethnicity, race or sexual orientation. Gender equality means discussing how it is possible to go further, to change the structures in society which contribute to maintaining the unequal power relationships between women and men, and to reach a better balance in the various female and male values and priorities.

Although a great deal has been achieved internationally to guarantee gender equality, many women are still confronted with discrimination and violence. Globally, women in the labour market still earn 24% less than men on average, and in Council of Europe member states, women account for only about 25% of members of parliaments and 13% of mayors. One of the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals (Goal 5) is “Achieving gender equality and empowering all women and girls”.

A number of different models and theories have been put forward to explain how men have predominantly placed themselves, and been placed, in social hierarchy over women. The idea of ‘patriarchy’ is often used as a shorthand for male dominance, and it has also itself been the subject of more detailed theories.

In general, patriarchy describes the way in which gender roles and possibilities have tended to subordinate women to men. Patriarchy involves the acceptance of fundamental ideas about the nature and value of women, their potential, and their roles – including the heterosexual norms of wife and mother.

Such ideas tend to be based on appeals to biological reasoning, for example, on suggestions that women are more “naturally” suited to be carers. Some discussions of patriarchy argue that it is dependent on divisions in labour that have tended to dominate in industrial capitalist societies.

In other words, the predominance of men at work in the public sphere, and of women’s work in the private sphere ‘making a home’ has deeply influenced the durability of traditional gender roles. However, it is important to recognise that this is a partial story, as it fails to take account of women’s role in the work force of industrial societies, and does not acknowledge the many changes that have taken place in work-gender roles in societies where heavy industry has been replaced by the service and information industries.

One important contribution of feminist theory and the women’s movement has been to include the private sphere within political and economic discourse. This has led to heightened awareness about the invisible contribution of women to the economy and to general well-being, and to the adoption of policies advocating the equal distribution of unpaid care work between women and men as an essential step towards gender equality in the public sphere and in paid employment.

Heteronormative societies impose a very distinct way of understanding the role of men and women. As Mary Holmes puts it: “Social rules about ‘normal’ gender and sexuality demand that you must be clear about who are boys and who are girls, so that boys and girls can grow up, fall in love with each other, and have more little boys and girls.”32 Such assumptions and norms lead to direct or indirect discrimination of LGBT+ people in the public sphere, limiting their access to – or even denying them access to different services. LGBT+ people also experience systemic discrimination and vi uolence. In many countries, they cannot legally enter into a civil union or get married; and in some countries, they can be sentenced to death simply because of their sexual orientation or gender identity. Adeola Ready (talk) 20:05, 19 September 2021 (UTC)

European Court of Human Rights compels Russia to pay over €120K to Aleksandr Litvinenko’s Widow

European Court of Human Rights compels Russia to pay over €120K to Aleksandr Litvinenko’s widow 2021.09.21 15:06

Russia was responsible for the assasination of Aleksandr Litvinenko in the United Kingdom, the European Court of Human Rights stated on September, 21. In their opinion, the Russian side failed to provide sufficient evidence that its government had nothing to do with the alleged murderers, Andrei Lugovoy and Dmitry Kovtun, who were never prosecuted in Russia.

Еuropean Court of Human Rights. Strasbourg, 13 March 2012. Photo: CherryX / Wikimedia, CC BY-SA 3.0 In today’s judgment in the case of Maria Anna Carter aka Marina Litvinenko v. Russia, the European Court of Human Rights held that there had been:

unanimously, a failure by the Russian Government to comply with their obligations under Article 38 (obligation to furnish necessary facilities for the examination of a case) of the European Convention on Human Rights, by 6 votes to 1, a violation of Article 2 (right to life) in its substantive and procedural aspects. “In January 2016 the inquiry [carried out by the UK] found it established, beyond reasonable doubt, that Mr Litvinenko had been poisoned using polonium and that the poison had been administered by Mr Lugovoy and Mr Kovtun. It excluded accidental or deliberate self-poisoning. It also rejected the suggestion that Mr Lugovoy had been set up by British intelligence. The inquiry noted the motives that entities within the Russian State may have had for wishing Mr Litvinenko dead, and the evidence of links between Mr Lugovoy and Mr Kovtun and the Russian State. On the strength of both open and closed evidence, it found that Mr Lugovoy had been acting under FSB direction and Mr Kovtun had also been acting under FSB direction, possibly indirectly through Mr Lugovoy but probably with his knowledge,” the European Court of Human Rights says in Tuesday’s statement.

The Court held that Russia was to pay the applicant 100,000 euros in respect of non-pecuniary damage and EUR 22,500 in respect of costs and expenses. The Russian side’s motion asking not to rely on the conclusions of British investigators, was rejected.

Commenting on the ruling, Vladimir Putin’s press secretary Dmitry Peskov said that as the Kremlin considered the ECHR’s conclusions as ‘unfounded’, it would not pay close heed to them.

In 1988-1999 Aleksandr Litvinenko worked for the Soviet KGB and later – for the Russian FSB, specializing in the fight against terrorism and organised crime. In 1998, he claimed that his superiors had ordered him to kill businessman Boris Berezovsky. Litvinenko and his family fled to the UK, where he was granted political asylum and began cooperating with British intelligence MI6, openly criticising Putin and accusing him of numerous crimes.

Litvinenko became widely known in 2006 when a group of FSB officers made public the facts about illegal orders and corruption in the agency. In their telling, Litvinenko and his colleagues were ordered to murder, kidnap and injure several persons who prevented Russian power players from cashing in on their positions.

In the wake of the meeting with former FSB officers Andrei Lugovoy and Dmitry Kovtun in November 2006, Litvinenko landed up in hospital; the former colleagues presumably gave him tea containing radioactive polonium, He had symptoms of radiation sickness; irreversible damage to internal organs was caused by the radioactive element that cannot be found on the black market, but can only be taken from a nuclear reactor. Aleksandr Litvinenko was dying in torment for 22 years. Shortly before the poisoning, Litvinenko faulted Vladimir Putin for being corrupted and laid the blame for blowing the apartment blocks in 1999 on the FSB.

In spite of a diplomatic conflict, Russia refused to deliver Andrei Lugovoy, who, according to British investigators, added polonium to Litvinenko’s tea and left radioactive traces around London, as well as his companion, Dmitry Kovtun. Instead of being detained, Lugovoi was awarded the medal ‘For Merit to the Fatherland’. In 2011, Andrei Lugovoy became a member of Russian parliament; he represented the Liberal Democratic Party and contributed to the law on the pre-trial blocking of web pages.

In the course of open court hearings held in London in January 2016, it was recognized that the responsibility for the death of Aleksandr Litvinenko is on the Russian government and the murder was ‘probably’ approved by President Vladimir Putin and the then FSB chief Nikolai Patrushev.

Why Putin amended Russia’s Constitution

32 pages – this is full text of the law recently put to referendum “On Amending the Constitution of the Russian Federation”. Not just not one amendment, but 46, creating new state bodies, guaranteeing index-linked pensions, defining family as the union of a man and a woman, extending the State Duma’s powers, and mentioning Russians’ belief in God following the atheistic USSR. But only one amendment is significant here.

The referendum ballot paper contained just two options: “For” or “Against”. Amendments to the Constitution – initiated by the Russian president on January 20, before the pandemic – have been approved in record time by the State Duma, Constitutional Court, and regional assemblies. Why did Vladimir Putin want to amend the Constitution, and how will it change Russia?

The most vital amendment “We mean the specific amendment which is named after the first woman in space. What one might call resetting,” Georgiy Satarov, an expert at INDEM Centre for Applied Political Studies, says.

Amendment No. 15 removes the constitutional loophole that allowed Putin back into power after Dmitry Medvedev’s presidency. Now only two terms to rule the country will be permitted, but this restriction will not apply to anyone who has “held or is holding the office of President of the Russian Federation […] when this amendment comes into force”.

That means Putin’s terms will be reset, and he will again be eligible to run in the 2024 elections. If he stays in power for two six-year terms, he will vacate the presidency no earlier than 2036.

Who else has reset their terms? Putin’s formula for extending his term in office is nothing original: in post-Soviet countries, four leaders have reset their presidential terms before.

The trailblazer was the former leader of Kyrgyzstan, Askar Akayev. In 1998, the Constitutional Court ruled that Akayev’s second term was actually his first, since the president was first elected before the adoption of a new Constitution limiting the number of terms.

In 2000, the Constitutional Court of Kazakhstan resorted to the same method to reset Nursultan Nazarbayev’s first term.

https://belsat.eu/en/news/nazarbayev-retires-long-live-nazarbayev-leader-of-the-nation-still-in-power/

In Uzbekistan, Islam Karimov held a referendum to extend his presidential term from 5 to 7 years in 2002. Making the most of this major constitutional change, he went on to run for two new 7-year terms. A similar manoeuvre to reset two terms was executed by Tajikistan’s president Emomali Rahmon.

But the Russian Constitutional Court prevented Boris Yeltsin from resetting his term in 1998. The judges were adamant that Yeltsin was president before the Russian Constitution came into force. But in 1996, citizens elected him for his second presidential term, not his first.

Interestingly, the Ukrainian Constitutional Court allowed then-president Leonid Kuchma to reset his first term and restart the counter from the 1996 Constitution, but Kuchma turned down the opportunity.

Apart from Putin and Central Asian leaders, the presidents of Burundi, Burkina Faso, Senegal, Bolivia, Venezuela and Egypt also extended their powers by resetting. However, not all of them managed to stay in power till the end of their extra terms.

Other perks for the president One of the amendments guarantees the president immunity even after retirement, and that immunity is almost impossible to revoke.

The Constitution will include the president’s right to convene the Council of State. This body, consisting of regional heads and Federal Assembly deputies, has been around for twenty years. Its powers are limited: the president and its members can discuss the budget and inter-regional relations. However, its powers could be expanded by a federal law mentioned in the amendments.

The range of candidates for the presidency will shrink. Anyone who has lived in Russia for less than 25 years or has ever held a foreign residence permit will be ineligible. If you’re a university professor, IT specialist, or businessman who has worked abroad, you’ll be unable to run for election. But if you’ve made a career in the civil service or national security, your path to the presidency is wide open.

“Due to the vague wording, Putin also falls into that category… He also lived in another country for quite a long time and so on… They made a bad job of writing it,” Georgiy Satarov stresses.

Chances to escape responsibility Officials, MPs and judges will be banned from holding foreign citizenship, bank accounts, and residence permits. But no one will stop them from owning foreign real estate.

It’s an open secret that the Russian elite owns property overseas. The Navalny-led Anti-Corruption Foundation discovered that Senator Andrey Klishas, initiator of laws on foreign agents and the so-called “sovereign Internet”, has a villa in Switzerland. The wife of United Russia member Nikolay Valuyev owns a house in Spain, and his West-bashing fellow party member Konstantin Zatulin also has an apartment there.

https://belsat.eu/en/news/4-year-grandson-of-russian-election-official-buys-7-mln-property-afc/

In fact, officials have been prohibited from holding foreign citizenship and residence permits since 2006. However, anonymous Telegram channels regularly publish reports of Russian ministers and MPs with foreign passports.

Another constitutional amendment will free the Kremlin of having to abide by international and foreign decisions, including from the International Court of Arbitration in the Hague, which ordered the Kremlin to pay $50 billion to former Yukos shareholders. Other bodies are the UN International Court of Justice, which is examining Ukraine’s case against Russia for annexing Crimea, and even the European Court of Human Rights, to which relatives of passengers from the Boeing shot down over Donbas intend to appeal.

What’s the bottom line? These four-dozen amendments will make no significant changes to the Russian Constitution or the political system. The referendum draft contains just a few crucial lines. They will allow Putin to rule for another 12 years, his authority extended in ways tested successfully 20 years ago by authoritarian leaders in Central Asia.

https://belsat.eu/en/news/20-years-in-power-who-is-mr-putin-eng-video/

At the end of his sixth term, Putin will be 83. He will be eight years older than Leonid Brezhnev, and more than a decade older than Yuri Andropov and Konstantin Chernenko, the elderly Soviet leaders who led the country into stagnation.

Alyaksandr Papko, belsat.eu Adeola Ready (talk) 16:00, 21 September 2021 (UTC)

Russia starts withdrawing troops, equipment from Belarus in wake of Zapad-2021 drills

The troops of the Western 0n Military District, the Airborne Troops and the aviation of the Russian Aerospace Forces involved in the joint strategic exercise Zapad-2021 at two training grounds on the territory of Belarus have started returning to their permanent deployment points in the Russian Federation, Russia’s Defence Ministry reports.

“Currently, military units and formations of the guards tank army and the Airborne Troops are marching to railway stations and airfields, where they are loading onto railway platforms and military transport aviation aircraft. The engineering staff has started preparing aviation equipment for the flight to the airfields based in the Russian Federation. The first military echelons are already on the move,” Thursday’s statement reads.

The military drills Zapad-2021 were held on September 10-16 in the area stretching from the Baltic Sea and Kaliningrad region to Russia’s Voronezh and Nizhny Novgorod regions. Nine training ranges are used on Russian territory and five on Belarusian territory.

200,000 servicemen, more than 80 planes and helicopters, over 290 tanks, and up to 760 pieces of military equipment, including up to 15 ships, are taking part in the exercise. Only 12,800 people were engaged in Belarus, of whom 2,500 were Russians. The Belarusian side reportedly involved more than 30 aircraft and helicopters, and 350 pieces of military equipment, including up to 140 tanks.

The five Belarusian firing ranges (‘Abuz-Lyasnouski’, ‘Brestski’, ‘Chepyalova’, ‘Damanauski,’ ‘Ruzhanski’) which became venues for the wargame are in the west of the country, near the border with the European Union. Brestski in one is just 5 km from it. On August 28, in the run-up to Zapad-2021, a unit of antiaircraft missile forces of the Russian Federation arrived in Hrodna. Notably, these troops are expected to remain in Belarus even after the end of the drills. According to the Belarusian Defence Ministry, Russian soldiers and equipment are to be engaged in forming a training and combat centre for joint training of the Air Force and the air defence forces of Belarus and Russia. Moreover, Russian Sukhoi Su-30 fighter planes came down at the airfield in the town of Baranavichy on September, 3. They will reportedly stay behind in Belarus as well.

“The airmen will be on a joint combat duty as part of the protection of the air borders of the Union State (Belarus and Russia),” the ministry said then. Adeola Ready (talk) 16:15, 21 September 2021 (UTC)

Lukashenka unveils when Putin will arrive in Minsk and what weapons Russia will deliver to Belarus

Vladimir Putin’s visit to Minsk is scheduled for the CIS summit to be held on October 15th. Alyaksandr Lukashenka informed about it during the military training “Zapad 2021”, as the press service informed.

Lukashenka at the “Zapad 2021” drill. Photo: BelTA The meeting in Minsk will discuss the specifics of cooperation and 28 roadmaps.

During the exercise, Lukashenka also said that during the talks in the Kremlin, they also discussed defense and security issues, including, among other things, the prospects of supplying S-400 complexes to Belarus.

“He (Putin) told me about more modern complexes S-500, which can work against ballistic missiles,” Lukashenka said, reports the press service. “It’s a very effective complex. I also reminded him about S-400, told him where we wanted to install these systems. Thank God, now our perimeter in the west is completely covered by the S-300 complexes. But, as you know, we have added the southern direction as well. We have been discussing this issue with the Belarusian generals and the Russians. They are starting to “warm” us up from the south. And there’s more to follow… We have to get ready — we have 1,200 kilometers of border with Ukraine.”

By 2025, Belarus will also receive other weapons.

“It’s about a dozen aircraft, some of them have already come to us, it’s several dozen helicopters, Tor-M2. Large volumes. It says that both the Russian Federation and we take this western direction very seriously, where we are in direct contact with NATO troops,” Lukashenka said. “You see how they behave. So we should not relax considering the experience of 1941 when we were pacifying everybody – do not respond to provocations and so on – and then received a deafening blow and almost lost Belarus in two or three months. History has taught us a lot. We want to be prepared in advance… We’re getting ready to defend our land…”.

Lukashenka also spoke about the conditions under which the migration crisis at the border between Belarus and the European Union would be resolved, calling the situation with migrants a problem of the West.

“You want to live safely — come,” Lukashenka said at the drill. “We’ll determine the place, and we’ll meet, we’ll discuss these issues. But until these brainless sanctions and humiliation of our patriotic people are lifted, no one will talk to them, and we will not kneel… If you want help, behave decently.”

The “Zapad 2021” military drill takes place from September 10 to 16 in Belarus and Russia.

On the territory of Belarus involved are 12,800 troops, including about 2,500 Russian and 50 Kazakh troops, up to 350 armored vehicles, including 140 tanks, up to 110 pieces of artillery, more than 30 aircraft and helicopters.

belsat.eu Adeola Ready (talk) 16:18, 21 September 2021 (UTC)

The Canadian Election’s Lesson for Americans

Americans should learn from them how to behave when the votes don’t go your way. Canada had an election yesterday, and the results weren’t very interesting. The Liberals, led by Justin Trudeau, called the election in the hopes of turning their minority government into a majority government. In the last election, they won 157 seats in the House of Commons. They currently have won or lead in . . . 158 seats. Canadian writer Ben Woodfinden called it “the Seinfeld election,” since it wound up being about nothing.

What is noteworthy is the way the vote totals interact with the structure of Canadian government. The House of Commons has single-member districts (called “ridings”) where candidates are elected in a first-past-the-post system.

There have been 24 House of Commons elections in Canada since the end of World War II. In only two of those elections has a party won a majority of the popular vote (1958 and 1984). Every other election has seen a party winning a minority of the popular vote and still winning a majority of the seats, or a party forming a minority government. Canada has a strong tradition of third parties and regional parties that prevent the two major parties from getting a popular majority. The threshold that the CBC uses as a benchmark for a majority government is 38.5 percent of the national popular vote. That’s generally enough to win 170 seats for a majority in the 338-seat House of Commons.

The Conservative Party has won the most votes nationally in five of the past six general elections. It has gotten to form the government after only three of them. The past two have seen Conservatives win the popular vote and Liberals get to form the government. The structure benefits the Liberals despite the Conservatives winning more votes.

Essentially, Conservatives run up the score in western Canada and lose lots of closer elections in eastern Canada. In 2019 they shut the Liberals out of Alberta and Saskatchewan entirely, earning 69 and 64 percent of the popular vote in those provinces to the Liberals’ measly 14 and 12 percent. But in Ontario, Liberals won 79 of the available 121 seats on only 42 percent of the vote, with Conservatives earning 33 percent. Add that up nationally, and you see plenty of votes for Conservatives, but since they are heavily concentrated in specific areas, they don’t translate to winning general elections. If this sounds vaguely familiar to you, that’s because it’s essentially the United States in reverse. Democrats have won the popular vote in five of the past six presidential elections, yet they’ve won the White House in only three of those elections. Their voters are heavily concentrated in urban areas, which makes winning national elections more difficult.

Republicans respond to critics by saying, “That’s not how the system works. You have to win a majority in the Electoral College for the presidency. The ‘national popular vote’ in the Senate doesn’t mean anything.” And they’re correct. That’s how the Constitution works.

What’s funny is that in Canada, the left-wing parties are still the ones that say they support electoral reform. In essence, the two sides of the political spectrum hold the same positions on electoral structure in Canada as they do in the United States, even though the electoral situation is reversed.

The Liberals are in the tricky spot of benefiting from a system they know deep down they are supposed to hate. When running for office in 2015, “Justin Trudeau vowed that the upcoming general election will be the last one using the first-past-the-post voting system,” said the CBC. Well, there have been two elections since then under the same system — and Trudeau’s Liberals have just so happened to win both of them. The other left-wing parties, the New Democratic Party and the Green Party, both support proportional representation.

The Conservatives have never promised to change from the first-past-the-post system, even though they are the ones getting shafted by the current system. The small, right-wing People’s Party of Canada is silent on electoral reform.

In a sense, the status quo is in Conservatives’ best interest. If you add up the left-wing parties, they win more of the popular vote than the right-wing parties, so in a perfectly proportional system, the right would be the minority. But they aren’t doing any better with the first-past-the-post system. Canada has experienced its own version of geographic polarization. In America, it’s urban–rural. In Canada, it’s east–west. Despite the different nature of the polarization, the results seem to be the same: no massive swings from election to election and a bitter, divided government.

The Conservatives could look at that and complain about being locked out of government, pen countless think-pieces about why the system is undemocratic, and advocate abolishing the current system and installing a new one to benefit their party. They could also feed their supporters a steady diet of lies that these elections were stolen from them. But they don’t.

They muddle through. They pick new leaders. They campaign in places they need to win. They keep trying to win elections under the system as it has always existed. For the last few elections, things haven’t worked out for them. But they focus on the future and fight another day.

The Conservatives’ attitude is Canadian with a capital “C” (they’re just so darn polite), but it’s also conservative with a lowercase “c.” Canadian conservatives are a bunch of squishes on most policy matters, and Americans should not follow them down that trail. But Americans should learn from them how to behave when the votes don’t go your way.

One-party states have a pretty bad track record historically, and competitive democracies are the best places to live. That means your side is going to lose sometimes and maybe even have a losing streak. That’s not a reason to overthrow the system or invent cockamamie schemes to change the results. It’s a reason to preserve our form of government so that there will be a next election — another chance to win.

American partisans should improve their post-election behavior — if for no other reason than to deny the Canadians moral superiority.

Biden Insists U.S. ‘Not Seeking A New Cold War’ after Angering Chinese with AUKUS Defense Pact

President Biden insisted that the U.S. is not seeking a “new cold war” in a period of rising competition with China, in his address to the United Nations General Assembly on Tuesday.

“The United States will compete—and will compete vigorously. And lead with our values and our strength,” Biden said. “We’ll stand up for our allies and our friends, and oppose attempts by stronger countries to dominate weaker ones.”

Biden added, “But we’re not seeking—say it again, we are not seeking a new Cold War or a world divided into rigid blocs.”

"The United States will compete – and will compete vigorously. And lead with our values and our strength. We'll stand up for our allies and our friends, and oppose attempts by stronger countries to dominate weaker ones…But we are not seeking a new Cold War or a world divided." pic.twitter.com/O2NWWuv9EW

— Andrew Bates (@AndrewJBates46) September 21, 2021

Biden’s speech comes after the U.S., U.K., and Australia announced a new defense partnership that will see the U.S. help Australia to build nuclear-powered submarines. China Foreign Ministry spokesman Zhao Lijian slammed the deal shortly after it was announced.

“Relevant countries should abandon the outdated Cold War zero-sum mentality and narrow-minded geopolitical perception,” Zhao told reporters last week. “Otherwise, they will only end up shooting themselves in the foot.”

France foreign minister Jean-Yves Le Drian called the submarine deal “a stab in the back,” after Australia canceled a deal to buy French non-nuclear powered submarines. France recalled its ambassador from Washington to protest the deal.

“This brutal, unilateral and unpredictable decision reminds me a lot of what Mr. Trump used to do,” Le Drian told Franceinfo radio last week in comments translated by Reuters. Speaking at the U.N., Biden sought to reassure the European Union that it would continue to work closely with the bloc.

“I prioritize rebuilding our alliances and partnerships,” Biden said “We renewed our engagement with the European Union, a fundamental partner in tackling a range of significant issues facing our world today.”

Biden also touted the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, saying the end of the war in that country would open a new period of American diplomacy.

“We’ve ended 20 years of conflict in Afghanistan,” Biden said. “And as we close this period of relentless war, we’re opening a new era of relentless diplomacy.”

"We’ve ended 20 years of conflict in Afghanistan," Pres. Biden tells UN General Assembly.

"And as we close this period of relentless war, we’re opening a new era of relentless diplomacy." pic.twitter.com/hyvonFSnSo Adeola Ready (talk) 19:15, 21 September 2021 (UTC)

The Real Biden Presidency Emerges

Not too long ago, supporters imagined Joe Biden might be the next LBJ, and perhaps they were right — just not how they thought.

Biden bears no resemblance to the Lyndon B. Johnson who entered office after the assassination of John F. Kennedy in 1963 with a 75 percent approval rating and over the next couple of years passed a raft of historic legislation. No, if there’s any comparison, it is to the LBJ who by 1967 had seen his approval rating dip underwater in a deeply riven country.

After a lot of happy talk over the past half year, the real Biden presidency has emerged. It is not a colossus bestriding the political universe, rather a middling administration, at best, that will have trouble imposing its will even on its own party in Congress.

Biden was always fundamentally a default president, elected in opposition to Donald Trump and initially buoyed by the contrast to his outlandish predecessor.

MORE IN BIDEN ADMINISTRATION Ron DeSantis Was Right about Monoclonal-Antibody Therapy No, Border Patrol Agents Are Not ‘Whipping’ Migrants in Del Rio The Presidency as Foreign-Policy Theater Now, he’s lost his foil in Trump, who is still issuing harsh and thunderous press releases but isn’t driving every news cycle or occasioning mass protests in the streets.

The best case for Biden was that he could ride in the slipstream of good economic growth and a receding pandemic.

Instead, the labor market is still rocky, and the Delta variant has surged, leading to headlines about overstretched health-care systems that most people assumed that we’d left behind in the spring of 2020.

On top of this, Biden made the first major, historic decision of his presidency, and completely botched it. The White House may tell itself that his withdrawal from Afghanistan will come to seem farsighted, and it’s possible that the harmful political effect will wear off over time.

Leaving Americans behind in a foreign country after an enemy of the United States swept to power and chased us out with our tails between our legs, though, is not likely to be forgotten, certainly not in 2022 or 2024, if ever.

The prime directive for any president is, to the extent possible, to seem in control. Biden failed this test repeatedly during the evacuation crisis. Events moved faster than he did, and his rationales for what was happening had to be constantly revised.

Privately, Democrats must know that his performances at his press conferences weren’t reassuring, let alone commanding. The problem Biden has is that any act of incompetence will, fairly or not, raise questions about his age, even if he would have done exactly the same thing at 38 that he’s now done at 78.

President Joe Biden walks after delivering remarks on the Delta variant and his administration’s efforts to increase vaccinations in the State Dining Room of the White House, September 9, 2021. (Kevin Lamarque/Reuters) The heroic period of his administration was always a mirage.

Not too long ago, supporters imagined Joe Biden might be the next LBJ, and perhaps they were right — just not how they thought.

Biden bears no resemblance to the Lyndon B. Johnson who entered office after the assassination of John F. Kennedy in 1963 with a 75 percent approval rating and over the next couple of years passed a raft of historic legislation. No, if there’s any comparison, it is to the LBJ who by 1967 had seen his approval rating dip underwater in a deeply riven country.

After a lot of happy talk over the past half year, the real Biden presidency has emerged. It is not a colossus bestriding the political universe, rather a middling administration, at best, that will have trouble imposing its will even on its own party in Congress.

Biden was always fundamentally a default president, elected in opposition to Donald Trump and initially buoyed by the contrast to his outlandish predecessor.

MORE IN BIDEN ADMINISTRATION Ron DeSantis Was Right about Monoclonal-Antibody Therapy No, Border Patrol Agents Are Not ‘Whipping’ Migrants in Del Rio The Presidency as Foreign-Policy Theater Now, he’s lost his foil in Trump, who is still issuing harsh and thunderous press releases but isn’t driving every news cycle or occasioning mass protests in the streets.

The best case for Biden was that he could ride in the slipstream of good economic growth and a receding pandemic.

Instead, the labor market is still rocky, and the Delta variant has surged, leading to headlines about overstretched health-care systems that most people assumed that we’d left behind in the spring of 2020.

On top of this, Biden made the first major, historic decision of his presidency, and completely botched it. The White House may tell itself that his withdrawal from Afghanistan will come to seem farsighted, and it’s possible that the harmful political effect will wear off over time.

Leaving Americans behind in a foreign country after an enemy of the United States swept to power and chased us out with our tails between our legs, though, is not likely to be forgotten, certainly not in 2022 or 2024, if ever.

The prime directive for any president is, to the extent possible, to seem in control. Biden failed this test repeatedly during the evacuation crisis. Events moved faster than he did, and his rationales for what was happening had to be constantly revised.

Privately, Democrats must know that his performances at his press conferences weren’t reassuring, let alone commanding. The problem Biden has is that any act of incompetence will, fairly or not, raise questions about his age, even if he would have done exactly the same thing at 38 that he’s now done at 78.

The most notable feature of the resulting Biden drops in the polls that have him underwater in both the RealClearPolitics and 538 polling averages is his awful standing among independents (in the mid 30s in reputable polls).

This isn’t a position of strength from which to deal with another structural problem that was submerged by his initial success getting new COVID-19 spending and by wishful press coverage — uncomfortably narrow margins in Congress.

Biden can’t lose anyone in the Senate and can lose only a handful of votes in the House, giving both the relative moderate wing of the party and its leftmost flank the ability to kill off his spending plans for being too profligate or too stingy, respectively.

Senator Joe Manchin of West Virginia is a constant reminder of this. The fate of Biden’s presidency, or at least huge pieces of his domestic agenda, depends on a senator representing a Trump state who is largely immune to pressure from the national party and indeed may be helped if the national party calls him names for not going along with its priorities.

When all is said and done, Biden may get enough spending to allow Republicans to attack him as a wastrel and not enough spending to excite his own partisans.

Welcome to Biden’s reality. The heroic period of his presidency was always a mirage, and the effort to muddle through now begins in earnest.

Fallen Afghanistan Presents New Dangers to India

The consequences of U.S. withdrawal are a strategic boon to enemies of both India and the United States. On the 20th anniversary of 9/11, Afghanistan’s new rulers, the Taliban, unfurled their flag over the presidential palace in Kabul, slaughtered men and women in Panjshir Valley, and released a video of al-Qaeda leader Ayman Zawahiri declaring that “Jerusalem will not be Judaized.” The Biden administration’s retreat from Afghanistan last month has left U.S. allies alarmed and bewildered; Quad members England, India, Japan, and Australia watched in horror as Biden handed the Taliban tens of billions in U.S. weaponry, Bagram Air Base, and intelligence dossiers on Afghans who worked with the Quad. As Biden was censured in the U.K. parliament, a retired Indian diplomat posted from New Delhi: “We were not consulted, we were not warned, now we must ask, can we ever trust America again?”

Of all the members of the Quad, it is India, Afghanistan’s regional neighbor and the dominant power in South Asia, that faces the greatest peril from the new terrorist superstate. India invested $3 billion in Afghan development projects, granted scholarships to Afghan students, and for decades granted sanctuary to Afghan refugees. But now India’s status as Kabul’s leading regional partner has been obliterated, and India’s security is threatened by the newly emboldened Taliban, who stated that India will “soon be defeated by Kashmir’s holy warriors.”

U.S. media downplayed the Taliban’s massive victory parade on September 4, whereas Asian news was filled with images of Taliban soldiers flaunting U.S. machine guns, driving Humvees, and flying Black Hawk helicopters over Kandahar. The Taliban announced that their new strategic partner in Asia will be Communist China, which is reportedly considering a takeover of Bagram Air Base, located 400 miles from the Chinese province of Xinjiang, where China incarcerates over a million Uyghur Muslims in concentration camps, tortured and enslaved with methods of cruelty that would make a Nazi proud.

The supreme victor in this debacle is China. Its alliance with the Taliban will greatly enhance China’s capacity for power projection on the Asian landmass. Afghanistan borders Tibet and shares the deep veins of mineral riches that span the vast Tibetan Plateau into Afghanistan and nations in Central Asia, where China has established partnerships with its Belt and Road Initiative. In the past 20 years India helped build trade routes to Afghanistan and was part of a consortium planning a 4,400-mile rail network linking Afghanistan with Europe. Now those roads and railways will be controlled by India’s antagonist, Communist China. India must now defend its sovereignty on two fronts: Afghanistan and Pakistan to the west, and China to the east. In 2020 China invaded the Indian region of Ladakh, a former Buddhist kingdom that joined the state of Kashmir when India won its independence from Britain in 1947. In recent months China has quadrupled troop deployments along India’s border with Tibet. At 2,167 miles, it is the longest militarized border in Asia. The Tibetan Plateau gives China the strategic advantage and a launching pad for missiles and drones that can strike the capitals of South and Southeast Asia in short order. As Genghis Khan once observed; “He who controls Tibet controls the world.”

After the 1962 India–China War, in which Chinese troops routed India in one month, Mao stated that his victory had laid the groundwork for China’s future annexation of “Tibet’s Five Fingers”—the Hindu-Buddhist states in the Himalayan Belt. In the past decade China has installed a Maoist government in Nepal, planted the Chinese flag on Bhutanese territory, and encroached on the Indian states of Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh, shipping weapons and cash to Maoist insurgents throughout India.

President Biden has treated Communist China with favor by reversing multiple executive orders that protected U.S. security, giving China access to the U.S. power grid, and dropping charges on Chinese spies, while punishing democratic India. Biden’s State Department recently blacklisted India for currency manipulation and suppressing religious freedom, alarming many in the Indian government who noted the hypocrisy of ignoring China’s persecution of Christians and Buddhists and the genocide of the Uyghur Muslims. The government of Narendra Modi built military ties with the U.S., but with the fall of Kabul, India is pivoting back to Russia, which supported India after Henry Kissinger’s “Tilt to Pakistan” during the 1972 Bangladesh War of Independence.

The U.S.’s pusillanimous retreat from Kabul is feverishly mocked and jeered in Chinese state media as proof of America’s “declining power,” says Gordon Chang of the Gatestone Institute: “The withdrawal from Afghanistan signaled to Beijing a complete failure of the U.S. intelligence community, the Pentagon, and the White House national-security apparatus. Chinese exercises in areas adjacent to Taiwan and a simulated attack on Taiwan with a short-range missile are, in this context, ominous.”

If the mission of the Quad was to contain Chinese aggression by strengthening democratic alliances, America’s failure in Afghanistan has put this mission in grave danger. The Indian military is now on high alert, while the Biden State Department expresses concerns about the Taliban government’s “inclusivity.” In an interview with India’s Usanas Foundation, posted on September 11 of this year, Dr. Cleo Paskal stated: “The U.S. has lost legitimacy as a security partner in a way that is ‘cataclysmic.’ . . . There is no Indo-Pacific without India, and there is no Quad without India.”

George Orwell once wrote; “If liberty means anything at all, it means the right to tell people what they do not want to hear.” Let us hope that Washington will listen to New Delhi before it is too late.

‘Are Women Still Human?’

Over at Public Discourse today, my Ethics and Public Policy Center colleague Carl Trueman and I have written an essay examining the philosophical anthropology undergirding the feminist argument for legal abortion. When we discuss personhood in the context of abortion, we most often focus on the personhood of the unborn human being, whose identity determines whether abortion is similar to getting a tooth pulled or is in fact a form of killing.

But the abortion question also intimately involves a second person: the unborn child’s mother. And it is the modern feminist movement’s view of the pregnant mother — of women — that leads to the demand for an unlimited right to abortion. Here’s more from our piece:

If we are to believe those who defend a right to abortion, it is nothing less than the power to end the life of her unborn child that guarantees a woman her humanity—that is, the autonomy befitting her status as man’s equal.

The morality of a society is part of a shared way of imagining the world, held in common by members of said society. For abortion to be plausible, let alone acceptable, a society must hold certain ideas intuitively. One is the idea that a woman must have control, specifically sexual and reproductive control, over her own body. Most legal-abortion proponents defend their position in the language of women’s rights, arguing that, without legal abortion, women would be unable to control their bodies. This argument indicates a deeper, often unstated assumption: that sexual activity is the normative way in which human beings find fulfillment. . . .

Defending legal abortion as a necessary means by which women can control their reproductive decisions requires assuming that unlimited, consequence-free sex is a prerequisite for human freedom and flourishing. Both contraception and abortion are necessary, in this view, because they enable women either to avoid or to destroy the natural consequences of sexual activity; controlling one’s reproduction by avoiding the act that leads to conception isn’t so much as considered. What is billed as “reproductive control” is in fact merely the ability to pursue sexual gratification and dispose of the consequences.

Defending legal abortion on the grounds of “reproductive autonomy” is close to impossible, and in fact makes no sense at all, unless you take as a premise that unlimited, consequence-free sex is something akin to a human right. Once you assume this to be true, the facts of female biology become nothing short of tyrannical, as second-wave feminist thinkers put it. It is in response to this thinking that feminists began to demand contraception and abortion, technology that, in their view, enables women to participate in sex with the same “freedom” that men have. But as we point out, it’s a very impoverished freedom, indeed. Adeola Ready (talk) 19:49, 21 September 2021 (UTC)

The Freedom Letter to the Romans

The Letter to the Romans introduced two great themes into the bloodstream of the West: human equality and human freedom.

This essay series explores Italy’s unique contribution to the rich inheritance of Western civilization, offering a defense of the West’s political and cultural achievements. Find previous installments here, here, here, and here. Rome, Italy — Outside the Basilica San Paolo Fuori le Mura, commonly known as the Basilica of Saint Paul, stands an imposing marble statue of a man who appears ready to do battle with the world. Bearded and hooded, he clutches a Bible in his left hand and a long cross in his right — but holds the cross over his chest as if it were a sword. It is a fitting representation of the man whose writings arguably have done more to rout the forces of bigotry and tyranny than those of any other figure in history.

Saul of Tarsus, an observant Jew who was renamed Paul after his dramatic conversion to Christianity, claimed a divine calling to bring the message of Jesus to those outside the Jewish faith, that is, to the Gentiles. His mission ended here when, according to tradition, he was executed by the authorities of Rome. Hence, the historical irony: Paul’s letter to the believers in Rome, the theological loadstar of the Christian church, helped to topple the regime that could not tolerate his uncompromising message of redemption.

A relentless evangelist with almost reckless courage, Paul is the dominant figure in the early decades of the Christian movement. Of the 27 documents that compose the New Testament, 21 are letters; 13 of them are attributed to Paul. His Letter to the Romans stands apart. Written around 57 a.d., near the end of his career, it contains the most thorough exposition of Christian doctrine in the Bible. It also advances concepts considered utterly radical for their time — ideas that would shape the course of Western civilization and the American political order.

Primary Menu National Review Share on Facebook Share on Twitter Share on Flipboard Email this article NR PLUS RELIGION The Freedom Letter to the Romans By JOSEPH LOCONTE September 19, 2021 6:30 AM Share on Facebook Share on Twitter Share on Flipboard Email this article

(bpperry/Getty Images) The Letter to the Romans introduced two great themes into the bloodstream of the West: human equality and human freedom.

This essay series explores Italy’s unique contribution to the rich inheritance of Western civilization, offering a defense of the West’s political and cultural achievements. Find previous installments here, here, here, and here.

Rome, Italy — Outside the Basilica San Paolo Fuori le Mura, commonly known as the Basilica of Saint Paul, stands an imposing marble statue of a man who appears ready to do battle with the world. Bearded and hooded, he clutches a Bible in his left hand and a long cross in his right — but holds the cross over his chest as if it were a sword. It is a fitting representation of the man whose writings arguably have done more to rout the forces of bigotry and tyranny than those of any other figure in history.

Saul of Tarsus, an observant Jew who was renamed Paul after his dramatic conversion to Christianity, claimed a divine calling to bring the message of Jesus to those outside the Jewish faith, that is, to the Gentiles. His mission ended here when, according to tradition, he was executed by the authorities of Rome. Hence, the historical irony: Paul’s letter to the believers in Rome, the theological loadstar of the Christian church, helped to topple the regime that could not tolerate his uncompromising message of redemption.

A relentless evangelist with almost reckless courage, Paul is the dominant figure in the early decades of the Christian movement. Of the 27 documents that compose the New Testament, 21 are letters; 13 of them are attributed to Paul. His Letter to the Romans stands apart. Written around 57 a.d., near the end of his career, it contains the most thorough exposition of Christian doctrine in the Bible. It also advances concepts considered utterly radical for their time — ideas that would shape the course of Western civilization and the American political order.

In his Social Contract (1762), Jean Jacques Rousseau claimed that “Man was born free, and everywhere he is in chains.” Paul disagreed. To the apostle, every person was born into a state of spiritual slavery and death. Everyone stood guilty before a holy God, no matter what their achievements or circumstances: “All have sinned and fall short of the glory of God” (Romans 3:23). His second proposition remains as controversial today as when it first appeared: Jesus was sent by God to set people free, making salvation available to everyone through faith in his death and resurrection. “If you confess with your mouth that Jesus is Lord, and believe in your heart that God raised him from the dead, you will be saved” (Romans 10:9). The last proposition, which follows from the others, involves an astonishing universalism. “There is no difference between Jew and Gentile — the same Lord is Lord of all and richly blesses all who call on him” (Romans 10:12). The sacrifice of Jesus renders null and void the deep, cultural divisions within the human family; all are welcomed into God’s new spiritual community.

In a way no ancient text had contemplated, the Letter to the Romans introduced two great themes into the bloodstream of the West: human equality and human freedom. No ideas in the history of political thought would prove more transformative and ennobling.

Primary Menu National Review Share on Facebook Share on Twitter Share on Flipboard Email this article NR PLUS RELIGION The Freedom Letter to the Romans By JOSEPH LOCONTE September 19, 2021 6:30 AM Share on Facebook Share on Twitter Share on Flipboard Email this article

(bpperry/Getty Images) The Letter to the Romans introduced two great themes into the bloodstream of the West: human equality and human freedom.

This essay series explores Italy’s unique contribution to the rich inheritance of Western civilization, offering a defense of the West’s political and cultural achievements. Find previous installments here, here, here, and here.

Rome, Italy — Outside the Basilica San Paolo Fuori le Mura, commonly known as the Basilica of Saint Paul, stands an imposing marble statue of a man who appears ready to do battle with the world. Bearded and hooded, he clutches a Bible in his left hand and a long cross in his right — but holds the cross over his chest as if it were a sword. It is a fitting representation of the man whose writings arguably have done more to rout the forces of bigotry and tyranny than those of any other figure in history.

Saul of Tarsus, an observant Jew who was renamed Paul after his dramatic conversion to Christianity, claimed a divine calling to bring the message of Jesus to those outside the Jewish faith, that is, to the Gentiles. His mission ended here when, according to tradition, he was executed by the authorities of Rome. Hence, the historical irony: Paul’s letter to the believers in Rome, the theological loadstar of the Christian church, helped to topple the regime that could not tolerate his uncompromising message of redemption.

A relentless evangelist with almost reckless courage, Paul is the dominant figure in the early decades of the Christian movement. Of the 27 documents that compose the New Testament, 21 are letters; 13 of them are attributed to Paul. His Letter to the Romans stands apart. Written around 57 a.d., near the end of his career, it contains the most thorough exposition of Christian doctrine in the Bible. It also advances concepts considered utterly radical for their time — ideas that would shape the course of Western civilization and the American political order.

In his Social Contract (1762), Jean Jacques Rousseau claimed that “Man was born free, and everywhere he is in chains.” Paul disagreed. To the apostle, every person was born into a state of spiritual slavery and death. Everyone stood guilty before a holy God, no matter what their achievements or circumstances: “All have sinned and fall short of the glory of God” (Romans 3:23). His second proposition remains as controversial today as when it first appeared: Jesus was sent by God to set people free, making salvation available to everyone through faith in his death and resurrection. “If you confess with your mouth that Jesus is Lord, and believe in your heart that God raised him from the dead, you will be saved” (Romans 10:9). The last proposition, which follows from the others, involves an astonishing universalism. “There is no difference between Jew and Gentile — the same Lord is Lord of all and richly blesses all who call on him” (Romans 10:12). The sacrifice of Jesus renders null and void the deep, cultural divisions within the human family; all are welcomed into God’s new spiritual community.

In a way no ancient text had contemplated, the Letter to the Romans introduced two great themes into the bloodstream of the West: human equality and human freedom. No ideas in the history of political thought would prove more transformative and ennobling.

MORE IN CHRISTIANITY From Pillaging to Prosperity: The Far-Reaching Impact of the Vikings Why We Can Accept Afghan Refugees, and Should New Study Suggests State Support Weakens Christianity Some of history’s most influential figures have considered Paul’s letter their north star. Scholars often draw attention to the role of the letter in the conversion of Augustine of Hippo. This saint’s Confessions (circa 400 a.d.) grew out of his meditations on Romans, Chapter 7, with its description of how faith in Christ empowers the individual to prevail in the struggle against sin. Yet Augustine’s epic defense of the faith, The City of God (426 a.d.), also owes an immense debt to the central themes of Romans. “In the city of the world both the rulers themselves and the people they dominate are dominated by the lust for domination,” he wrote, “whereas in the City of God all citizens serve one another in charity.”

More than a thousand years later, when Christendom was racked by a series of internal crises, an Augustinian monk turned to the Letter to the Romans in his own desperate quest to find peace with God. Martin Luther, a professor of the Bible at Wittenberg University, was initially terrified by the concept of the “righteousness of God” as described in Romans, Chapter 1. His insight — what he regarded as a recovery of the gospel of grace — completely upended his life:

I had greatly longed to understand Paul’s letter to the Romans. . . . I grasped the truth that the righteousness of God is that righteousness whereby, through grace and sheer mercy, he justifies us by faith. Thereupon I felt myself to be reborn and to have gone through open doors into paradise.

Unlike any work of literature or philosophy, it was Paul’s epistle that compelled Luther to launch what became the Protestant Reformation. He called the letter “the soul’s daily bread,” “the gospel in its purest expression,” and “a brilliant light, almost enough to illumine the whole Bible.” In his seminal treatise, The Freedom of a Christian (1520), Luther contrasted the liberty of the gospel, properly understood, with “the crawling maggots of man-made laws and regulations” imposed upon believers by church authorities. Luther’s teachings about spiritual freedom — what might be called a spiritual bill of rights — became a rallying cry throughout Europe.

In the 18th and 19th centuries, the themes of freedom and equality in the Letter to the Romans can be discerned in the beloved hymn, “Amazing Grace,” written by a former slave-ship captain, John Newton; in the social reform efforts of John and Charles Wesley; in the campaign to abolish the slave trade in Great Britain; and in the sermons that shaped the Protestant and democratic culture of colonial America. In the years leading up to the American Revolution, Jonathan Mayhew preached a widely disseminated sermon justifying rebellion against tyranny. His text was Romans, Chapter 13 — Paul’s instruction to believers to submit to political authorities:

Thus, upon a careful review of the apostle’s reasoning in this passage, it appears that his arguments to enforce submission, are of such a nature, as to conclude only in favor of submission to such rulers as he himself describes, i.e., such as rule for the good of society, which is the only end of their institution. Common tyrants, and public oppressors, are not entitled to obedience from their subjects, by virtue of anything here laid down by the inspired apostle.

John Adams, reflecting on the origins of the Revolution years later, cited Mayhew’s sermon as a factor in persuading pious believers of the legitimacy of political resistance. Mayhew may also have persuaded the more secular-minded Ben Franklin, whose proposed motto for the American seal was “rebellion to tyrants is obedience to God.”

The Letter to the Romans gained renewed prominence in the 20th century after the carnage of the First World War. In his Epistle to the Romans (1918), Swiss theologian Karl Barth shook off his attachment to theological liberalism and its illusions of human progress by meditating on the letter’s key doctrines. “The mighty voice of Paul was new to me,” he wrote, “and if to me, no doubt to many others also.” According to Catholic theologian Karl Adam, Barth’s recovery of the concept of man’s alienation from God and his need of divine grace dropped “like a bombshell on the theologians’ playground.” It is surely no coincidence that Barth was one of the first European theologians to recognize the apostasy of Nazism. He also was the lead author of the Barmen Declaration (1934), the first major ecclesiastical challenge to the racist ideology of the Nazi state.

The Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. saw many parallels in his own life and that of the Apostle Paul. He used Paul’s Letter to the Romans like a battering ram in his campaign for civil rights. In a 1956 sermon in Montgomery, Ala., plainly modeled on Paul’s epistle, King warned American Christians, in the words of Paul, not to conform “to the pattern of this world,” but rather to recommit themselves to the binding moral and spiritual truths of the gospel:

Don’t worry about persecution America; you are going to have that if you stand up for a great principle. I can say this with some authority, because my life was a continual round of persecutions. . . . I came away from each of these experiences more persuaded than ever before that ‘neither death nor life, nor angels, nor principalities, nor things present, nor things to come . . . shall separate us from the love of God, which is in Christ Jesus our Lord.’ I still believe that standing up for the truth of God is the greatest thing in the world.

King’s citation, from Romans, Chapter 8 — about the relentless love of God in the face of great evil — was a spiritual anchor in his long struggle for justice. Like Paul, his sense of vocation led to persecution, imprisonment, and, ultimately, a violent death.

Historians debate Paul’s precise motives for writing his treatise to the Christians in Rome. By virtue of its location in the seat of the Roman Empire, the church at Rome was a thoroughly cosmopolitan congregation: a mix of Jews and Gentiles, rich and poor, citizens and slaves. Paul told the believers that he planned to visit them on his way to Spain. Instead, the apostle found himself under arrest and taken to Rome to await trial. He made good use of his confinement: He wrote four letters to other Christian churches that became part of the New Testament canon. As a Roman citizen, Paul was allowed a measure of freedom, and for two years he “welcomed all who came to him, proclaiming the kingdom of God and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ with all boldness and without hindrance” (Acts 28:30-31).

Eventually, not even Rome’s emperors could resist the gospel message to which Paul devoted his life. As historian Ernle Bradford described it in Paul the Traveler, the apostle never hesitated to hurl himself into the center of the storm: “Rome was always what he sought, the heart of power, the heart of darkness, where he could set fire to the aspirations of millions.” Nearly 2,000 years after Paul’s martyrdom, the hope of freedom and redemption burns steadily in nearly every corner of the world. Adeola Ready (talk) 20:04, 21 September 2021 (UTC)

The Songwriting Star Who Won’t Let America Forget Afghanistan

On the menu today: Singer-songwriter John Ondrasik (a.k.a Five for Fighting) is on a one-man cultural crusade to keep the abandoned American citizens, green-card holders, and Afghan allies stranded in Afghanistan in the forefront of the minds of the American public; the U.N.’s secretary-general offers a strikingly different tone in his general remarks than in his meeting with President Biden; U.S. allies in Europe reconsider their options; and a reminder about the persistent threat of home-cooked bioweapons.

A New Protest Song from John Ondrasik

Singer-songwriter John Ondrasik raises a good point about “Blood on My Hands,” his new protest song about the plight of Afghans, which criticizes President Joe Biden and the U.S. withdrawal from that country. The pertinent question is not why he’s so outspoken about the horrors witnessed in Afghanistan over the past six weeks; the better question is why the rest of the music industry is so uncharacteristically quiet about a brutal regime that is literally killing people for the crime of creating music.

THE MORNING JOLT WORLD The Songwriting Star Who Won’t Let America Forget Afghanistan

Five for Fighting’s John Ondrasik performs during ceremonies to mark the 10th anniversary of the 9/11 attacks at halftime of the NFL football game in East Rutherford, N.J., September 11, 2011. (Brian Snyder/Reuters)

On the menu today: Singer-songwriter John Ondrasik (a.k.a Five for Fighting) is on a one-man cultural crusade to keep the abandoned American citizens, green-card holders, and Afghan allies stranded in Afghanistan in the forefront of the minds of the American public; the U.N.’s secretary-general offers a strikingly different tone in his general remarks than in his meeting with President Biden; U.S. allies in Europe reconsider their options; and a reminder about the persistent threat of home-cooked bioweapons.

A New Protest Song from John Ondrasik

Singer-songwriter John Ondrasik raises a good point about “Blood on My Hands,” his new protest song about the plight of Afghans, which criticizes President Joe Biden and the U.S. withdrawal from that country. The pertinent question is not why he’s so outspoken about the horrors witnessed in Afghanistan over the past six weeks; the better question is why the rest of the music industry is so uncharacteristically quiet about a brutal regime that is literally killing people for the crime of creating music.

In late August, Afghan folk singer Fawad Andarabi was dragged from his home and killed by the Taliban. One of Afghanistan’s most prominent pop singers fled to Istanbul, leaving on a US military-evacuation plane to a base in Doha, Qatar. The Afghanistan National Institute of Music is closed, with no word on whether it will ever reopen. The Taliban are banning music in public again, like the last time they ruled the country, deeming it un-Islamic. Members of an internationally renowned orchestra of Afghan women and girls remain stuck in Afghanistan, after an attempt to get them out through Kabul’s airport in the last days of the U.S. war failed. Ondrasik himself has heard from those still in Afghanistan about a music school that was burned to the ground.

“To this day, I don’t understand the lack of an outcry, especially from the music community,” Ondrasik said in a Monday morning interview. “Where are the benefit concerts? Where are the protest songs, the protests outside the White House? This is why I think tribalism has corroded our souls. . . . Why isn’t Fawad [Andarabi] on the cover of Rolling Stone?”

Ondrasik said the inspiration for “Blood on My Hands” came at three distinct points during the early weeks of the crisis in Afghanistan. The first was the horrific sights of the chaotic evacuations in the first days after the fall of Kabul. The second came during a phone call from a friend whom Ondrasik describes as spending her career involved with humanitarian work all around the globe.

“She said, ‘I’m organizing evacs for AmCits, LPRs, and SIVs,’ and she’s spitting out all these acronyms,” Ondrasik recalled. “I asked, ‘What’s an AmCit?’ and she said, ‘That’s an American citizen.’ I said, ‘You’re going to risk your life, and private citizens like you are going to do the same, to rescue Americans we left behind?’ And this is a tough person, and she started crying, and she said yes. I thought, ‘What is happening? What world are we living in?’”

“The song sort of wrote itself when the president came out and gave his ‘extraordinary success’ speech,” at the end of August, Ondrasik said. “Most of us were insulted. It’s hard for someone like me to criticize the military. [Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Mark] Milley and [Secretary of Defense Lloyd] Austin, I figured they would say, ‘this is not an extraordinary success, but here’s the plan.’ And then they didn’t. They echoed what Biden said, and that was scary. I’ve always felt that our presidents may not have the greatest intentions, but that the military were the adults in the room. When I saw that, I realized, this is spouting the company line, like some hack in the basement.”

Indeed, “Blood on my Hands” calls out members of Biden’s cabinet as much as the president himself.

Winkin’ Blinken

Can’t you look in my eyes?

Willy Milley

Tell me when did you decide

‘This we’ll defend’

Your sacred motto

Now means . . .

‘Never Mind’

General Austin

Is there no honor in shame

Can you spell Bagram

Without the letters in Blame

The fact that Milley and Austin played along with Biden’s implausibly rosy assessment “really made me angry, more at Milley, and Austin and [Secretary of State Antony] Blinken than at Biden,” Ondrasik said. “To me, it is inexcusable that there have been no resignations, and no one has been fired, the lack of accountability.”

Ondrasik said the song has already garnered a strong and supportive reaction, although it is not really a song that can be enjoyed.

“The word I’ve heard a lot from Americans as they look at Afghanistan is ‘ashamed,’ not ‘angry,’” Ondrasik says. “I didn’t want to write this song. I don’t want to sing it, but I think we owe it to ourselves, and we owe it to the Afghans. We have to admit our complicity in this.”

This week, Ondrasik is going on his first major concert tour since the pandemic hit, backed by a string quartet — and while he will perform “Blood on my Hands,” he will perform it alone, after his main set. Ondrasik says he knows the irritation people can feel when an artist not known for politics suddenly gets up on a soapbox.

“This song came in just the last couple weeks, and a lot of people probably don’t even know about it,” he says. “I have four people with me on stage, so we’re going to do my set, and after my show, I’m going to invite anyone who would like to stay, please stay; if you’re not comfortable, thank you. . . . And if the venue won’t let me do it, then we’ll do it in the parking lot.”

Ondrasik is involved with several groups attempting to help Americans in Afghanistan and Afghan refugees, including the Nazarene Fund. His concert tour dates can be found here.

Elsewhere, Samaritan’s Purse offers an update on the services it is providing to Afghan refugees who are currently in camps in eastern Europe — medical care, haircuts, blankets, kites, balls, and other toys for the children. And Team Rubicon is currently supporting the management of donated goods and setting up the logistics at each donation point for collections and distribution at seven U.S. military bases hosting Afghan refugees.

Meanwhile, over at the United Nations . . .

President Biden will address the United Nations General Assembly today. Yesterday, after an evening meeting with Secretary-General António Guterres of the United Nations, Biden declared that, “And the Secretary-General and I share a strong commitment to the principles of human freedom and human dignity on which the U.N. was founded.” Biden did not mention Afghanistan, and the country was not mentioned in the official readout of Biden’s meeting with Guterres, but the two men “reaffirmed the strong partnership between the United States and the United Nations which, in particular, is based on common values that include respect for universal human rights, fundamental freedoms, and international law. They discussed the importance of multilateralism and the defense of democracy and the rules-based international order.”

Oddly enough, in an interview two days ago, Secretary-General Guterres had plenty to say about Afghanistan.

“The institutions we have, have no teeth. And sometimes, even when they have teeth, like in the case of the Security Council, they have not much appetite to bite,” Guterres said. “We see the terrorist groups emboldened by the situation in Afghanistan, the victory of the Taliban.” Asked what his message to member states was, Guterres said that, “My main message? It’s time to ring the alarm bell. We are on the verge of a precipice and we are moving in the wrong direction. Look at [COVID-19] vaccination, look at the difficulties in bringing together all countries to make sure that we make COP26 [the climate-change conference] a success. Look at the multiplication of conflicts we have witnessed in the last few months. We need to change course, and we need to wake up. So, my message to the leaders? Wake up, change course, unite, and let’s try to defeat the enormous challenges we are facing today.”

On Friday, the State Department’s principal deputy spokesperson, Jalina Porter, said that in total, between the charter flights and the overland crossings, 36 U.S. citizens and 24 lawful permanent residents have departed Afghanistan since August 31. She said that nearly three weeks after the last U.S. forces left the country, the State Department remained unable to provide precise figures on how many U.S. citizens and lawful permanent residents were still in the country because “the situation is very dynamic, and as we have more precise and specific details, we’ll be able to provide those.”

Porter also declared that, “Defending human rights and democratic values at home and around the world is essential to renewing the United States’ national strength and advancing our interests.”

This morning, a new report from Amnesty International concluded that, “In just over five weeks since assuming control of Afghanistan, the Taliban have clearly demonstrated that they are not serious about protecting or respecting human rights. We have already seen a wave of violations, from reprisal attacks and restrictions on women, to crackdowns on protests, the media and civil society. . . . Given the prevailing climate of fear, lack of mobile connectivity in many areas, and internet blackouts enforced by the Taliban, these findings are likely to represent just a snapshot of what’s happening on the ground.”

How About Those Strong Alliances, Huh?

Meanwhile, the president who pledged to restore U.S. alliances has apparently alienated Europe so severely that they are reevaluating their long-term interests.

“There is of course in Europe a growing feeling that something is broken in our transatlantic relations,” Thierry Breton, the EU commissioner for internal markets, told the Financial Times. He added that, “It’s true that we hear some voices in Europe saying that probably after what happened over the past two months, it may be a good idea to reassess everything we are doing, and our partnership. . . . In this council, there are a lot of things that we can see pretty clearly what we can bring and will bring to the U.S., maybe it’s not always clear what the U.S. can bring to us.”

ADDENDUM: Elsewhere in the Financial Times, a look at amateur or hobbyist “garage scientists” who are using CRISPR technology to edit and manipulate DNA, and how easily the technology could be used to cook up new biological weapons that could be used for “mass or targeted attacks.”

Someone warned you about all this back in November! Adeola Ready (talk) 20:47, 21 September 2021 (UTC)

Who’s Rich Enough to Pay Higher Tax Rates, According to Democrats?

Federal tax rates on income have risen four times in the last 35 years.

In 1990, a Democratic Congress enacted a tax increase on married couples making more than $82,000, which works out to $176,000 in today’s dollars.

In 1993, another Democratic Congress enacted a tax increase on married couples making more than $140,000, or $268,000 in today’s dollars. In 2010, a Democratic Congress raised taxes on married couples making more than $250,000, or $316,000 today.

In 2013, Democrats sought to raise taxes on married couples making more than $250,000 but settled in a split Congress for an increase on couples making more than $450,000, or $535,000 today.

Today, Democrats are proposing to increase income-tax rates on couples making more than $450,000.

This history is part of the context of Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s infamous “TAX THE RICH” dress. Over time, as the Democratic Party’s coalition has grown more affluent (and more concentrated in high-cost areas), the line between middle-class households who need to be protected from higher tax rates and rich people who should pay them keeps inching higher. The congresswoman herself denies that she means to include doctors in her category of rich people. Their median pay in 2020 was $208,000. “Physician” is the most common job held by people in the top 1 percent of income. Adeola Ready (talk) 20:55, 21 September 2021 (UTC)

‘Relentless Diplomacy’

The problem with Joe Biden’s going to the United Nations to promise a “new era of relentless diplomacy” is that while he says that, he keeps showing our allies that he has no intention whatsoever of pursuing anything of the kind. The Biden administration already has made it perfectly clear — clear above all to our allies — that this president and his team are hopelessly incapable of even partially liberating foreign policy from the day-to-day demands of domestic politics, which heave from one half-articulated priority to another, lurching from crisis to crisis. Biden’s notional goal — building a free-world alliance to contain Beijing — is the right one, but it already is obvious that the Biden administration does not have what it takes to turn that rhetoric into strategy. For more than a decade, Washington has been enjoying the perks of leadership without doing the work of leadership. That is not a situation that is going to last forever. Adeola Ready (talk) 21:04, 21 September 2021 (UTC)

NASA’s Artemis Robotic Rover, Called VIPER, is Set to Land at Edge of Nobile Crater at the Moon’s South Pole

NASA Artemis Rover VIPER Moon South Pole Landing When NASA’s Volatiles Investigating Polar Exploration Rover (VIPER) lands near the western edge of the Nobile Crater at the Moon’s South Pole in 2023, it will map and explore the region’s surface as well as subsurface for water. It’s set to launch atop a SpaceX Falcon-Heavy rocket for delivery to the Moon by Astrobotic’s Griffin lander under NASA’s Commercial Lunar Payload Services initiative. Read more for two videos and additional information. All of the data it gathers will help scientists confirm that ice and other potential resources exist in permanently shadowed areas of the Moon near the poles. A mountainous area west of Nobile Crater was selected as its landing site due to its rover-accessible terrain and various nearby sites of scientific interest, including permanently shadowed areas. This crater was most likely formed through a collision with another smaller celestial body, and is nearly always covered in shadows, thus allowing ice to exist there.

Selecting a landing site for VIPER is an exciting and important decision for all of us. Years of study have gone into evaluating the polar region VIPER will explore. VIPER is going into uncharted territory—informed by science—to test hypotheses and reveal critical information for future human space exploration,” said Daniel Andrews, VIPER project manager. Adeola Ready (talk) 21:18, 21 September 2021 (UTC)

Sudan failed coup: Government blames pro-Bashir elements

Sudan says that "forces of darkness" linked to the ousted President Omar al-Bashir were behind Tuesday's failed coup attempt.

"Remnants from the previous regime" were "intent on aborting the civilian democratic transition", said Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok in a separate message.

He described it as an "orchestrated coup attempt".

Bashir, who had been in power for three decades, was toppled two years ago.

The current administration - involving the military, civilian representatives and protest groups - was then established as part of a power-sharing agreement.

Reuters news agency quotes the Sudanese military as saying 21 officers and a number of soldiers had been detained in connection with the failed putsch, and are continuing to search for the rest of the culprits.

Earlier reports on Tuesday from the capital, Khartoum, and nearby Omdurman described intense military activity, and the main bridge across the River Nile was shut.

In the small hours, shooting was heard near a military base housing a tank division in Omdurman, journalist Mohammed Alamin told the BBC's Focus on Africa programme.

Then shortly after a news flash on state TV said that a coup attempt had been thwarted.

The coup plotters had tried but failed to take over a building housing the state media.

Prime Minister Hamdok said his government would "take immediate measures to fortify the transition and continue to dismantle the system of the former regime, which still poses a threat to the transition".

Several coup attempts have taken place in Sudan in the years since President Bashir was toppled, the BBC's media monitoring service reports.

Mr Hamdok said several days of unrest in Port Sudan in the east of the country were also part of a plot to destabilise the country.

There has been tension within the Sovereign Council which is supposed to be overseeing a return to civilian rule.

"We're not going back... there are people trying to turn back the hands of time," said Information Minister Hamza Baloul in a statement read earlier on state TV.

He added that "forces of darkness were targeting the revolution" started by mass popular protests against then-President Bashir, but said government bodies would be the "first line of defence" protecting Sudan's transition.

Correspondents say some elements within the military are likely to be strongly opposed to a transition that will see them lose considerable power.

The Sudanese government says the situation in the country is now "under control".

Video footage shared on Tuesday morning appeared to show armoured vehicles on city streets, but reports from Khartoum now say traffic is now flowing smoothly in central Khartoum and its bridges are open.

Sudan's state news agency has published photos of the leader of Sudan's Transitional Military Council (TMC), Lt-Gen Abdel Fattah Abdelrahman Burhan, visiting the armoured division headquarters after the aborted coup:

Mohanad Hashim, a journalist for government-run Sudan TV in Khartoum, reports that the Bashir loyalists blamed for the coup say they are disgruntled with Sudan's tough economic situation.

The BBC's Africa correspondent Catherine Byaruhanga says Sudan's transitional government is under pressure to deliver economic and political reforms amid competing demands from conservative and liberal constituencies.

President Biden urges unity in first UN speech amid tensions with allies

In his first address to the United Nations, US President Joe Biden has urged global cooperation through "a decisive decade for our world".

His calls for unity come amid tensions with allies over the US' Afghanistan withdrawal and a major diplomatic row with France over a submarine deal.

The US also announced it was doubling its climate finance pledge by 2024.

Reaffirming his support for democracy and diplomacy, Mr Biden said: "We must work together like never before."

The 76th General Assembly in New York City takes place against the backdrop of a climate crisis and a once-in-a-century pandemic, both of which have sharpened global divides.

Mr Biden pushed for cooperation on these fronts, saying: "Whether we choose to fight for our shared future or not will reverberate for generations to come. Simply put, we stand, in my view, at an inflection point in history."

What else did Biden say? Mr Biden on Tuesday stressed that the US is "not seeking a new Cold War or a world divided into rigid blocs".

The US, he said, "is ready to work with any nation that steps up and pursues peaceful resolution to shared challenges, even if we have intense disagreements in other areas".

The remark appeared to be a response to UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres, who this weekend warned the US and China were headed for "a Cold War that would be different from the past one, and probably more dangerous and more difficult to manage".

The president also touted the pullout from Afghanistan, which has been criticised by allies at home and abroad, saying the US was ending a "period of relentless war" for a "new era of relentless diplomacy".

Mr Biden offered a key pledge on climate finance as well, saying the US will increase funding for developing countries to $11.4bn (£8.3bn) by 2024. This means the US will offer just over half of the European Union's pledge to help poorer nations cope with climate change.

Has climate pledge to poor countries been met? The developed world had pledged to provide these countries $100bn a year by 2020 but this has still not been achieved.

UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson - who is meeting with Mr Biden later on Tuesday - praised the "massive contribution" and said the US had "stepped up to the plate".

At the end of his first address, Mr Biden promised that the US would lead "with our allies".

"We will lead on all the greatest challenges of our time, from Covid to climate, human dignity and human rights, but we will not go it alone," he said.

Why are allies sceptical? World leaders at odds with former President Donald Trump had hoped for a more stable and reliable America under his successor's leadership - but Mr Biden's most recent foreign policy moves have made some uneasy.

The US' lack of coordination during the Afghanistan exit after two decades of war rankled allies and led to an international scramble to evacuate. The Nato mission at the time of the withdrawal comprised troops from 36 countries, three-quarters of whom were non-American.

How Europe's relationship with Joe Biden turned sour Last week, a trilateral US-UK deal to provide Australia with nuclear-powered submarines infuriated the French, who had their own five-year-old contract to build conventional submarines for the Australians. French foreign minister Jean-Yves Le Drian described the agreement as "a stab in the back", and the top French diplomats in both countries were recalled.

The Biden administration has also seen international criticism over alleged US hoarding of Covid-19 vaccines and non-reciprocal travel restrictions, as well as frugality with climate aid. After four years of America First and Donald Trump's isolationist nationalism, this was a speech the leaders of the liberal democracies wanted to cheer. But Joe Biden's first appearance before the UN General Assembly will be treated with a good deal of scepticism after America's shambolic departure from Afghanistan.

That said, the US president was determined to push his more outward looking view of the world. And turning a page, he was able to say this was the first time in 20 years that America wasn't at war.

British diplomats will have cheered his pledge to double to $11.4bn the money to tackle climate change by 2024 - something they have been lobbying the White House relentlessly on.

One issue that enjoys bipartisan support in Washington is the threat posed by China - the driving force behind the new security partnership with Britain and Australia. He didn't mention the world's other superpower by name, but it's clear who he was talking about.

The US president has had a torrid, horrid summer. This speech was an attempt to reassure America's international allies - and to put flesh on the bones of his claim that "America is back".

Paul Rusesabagina: From Hotel Rwanda Hero to Convicted Terrorist

Words can be "powerful tools of life", he wrote in his 2006 book, but now they have landed him in prison.

Rusesabagina, who left Rwanda in 1996, went from hero to enemy of the state in a short time as his criticism of the post-genocide government grew louder. It gradually morphed into calls for regime change.

In a video message in 2018, he was recorded as saying that "the time has come for us to use any means possible to bring about change in Rwanda. As all political means have been tried and failed, it is time to attempt our last resort".

By that point he was the leader of an opposition coalition in exile, the Rwanda Movement for Democratic Change (MRCD). Its armed wing, the National Liberation Front (FLN), had been accused of carrying out attacks in Rwanda earlier in 2018.

Taxi driver in Belgium Rwanda's government, under President Paul Kagame, has a reputation for dealing harshly with opponents in exile.

Mr Kagame, a Tutsi, led the forces that ended the slaughter and later went on to become president.

A number of his critics have been killed, or attempts have been made on their lives, but the government has always dismissed suggestions that it was involved.

Rusesabagina had long complained of harassment from Rwandan agents. In 2009, he left Belgium, where he had settled with his family, for the US after his home was burgled several times and important documents were stolen.

His journey to pariah status began after the film Hotel Rwanda was released in 2005.

Rusesabagina's story had remained largely unknown for a decade, while he worked as a taxi driver in the Belgian capital, Brussels.

It was featured in a section of journalist Philip Gourevitch's 1998 book about the genocide, but it was the Hollywood movie, where he was played by Don Cheadle, that brought him global attention.

Rusesabagina was then given several awards including the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the US' highest civilian honour, by George W Bush in 2005. "His life reminds us of our moral duty to confront evil in all its forms," read the citation.

The movie's premiere in his home country was in front of 10,000 people in a stadium in the capital, Kigali, which Rusesabagina was expected to attend.

But he never travelled to Rwanda. The official explanation was that he was unwell but the screening came at a time when he was saying that Hutus were now being targeted by the Tutsi-led government.

An Ordinary Man was then published in 2006.

In it he described his early life in rural Rwanda in idyllic terms. He was one of nine children from a Hutu father and a Tutsi mother.

He went on to talk about what happened during the genocide, but there was a sting in the tail.

Towards the end, he described President Kagame as the "classic African strongman" adding that "the popular image persists that Rwanda is today a nation governed by and for the benefit of a small group of elite Tutsis".

'Manufactured hero' His prescription at the time, for the man who loved the power of words, was talking and he urged dialogue to help sort the country's problems out.

But Rusesabagina's reputation in Rwanda was crumbling. The state-run media started criticising him and Mr Kagame called him a "manufactured hero" in what some saw as a deliberate attempt to destroy the reputation of someone who dared to challenge him.

Some of the survivors began to contradict Rusesabagina's account.

In exile, he became more outspoken about what he saw as the targeting of Hutus. His backers have described him as a human rights defender calling out an oppressive government.

In 2007, Rusesabagina said a UN-backed war crimes court should put some members of Mr Kagame's party on trial for their alleged role in the genocide.

In a 2014 speech at the University of Michigan, he said that proxy groups operating on behalf of the Rwandan government had killed hundreds of thousands of Hutu refugees in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

A 2010 UN report had revealed some of the details, but the Rwandan government rejected it, calling it "flawed and dangerous".

'Kagame is the only judge' The rhetoric may have been grating for Mr Kagame, but it was Rusesabagina's links to the FLN, which had carried out attacks in Rwanda, that gave the authorities grounds to arrest him.

However his detention in August last year was highly controversial.

His family said that he had been abducted in Dubai and taken by force to Rwanda.

But in another version of events, described in court, former ally Constantin Niyomwungere said he had tricked him onto a plane by making him believe that he would be flying to Burundi.

President Kagame said he was not forced to go to Rwanda and compared Rusesabagina's journey to dialling a wrong number, adding that the process was "flawless".

Rusesabagina's family have also alleged that his basic human rights were violated in detention as he was held in solitary confinement and had limited access to his lawyers.

Once in court Rusesabagina did not deny a connection to the FLN.

"We formed [it] as an armed wing, not as a terrorist group as the prosecution keeps saying. I do not deny that the FLN committed crimes but my role was diplomacy," he argued. He also said that he never asked anyone to target civilians.

But earlier this year, he decided to withdraw from the trial arguing that he was not getting a fair hearing.

"He is a political prisoner," his daughter Carine Kanimba told the BBC, adding that "Paul Kagame is the only judge in the court" saying that he has had a "personal vendetta" against her father.

As a result the guilty verdict came as no surprise to Ms Kanimba, and the court was one forum where Rusesabagina's ability to use words to persuade people would not work. Adeola Ready (talk) 21:46, 21 September 2021 (UTC)

Abba's Bjorn Ulvaeus Launches Campaign to Fix £500m Music Royalty Problem

Abba star Bjorn Ulvaeus has launched a campaign to ensure musicians don't miss out on millions of pounds in royalties.

Called Credits Due, the scheme aims to ensure all songwriters and musicians are correctly identified when a song is recorded.

At present, missing and incomplete data means that about £500m is unallocated or misallocated globally every year.

"It happens frequently," Ulvaeus told the BBC. "Which means that streaming services don't know who to pay."

The scheme will also ensure fans see the correct credits for songs - from the writers and producers to the session musicians and engineers.

"We want to get back to that experience we had when we opened a double-sleeved LP and listened to the songs while reading the liner notes," Ulvaeus explained. "I think that's a very valuable experience that young listeners today are missing."

Abba announce reunion album and virtual concert Meet the writers who told pop stars: 'Stop stealing' The scheme will ensure that every person who is involved in the creation of a song will be "clickable in the digital liner notes", allowing you to look up every other record they have worked on.

"Every new person that walks into the recording studio will be registered," Ulvaeus said. "So, even in a symphony orchestra, every member will be clickable."

The Abba star launched the scheme at Tuesday's Ivor Novello Awards in London - which recognise the contribution of songwriters. Among the attendees, there was widespread support for the idea.

"I think it's really important because there's lots of people behind the scenes that don't get the credit they deserve," said singer Emeli Sande.

"You've got musicians that have practised and refined their art for their whole lives - so yeah, I'm very happy to support Bjorn."

Songwriter MNEK, who has penned hits for Little Mix and Beyoncé and scored his own number one single last year with Head and Heart, said: "I think it highlights that more that goes into making music, than just being a pop star."

'What a mess' The Credits Due campaign tackles one of the most boring, broken, complex and crucial problems facing the music industry: metadata.

When a song is released, either on CD and vinyl or on a streaming service like Spotify, it includes a huge amount of underlying information, including titles, alternative titles, featured artists, songwriter and producer names, publishers, and much more.

That information needs to be synchronised with databases around the world to make sure the right people get paid when a song is streamed, bought or played.

Often, that doesn't happen - and with 60,000 new songs uploaded to Spotify every day, the problem is growing. "Can you imagine what a mess it is?" asked Ulvaeus.

The new scheme is backed by The Ivors Academy for songwriters and The Music Rights Awareness Foundation, which Ulvaeus founded with songwriters Max Martin and Niclas Molinder in 2016.

Together they are launching an app to help songwriters, producers and record labels gather all the necessary data before a song is released.

"It's in the interest of all these people to get it right," said Ulvaeus. "Today, in 2021, there's really no excuse."

The star was speaking three weeks after Abba unveiled their comeback - with a new album and a virtual tour that will launch in the UK next May.

Their return, after a 39-year break, was met with a rapturous reception around the world. Two new singles, Don't Shut Me Down and I Still Have Faith In You, entered the UK top 20, while the Abba Voyage album broke pre-sale records.

"I didn't anticipate it being so global," said Ulvaeus. "How that happened, I don't know. But I'm very grateful."

He explained that the concert will feature a mixture of live music and pre-recorded elements, with a live band augmenting the "Abba avatars" on stage.

Some of the songs may sound different - singers Agnetha Faltskog and Anni-Frid Lyngstad now sing "one tone lower than they used to" - but he said the group "laughed all the time" during rehearsals Adeola Ready (talk) 21:54, 21 September 2021 (UTC)

CIA officer 'Suffered from Havana Syndrome' during India Trip

A CIA officer who was travelling to India this month with the agency's director has reported symptoms consistent with so-called Havana syndrome, US media report.

Three unnamed sources told US media that the officer has received medical attention for the mystery illness.

The CIA has not responded to requests for comment by the BBC.

It's the second reported case in less than a month, as US authorities continue to investigate its cause.

In August, Vice President Kamala Harris' flight from Singapore to Vietnamese capital Hanoi was briefly delayed after an American official reported symptoms similar to Havana syndrome.

The syndrome first affected people at the US and Canadian embassies in Havana, Cuba, in 2016 and 2017. Dozens of other episodes have since been reported by American officials in the US, China, Russia, Germany and Austria.

Those affected say they have experienced a sudden onset of pressure sensations inside their heads, and of hearing strange buzzing sounds coming from a particular direction. Others have complained of dizziness, nausea and fatigue, among other symptoms.

‘Havana syndrome’ and the mystery of the microwaves Is Russia targeting CIA spies with secret weapons? A scientific study of those affected in Cuba, published in 2018, found that the diplomats had experienced a form of brain injury. The cause was not conclusively determined, but researchers said it was most likely the result of directed microwave radiation.

Other studies have suggested that ultrasound, pesticides or other harmful substances may be to blame.

Sources told CNN and the New York Times that CIA Director William J. Burns was angered by the latest incident in India.

Some officials at the CIA believe the incident was carried out by an adversarial power, sending a message to Mr Burns that no-one is safe, CNN reported.

Officials are also concerned about how the potential perpetrator knew in advance about the director's visit, which was a closely guarded secret, the broadcaster added.

In June, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken announced a review into the causes of the illness.

A US government source told Reuters news agency that a dedicated task force is being led by a CIA official once involved in the search for Osama Bin Laden.

The investigation is expected to be finished before the end of this year, but it may continue for longer, and no public report is planned, CNN reported. Adeola Ready (talk) 21:59, 21 September 2021 (UTC)

Àwọn Nọ́mbà Yorùbá

Àwọn Nọ́mbà Yorùbá

0 odo 1 ení 2 èjì 3 ẹ̀ta 4 ẹ̀rin 5 àrún 6 ẹ̀fà 7 èje 8 ẹ̀jọ 9 ẹ̀sán 10 ẹ̀wá 11 ọ̀kanlá 12 èjìlá 13 ẹ̀talá 14 ẹ̀rinlá 15 ẹ́ẹdógún 16 ẹẹ́rìndílógún 17 eétàdílógún 18 eéjìdílógún 19 oókàndílógún 20 ogún 21 ọkanlelogun 22 ejilelogun 23 ẹtalelogun 24 ẹrinlelogun 25 ẹ́ẹdọ́gbọ̀n 26 ẹrindinlọgbọn 27 ẹtadinlọgbọn 28 ejidinlọgbọn 29 ọkandinlọgbọn 30 ọgbọ̀n 31 ọkanlelọgbọn 32 ejilelọgbọn 33 ẹtalelọgbọn 34 ẹrinlelọgbọn 35 arundinlogoji 36 ẹrindinlogoji 37 ẹtadinlogoji 38 ejidinlogoji 39 ọkandinlogoji 40 ogójì 50 àádọ́ta 60 ọgọ́ta 70 àádọ́rin 80 ọgọ́rin 90 àádọ́rùn 100 ọgọ́rùn 110 àádọ́fà 120 ọgọ́fà 130 àádóje 140 ogóje 150 àádọ́jọ 160 ọgọ́jọ 170 àádọ́sán 180 ọgọ́sàn 190 ẹ̀wadilúɡba 200 igba 300 ọ̀ọ́dúrún 400 irinwó 500 ọ̀ọ́dẹ́gbẹ̀ta 600 ẹgbẹ̀ta 700 ọ̀ọ́dẹ́gbẹ̀rin 800 ẹgbẹ̀rin 900 ẹ̀ẹ́dẹ́gbẹ̀rún 1,000 ẹgbẹ̀rún 2,000 ẹgbẹ̀wá 3,000 ẹgbẹ́ẹdógún 4,000 ẹgbàajì 5,000 ẹgbẹ́ẹdọ́gbọ̀n 6,000 ẹgbàáta 7,000 ẹ̀ẹ́dẹ́ɡbarin 8,000 ẹgbàárin 9,000 ẹ̀ẹ́dẹ́ɡbàárùn 10,000 ẹgbàárùn 100,000 ọkẹ́ marun 1,000,000 àádọ́ta ọkẹ́

1. Nomba #Yoruba
2. nomba_yoruba
3. YorubaNomba
4. NombaYoruba Adeola Ready (talk) 12:15, 25 September 2021 (UTC)

Names of Months in Yoruba Language

Names of Months in Yoruba Language

Oṣù Ṣẹ̀rẹ́ - January Oṣù Èrèlè - February Oṣù Ẹrẹ̀nà - March Oṣù Ìgbé - April Oṣù Ẹ̀bìbì - May Oṣù Òkúdu - June Oṣù Agẹmọ - July Oṣù Ògún - August Oṣù Ọ̀wẹwẹ - September Oṣù Ọ̀wàrà - October Oṣù Bélú - November Oṣù Ọ̀pẹ́ - December Adeola Ready (talk) 14:02, 25 September 2021 (UTC)

Months of the Yearear in Yoruba in Language

Oṣù Ṣẹ̀rẹ́ - January

Oṣù Èrèlè - February

Oṣù Ẹrẹ̀nà - March

Oṣù Ìgbé - April

Oṣù Ẹ̀bìbì - May

Oṣù Òkúdu - June

Oṣù Agẹmọ - July

Oṣù Ògún - August

Oṣù Ọ̀wẹwẹ - September

Oṣù Ọ̀wàrà - October

Oṣù Bélú - November

Oṣù Ọ̀pẹ́ - December Adeola Ready (talk) 14:11, 25 September 2021 (UTC)

Days of the Week Names in Yoruba Language

English. Yoruba

Sunday Ọjọ́-Àìkú

Monday Ọjọ́-Ajé

Tuesday Ọjọ́-Ìṣégun

Wednesday Ọjọ́-rú

Thursday O̩jọ́-Bò

Friday O̩jó̩-Ẹtì

Saturday Ọjọ́-Àbámẹ́ta

Iṣiro alakọbẹrẹ ede Yoruba

Iṣiro alakọbẹrẹ jẹ ipin irọrun ti iṣiro ti o pẹlu awọn iṣẹ ṣiṣe ti kika, afikun, iyokuro, isodipupo, ati pipin. Ko yẹ ki o dapo pẹlu iṣiro iṣẹ ṣiṣe alakọbẹrẹ.

Iṣiro alakọbẹrẹ bẹrẹ pẹlu awọn nọmba adayeba ati awọn aami kikọ (awọn nọmba) ti o ṣoju fun wọn. Ilana fun apapọ apapọ awọn nọmba wọnyi pẹlu awọn iṣẹ ipilẹ mẹrin ti aṣa dale lori awọn abajade ti a sọ di mimọ fun awọn iye kekere ti awọn nọmba, pẹlu awọn akoonu ti tabili isodipupo lati ṣe iranlọwọ pẹlu isodipupo ati pipin.

Iṣiro alakọbẹrẹ tun pẹlu awọn ida ati awọn nọmba odi, eyiti o le ṣe aṣoju lori laini nọmba kan.

Awọn nọmba naa Ṣatunkọ

Nkan akọkọ: Nọmba nọmba

Awọn nọmba jẹ gbogbo ṣeto awọn aami ti a lo lati ṣe aṣoju awọn nọmba. Ninu eto nọnba kan pato, nọmba kan ṣoṣo duro fun iye ti o yatọ ju nọmba eyikeyi miiran lọ, botilẹjẹpe awọn aami inu eto nọmba nọmba kanna le yatọ laarin awọn aṣa.

Ni lilo igbalode, nọnba Arabic jẹ ṣeto awọn aami ti o wọpọ julọ, ati fọọmu ti a lo nigbagbogbo ti awọn nọmba wọnyi jẹ ara Iwọ -oorun. Nọmba kọọkan, ti o ba lo bi nọmba iduro, baamu awọn oye wọnyi: 0, odo. Ti a lo ni isansa ti awọn nkan lati ka. Fun apẹẹrẹ, ọna ti o yatọ lati sọ “ko si awọn ọpá nibi”, ni lati sọ “nọmba awọn igi nibi 0”. 1, ọkan. Ti lo si ohun elo kan. Fun apẹẹrẹ, igi kan niyi: Emi 2, meji. Ti lo si awọn nkan meji. Eyi ni awọn ọpá meji: Emi I 3, mẹta. Ti lo si awọn nkan mẹta. Eyi ni awọn ọpá mẹta: Emi Emi I 4, mẹrin. Ti lo si awọn nkan mẹrin. Eyi ni awọn ọpá mẹrin: I I I I I 5, marun. Ti lo si awọn nkan marun. Eyi ni awọn ọpá marun: I I I I I I 6, mefa. Ti lo si awọn nkan mẹfa. Eyi ni awọn igi mẹfa: I I I I I I I 7, meje. Ti lo si awọn nkan meje. Eyi ni awọn ọpá meje: I I I I I I I I 8, mẹjọ. Ti lo si awọn nkan mẹjọ. Eyi ni awọn igi mẹjọ: I I I I I I I I I 9, mẹsan. Ti a lo si awọn nkan mẹsan. Eyi ni awọn igi mẹsan: I I I I I I I I I I I

Eto nọnba eyikeyi n ṣalaye iye gbogbo awọn nọmba ti o ni nọmba diẹ sii ju ọkan lọ, nigbagbogbo nipasẹ afikun iye fun awọn nọmba to wa nitosi. Eto nọnba Hindu -Arabic pẹlu ifitonileti ipo lati pinnu iye fun nọmba eyikeyi. Ninu iru eto yii, ilosoke ninu iye fun nọmba afikun pẹlu ọkan tabi diẹ sii isodipupo pẹlu iye radix ati abajade ti ṣafikun si iye ti nọmba to wa nitosi. Pẹlu awọn nọmba ara Arabia, iye radix ti mẹwa ṣe agbejade iye ti mọkanlelogun (dọgba si 2 × 10 + 1) fun nọmba “21”. Isodipupo afikun pẹlu iye radix waye fun nọmba afikun kọọkan, nitorinaa nọmba “201” duro fun iye ti meji-ọgọrun-ati-ọkan (dọgba si 2 × 10 × 10 + 0 × 10 + 1).

Ipele alakọbẹrẹ ti ẹkọ ni igbagbogbo pẹlu agbọye iye ti olukuluku odidi awọn nọmba nipa lilo awọn nọmba ara Arabia pẹlu iwọn awọn nọmba meje, ati ṣiṣe awọn iṣẹ ipilẹ mẹrin ni lilo awọn nọmba ara Arabia pẹlu iwọn awọn nọmba mẹrin kọọkan.

Iṣiro

Lati ka ẹgbẹ awọn nkan tumọ si lati fi nọmba adayeba kan fun ọkọọkan awọn nkan naa, bi ẹni pe o jẹ aami fun nkan yẹn, iru pe a ko fi nọmba adayeba kan si ohun kan ayafi ti o ti ṣaju iṣaaju rẹ si ohun miiran, pẹlu imukuro pe odo ko ni sọtọ si eyikeyi ohun: nọmba adayeba ti o kere julọ lati pin jẹ ọkan, ati nọmba adayeba ti o tobi julọ ti o da da lori iwọn ẹgbẹ naa. O pe ni kika ati pe o dọgba si nọmba awọn nkan ninu ẹgbẹ yẹn. Iṣiro tun le rii bi ilana tallying ni lilo awọn ami tally.

Ilana ti kika ẹgbẹ kan ni atẹle yii:

Jẹ ki “kika” jẹ dọgba si odo. "Awọn kika" jẹ opoiye oniyipada, eyiti botilẹjẹpe o bẹrẹ pẹlu iye ti odo, laipẹ yoo yi iye rẹ pada ni ọpọlọpọ igba.

Wa o kere ju ohun kan ninu ẹgbẹ eyiti ko ni aami pẹlu nọmba adayeba kan. Ti ko ba ri iru nkan bẹẹ (ti gbogbo wọn ba ti samisi) lẹhinna kika ti pari. Bibẹẹkọ yan ọkan ninu awọn ohun ti ko ni aami.

Mu iṣiro pọ si nipasẹ ọkan. Iyẹn ni, rọpo iye ti kika nipasẹ arọpo rẹ.

Fi iye tuntun ti kika naa, bi aami kan, si ohun ti ko ni aami ti a yan ni Igbesẹ 2.

Lọ pada si Igbese 2.

Nigbati kika ba pari, iye ti o kẹhin ti kika yoo jẹ kika ikẹhin. Iṣiro yii jẹ dọgba si nọmba awọn nkan ninu ẹgbẹ.

Nigbagbogbo, nigbati o ba ka awọn nkan, ọkan ko tọju abala ohun ti aami nọmba jẹ ibamu si ohun ti: ọkan kan tọju abala ẹgbẹ -ẹgbẹ ti awọn nkan eyiti o ti ni aami tẹlẹ, lati le ni anfani lati ṣe idanimọ awọn nkan ti ko ni aami pataki fun Igbesẹ 2. Sibẹsibẹ , ti eniyan ba n ka awọn eniyan, lẹhinna eniyan le beere lọwọ awọn eniyan ti a ka si ọkọọkan tọju abala nọmba ti a fun ni funrararẹ ti eniyan naa. Lẹhin ti kika ti pari o ṣee ṣe lati beere lọwọ ẹgbẹ eniyan lati ṣe faili ni laini kan, ni ibere lati pọ si aami nọmba. Ohun ti awọn eniyan yoo ṣe lakoko ilana ti tito sile yoo jẹ nkan bii eyi: bata kọọkan ti eniyan ti ko ni idaniloju awọn ipo wọn ni laini beere lọwọ ara wọn kini awọn nọmba wọn jẹ: eniyan ti nọmba rẹ kere si yẹ ki o duro ni apa osi ati ọkan pẹlu nọmba ti o tobi ni apa ọtun ti eniyan miiran. Nitorinaa, awọn orisii eniyan ṣe afiwe awọn nọmba wọn ati awọn ipo wọn, ati yipo awọn ipo wọn bi o ṣe pataki, ati nipasẹ atunwi iru awọn iyipada ipo ti wọn di aṣẹ.

Ninu mathimatiki ti o ga julọ, ilana ti kika tun le ṣe afiwe si kikọ kikọ kan-si-ọkan (aka bijection) laarin awọn eroja ti ṣeto ati ṣeto {1, ..., n} (nibiti n jẹ a nọmba adayeba). Ni kete ti o ba ti fi iru ifọrọranṣẹ kan mulẹ, ipilẹ akọkọ lẹhinna ni a sọ pe o jẹ iwọn n.

Afikun (+)

Nigbati awọn nọmba meji ba ṣafikun papọ, abajade ni a pe ni akopọ. Awọn nọmba meji ti a ṣafikun papọ ni a pe ni awọn afikun.

Kini o tumọ lati ṣafikun awọn nọmba adayeba meji?

Kasowipe o ni baagi meji, apo kan ti o ni awọn eso igi marun ati apo keji ti o ni awọn eso mẹta. Gbigba apo kẹta, apo ṣofo, gbe gbogbo awọn eso lati awọn baagi akọkọ ati keji sinu apo kẹta. Apo kẹta ni bayi ni awọn eso mẹjọ. Eyi ṣe afihan idapọpọ ti awọn eso mẹta ati awọn eso marun jẹ awọn eso mẹjọ; tabi diẹ sii ni gbogbogbo: "mẹta pẹlu marun jẹ mẹjọ" tabi "mẹta pẹlu marun dọgba mẹjọ" tabi "mẹjọ ni apapọ ti mẹta ati marun". Awọn nọmba jẹ afọwọsi, ati afikun ti ẹgbẹ kan ti awọn nkan mẹta si ẹgbẹ awọn nkan marun yoo fun ẹgbẹ kan ti awọn nkan mẹjọ. Afikun jẹ ikojọpọ: awọn eto meji ti awọn nkan ti a ka lọtọ ni a fi sinu ẹgbẹ kan ti a si ka papọ: kika ti ẹgbẹ tuntun jẹ “akopọ” ti awọn iṣiro lọtọ ti awọn ẹgbẹ atilẹba meji.

Isẹ yii ti apapọ jẹ ọkan ninu ọpọlọpọ awọn itumọ ti o ṣeeṣe ti iṣẹ iṣiro ti afikun le ni. Awọn itumọ miiran fun afikun pẹlu:

ni ifiwera ("Tom ni awọn eso -igi 5. Jane ni awọn eso mẹta diẹ sii ju Tom lọ. Awọn eso melo ni Jane ni?"),

didapọ ("Tom ni awọn apples 5. Jane fun u ni awọn eso mẹta diẹ sii. Awọn eso melo ni Tom ni bayi?"),

idiwọn ("Iduro Tom jẹ fife 3 ẹsẹ. Jane tun jẹ ẹsẹ mẹta ni fifẹ. Bawo ni awọn tabili wọn yoo ṣe pọ to nigba ti a ba papọ?"),

ati paapaa nigbakan yiya sọtọ ("Tom ni diẹ ninu awọn apples. O fun 3 si Jane. Bayi o ni 5. Bawo ni ọpọlọpọ ni o bẹrẹ pẹlu?").

Ni apẹẹrẹ, afikun jẹ aṣoju nipasẹ “ami afikun”: +. Nitorinaa alaye naa “mẹta pẹlu marun dọgba mẹjọ” ni a le kọ ni apẹẹrẹ bi 3 + 5 = 8. Ilana ti a fi awọn nọmba meji kun ko ṣe pataki, nitorinaa 3 + 5 = 5 + 3 = 8. Eyi ni ohun -ini commutative ti afikun.

Lati ṣafikun awọn nọmba meji ni lilo tabili, wa ikorita ti ila ti nọmba akọkọ pẹlu ọwọn ti nọmba keji: ila ati ọwọn kọju si ni onigun mẹrin ti o ni akopọ awọn nọmba meji naa. Diẹ ninu awọn orisii awọn nọmba ṣafikun si awọn nọmba oni-nọmba meji, pẹlu nọmba mẹẹdogun nigbagbogbo jẹ 1. Ni afikun alugoridimu awọn nọmba mẹẹdogun ti akopọ ti awọn nọmba meji ni a pe ni “nọmba gbigbe”.

Alugoridimu Afikun

Fun ayedero, gbero awọn nọmba nikan pẹlu awọn nọmba mẹta tabi kere si. Lati ṣafikun awọn nọmba meji (ti a kọ ni awọn nọmba Arabic), kọ nọmba keji labẹ ọkan akọkọ, nitorinaa awọn laini nọmba ni ila ni awọn ọwọn: ọwọn ti o tọ julọ yoo ni awọn nọmba-nọmba ti nọmba keji labẹ awọn oni-nọmba ti nọmba akọkọ. Ọwọn ọtun julọ yii jẹ ọwọn-ọkan. Ọwọn lẹsẹkẹsẹ si apa osi rẹ jẹ ọwọn mẹwa. Ọwọn mẹẹdogun yoo ni nọmba mẹwa ti nọmba keji (ti o ba ni ọkan) labẹ nọmba mẹwa ti nọmba akọkọ (ti o ba ni ọkan). Ọwọn lẹsẹkẹsẹ si apa osi ti mẹẹdogun jẹ ọwọn ọgọọgọrun. Ọwọn ọgọọgọrun naa yoo laini nọmba awọn ọgọọgọrun ti nọmba keji (ti o ba wa) labẹ nọmba awọn ọgọọgọrun ti nọmba akọkọ (ti o ba wa).

Lẹhin nọmba keji ti kọ si isalẹ labẹ ọkan akọkọ ki awọn nọmba laini ni awọn ọwọn ti o pe, fa ila kan labẹ nọmba keji (isalẹ). Bẹrẹ pẹlu awọn iwe-ọkan: iwe-ọkan yẹ ki o ni awọn nọmba meji: awọn nọmba-nọmba ti nọmba akọkọ ati, labẹ rẹ, awọn nọmba-nọmba ti nọmba keji. Wa apao awọn nọmba meji wọnyi: kọ akopọ yii labẹ laini ati ninu iwe-ọkan. Ti apao ba ni awọn nọmba meji, lẹhinna kọ si isalẹ nikan awọn oni-nọmba ti akopọ naa. Kọ “nọmba gbigbe” loke nọmba oke ti iwe atẹle: ninu ọran yii iwe ti o tẹle jẹ ọwọn mewa, nitorinaa kọ 1 kan loke nọmba mẹwa ti nọmba akọkọ.

Ti nọmba mejeeji akọkọ ati keji kọọkan ni nọmba kan nikan lẹhinna a fun akopọ wọn ni tabili afikun, ati algorithm afikun ko wulo.

Lẹhinna ba wa ni ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun. Oju-iwe mewa naa le ni awọn nọmba meji: nọmba mewa ti nọmba akọkọ ati nọmba mẹwa mẹwa ti nọmba keji. Ti ọkan ninu awọn nọmba ba ni nọmba mẹẹdogun ti o padanu lẹhinna nọmba mẹwa fun nọmba yii ni a le gba pe o jẹ 0. Fi awọn nọmba mẹwa mẹwa ti awọn nọmba meji naa kun. Lẹhinna, ti nọmba gbigbe ba wa, ṣafikun si akopọ yii. Ti akopọ naa ba jẹ 18 lẹhinna fifi nọmba oni-nọmba kun si yoo ma jẹ 19. Ti akopọ awọn nọmba mẹwa (pẹlu nọmba gbigbe, ti o ba jẹ ọkan) kere ju mẹwa lẹhinna kọ sinu ọwọn mẹẹdogun labẹ laini. Ti apao ba ni awọn nọmba meji lẹhinna kọ nọmba rẹ ti o kẹhin ninu iwe-mẹẹdogun labẹ laini, ki o gbe nọmba akọkọ rẹ (eyiti o yẹ ki o jẹ 1) kọja si iwe atẹle: ninu ọran yii ọwọn ọgọọgọrun.

Ti ko ba si ọkan ninu awọn nọmba meji ti o ni nọmba-ọgọọgọrun lẹhinna ti ko ba si nọmba gbigbe lẹhinna algorithm afikun ti pari. Ti nọmba gbigbe ba wa (ti a gbe lọ lati ọwọn-mewa) lẹhinna kọ sinu ọwọn ọgọọgọrun labẹ laini, ati pe alugoridimu ti pari. Nigbati alugoridimu pari, nọmba ti o wa labẹ laini jẹ akopọ ti awọn nọmba meji.

Ti o ba jẹ pe o kere ju ọkan ninu awọn nọmba naa ni nọmba-ọgọọgọrun lẹhinna ti ọkan ninu awọn nọmba ba ni nọmba-ọgọọgọrun ti o padanu lẹhinna kọ nọmba 0 ni aaye rẹ. Ṣafikun awọn nọmba meji awọn ọgọọgọrun, ati si akopọ wọn ṣafikun nọmba gbigbe ti o ba wa. Lẹhinna kọ akopọ ti awọn ọgọọgọrun-ọwọn labẹ laini, tun ninu ọwọn ọgọọgọrun naa. Ti apao ba ni awọn nọmba meji lẹhinna kọ nọmba ti o kẹhin ti akopọ ni ọgọọgọrun ati kọ nọmba gbigbe si apa osi rẹ: lori ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun-iwe.

Lati wa akopọ awọn nọmba 653 ati 274, kọ nọmba keji labẹ akọkọ, pẹlu awọn nọmba ti o wa ni ibamu ni awọn ọwọn, bi atẹle:

653274

Lẹhinna fa ila kan labẹ nọmba keji ki o fi ami afikun sii. Afikun naa bẹrẹ pẹlu awọn iwe-ọkan. Nọmba ọkan ti nọmba akọkọ jẹ 3 ati ti nọmba keji jẹ 4. Apapo mẹta ati mẹrin jẹ meje, nitorinaa kọ 7 kan ninu awọn iwe-ọkan labẹ laini:

653+2747

Nigbamii, ọwọn-mewa. Nọmba mewa ti nọmba akọkọ jẹ 5, ati nọmba mẹwa mẹwa ti nọmba keji jẹ 7. 5 pẹlu 7 jẹ 12, eyiti o ni awọn nọmba meji, nitorinaa kọ nọmba rẹ ti o kẹhin, 2, ninu iwe-mẹẹdogun labẹ laini , ki o kọ nọmba gbigbe lori ọgọọgọrun-loke loke nọmba akọkọ:

1653+27427

Nigbamii, ọgọọgọrun-ọwọn. Awọn ọgọọgọrun-nọmba ti nọmba akọkọ jẹ 6, lakoko ti awọn ọgọọgọrun-nọmba ti nọmba keji jẹ 2. Apapọ mẹfa ati meji jẹ mẹjọ, ṣugbọn nọmba gbigbe kan wa, eyiti o ṣafikun si mẹjọ jẹ dọgba si mẹsan. Kọ 9 labẹ laini ni ọgọọgọrun-ọwọn:

1653+274927

Ko si awọn nọmba (ati pe ko si awọn ọwọn) ti a ko fi silẹ, nitorinaa algorithm pari, ti o fun idogba atẹle bi abajade:

653 + 274 = 927

Iyokuro (-)

Iyokuro jẹ iṣiṣẹ mathematiki eyiti o ṣe apejuwe opoiye ti o dinku. Abajade isẹ yii ni iyatọ laarin awọn nọmba meji, mininuend ati iyokuro. Bi pẹlu afikun, iyokuro le ni nọmba awọn itumọ, bii:

yiya sọtọ ("Tom ni awọn eso 8. O fun ni ni awọn eso mẹta. Melo ni o fi silẹ?")

ni ifiwera ("Tom ni awọn eso 8. Jane ni awọn eso ti o kere ju 3 lọ. Tom melo ni Jane ni?")

apapọ ("Tom ni awọn eso 8. Mẹta ti awọn apples jẹ alawọ ewe ati iyoku jẹ pupa. Melo ni pupa?")

ati nigba miiran didapọ ("Tom ni diẹ ninu awọn apples. Jane fun u ni awọn eso apple 3 diẹ sii, nitorinaa o ni awọn apples 8. Melo ni o bẹrẹ pẹlu?").

Bi pẹlu afikun, awọn itumọ miiran ti o ṣeeṣe wa, gẹgẹbi išipopada.

Ni aami, ami iyokuro (" -") duro fun isẹ iyokuro. Nitorinaa ọrọ naa “iyokuro marun ti o dọgba meji” ni a tun kọ bi 5 - 3 = 2. Ninu iṣiro ipilẹ, iyokuro nlo awọn nọmba rere ti o kere fun gbogbo awọn iye lati ṣe awọn solusan ti o rọrun.

Ko dabi afikun, iyokuro kii ṣe idawọle, nitorinaa aṣẹ awọn nọmba ninu iṣẹ le yi abajade pada. Nitorinaa, nọmba kọọkan ni a pese pẹlu orukọ iyatọ ti o yatọ. Nọmba akọkọ (5 ninu apẹẹrẹ iṣaaju) jẹ asọye ni ipilẹ bi minuend ati nọmba keji (3 ni apẹẹrẹ iṣaaju) bi iyọkuro. Iye ti minuend jẹ tobi ju iye ti subtrahend ki abajade jẹ nọmba to dara, ṣugbọn iye ti o kere ju ti minuend yoo yorisi awọn nọmba odi.

Awọn ọna pupọ lo wa lati ṣaṣepari iyokuro. Ọna ti a tọka si ni Amẹrika gẹgẹbi mathimatiki ibile kọ awọn ọmọ ile -iwe alakọbẹrẹ lati yọkuro ni lilo awọn ọna ti o yẹ fun iṣiro ọwọ. [1] Ọna pataki ti a lo yatọ lati orilẹ -ede si orilẹ -ede, ati laarin orilẹ -ede kan, awọn ọna oriṣiriṣi wa ni aṣa ni awọn akoko oriṣiriṣi. Awọn mathimatiki atunṣe jẹ iyasọtọ ni gbogbogbo nipasẹ aini ààyò fun eyikeyi ilana kan pato, rọpo nipasẹ didari awọn ọmọ ile-iwe 2nd lati ṣe awọn ọna iṣiro tiwọn, gẹgẹbi lilo awọn ohun-ini ti awọn nọmba odi ninu ọran TERC.

Awọn ile -iwe Amẹrika lọwọlọwọ nkọ ọna kan ti iyokuro nipa lilo yiya ati eto awọn ami -ami ti a pe ni crutches. Botilẹjẹpe ọna ti yiya kan ti mọ ati ti a tẹjade ninu awọn iwe -ẹkọ ṣaaju, o han gedegbe awọn idii naa jẹ kiikan William A. Browell, ẹniti o lo wọn ninu iwadii ni Oṣu kọkanla 1937 [1]. Eto yii mu ni iyara, yipo awọn ọna iyokuro miiran ni lilo ni Amẹrika ni akoko yẹn.

Awọn ọmọ ile -iwe ni diẹ ninu awọn orilẹ -ede Yuroopu ni a kọ, ati diẹ ninu awọn agbalagba Amẹrika gba, ọna ti iyokuro ti a pe ni ọna Austrian, ti a tun mọ ni ọna awọn afikun. Ko si yiya ni ọna yii. Awọn ikapa tun wa (awọn ami lati ṣe iranlọwọ iranti) eyiti [jasi] yatọ gẹgẹ bi orilẹ -ede.

Ni ọna ti yiya, iyokuro bii 86-39 yoo ṣaṣepari iyokuro ibi ti 9 lati 6 nipa yiya 10 lati 80 ati ṣafikun rẹ si 6. Iṣoro naa ni bayi yipada si (70 + 16)-39 , ni imunadoko. Eyi jẹ itọkasi nipa ikọlu nipasẹ 8, kikọ kekere 7 loke rẹ, ati kikọ kekere kan 1 loke 6. Awọn ami wọnyi ni a pe ni awọn ọpá. Lẹhinna a yọkuro 9 lati 16, nlọ 7, ati 30 lati 70, nlọ 40, tabi 47 bi abajade.

Ni ọna awọn afikun, a ya 10 kan lati jẹ ki 6 di 16, ni igbaradi fun iyokuro ti 9, gẹgẹ bi ni ọna yiya. Bibẹẹkọ, a ko gba 10 naa nipa dinku mininuend, dipo ọkan augments subtrahend. Daradara, iṣoro naa yipada si (80 + 16) - (39 + 10). Ni igbagbogbo igi kekere kan ni a samisi ni isalẹ nọmba ti o dinku bi olurannileti kan. Lẹhinna awọn iṣẹ ṣiṣe tẹsiwaju: 9 lati 16 jẹ 7; ati 40 (iyẹn ni, 30 + 10) lati 80 jẹ 40, tabi 47 bi abajade.

Ọna ti awọn afikun dabi ẹni pe a kọ ni awọn iyatọ meji, eyiti o yatọ nikan ni ẹkọ -ọkan. Tẹsiwaju apẹẹrẹ ti 86 - 39, iyatọ akọkọ gbiyanju lati yọkuro 9 lati 6, ati lẹhinna 9 lati 16, yiya kan 10 nipa siṣamisi nitosi nọmba ti subtrahend ninu iwe atẹle. Iyatọ keji gbiyanju lati wa nọmba kan eyiti, nigbati o ba ṣafikun si 9, yoo fun 6, ati riri pe ko ṣee ṣe, yoo fun 16, ati gbigbe 10 ti 16 bi ọkan ti o nṣamisi nitosi nọmba kanna bi ni ọna akọkọ. Awọn aami jẹ kanna; o jẹ ọrọ ti ààyò bi bawo ni eniyan ṣe ṣe alaye irisi rẹ.

Gẹgẹbi iṣọra ikẹhin, ọna yiya n ni idiju diẹ ninu awọn ọran bii 100 - 87, nibiti yiya ko le ṣee ṣe lẹsẹkẹsẹ, ati pe o gbọdọ gba nipa de ọdọ awọn ọwọn pupọ. Ni ọran yii, minuend naa ni atunkọ ni imunadoko bi 90 + 10, nipa gbigbe 100 lati awọn ọgọọgọrun, ṣiṣe mẹwa mẹwa lati ọdọ rẹ, ati yiya lẹsẹkẹsẹ pe isalẹ si mẹsan mẹsan ninu ọwọn mewa ati nikẹhin gbe 10 sinu iwe awọn.

Isodipupo (*)

Nigbati awọn nọmba meji ba pọ pọ, abajade ni a pe ni ọja. Awọn nọmba meji ti o pọ pọ ni a pe ni awọn okunfa, pẹlu isodipupo ati isodipupo tun lo.

Kini o tumọ lati isodipupo awọn nọmba adayeba meji?

Ká sọ pé àwọn àpò pupa pupa márùn -ún wà, ọ̀kọ̀ọ̀kan wọn ní ápù mẹ́ta nínú. Bayi gbigba apo alawọ ewe ti o ṣofo, gbe gbogbo awọn apples lati gbogbo awọn baagi pupa marun marun sinu apo alawọ ewe. Bayi apo alawọ ewe yoo ni awọn eso meedogun. Bayi ọja ti marun ati mẹta jẹ mẹdogun. Eyi tun le ṣalaye bi “ni igba marun mẹẹdogun jẹ mẹẹdogun” tabi “ni igba marun mẹta dọgba meedogun” tabi “mẹẹdogun jẹ ọja marun ati mẹta”. Isodipupo ni a le rii lati jẹ fọọmu ti afikun afikun: ifosiwewe akọkọ tọka si iye igba ti ifosiwewe keji waye ni afikun tun; akopọ ikẹhin jẹ ọja naa.

Ni iṣapẹẹrẹ, isodipupo jẹ aṣoju nipasẹ ami isodipupo: ×. Nitorinaa ọrọ naa “ni igba marun mẹta dọgba meedogun” ni a le kọ ni apẹẹrẹ bi

{5 \ times 3 = 15..} 

Ni awọn orilẹ -ede kan, ati ninu iṣiro to ti ni ilọsiwaju, awọn ami isodipupo miiran ni a lo, fun apẹẹrẹ. 5 ⋅ 3. Ni awọn ipo kan, ni pataki ni aljebra, nibiti awọn nọmba le jẹ aami pẹlu awọn lẹta, aami isodipupo le jẹ ifasilẹ; apere. xy tumọ si x × y. Ilana ninu eyiti awọn nọmba meji pọ si ko ṣe pataki, nitorinaa, fun apẹẹrẹ, ni igba mẹta mẹrin dọgba ni igba mẹta mẹta. Eyi jẹ ohun -ini commutative ti isodipupo.

Lati ṣe isodipupo awọn nọmba meji ni lilo tabili, wa ikorita ti ila ti nọmba akọkọ pẹlu ọwọn ti nọmba keji: ila ati ọwọn kọja ni igun kan ti o ni ọja ti awọn nọmba meji naa. Pupọ awọn orisii awọn nọmba gbejade awọn nọmba oni-nọmba meji. Ninu alugoridimu isodipupo awọn nọmba mẹwa ti ọja ti awọn nọmba meji ni a pe ni “nọmba gbigbe”.

Alugoridimu Isodipupo fun Ifosiwewe Oni-nọmba kan

Wo isodipupo nibiti ọkan ninu awọn ifosiwewe ni awọn nọmba pupọ, lakoko ti ifosiwewe miiran ni nọmba kan nikan. Kọ ifosiwewe oni-nọmba silẹ, lẹhinna kọ ifosiwewe oni-nọmba kan labẹ nọmba ọtun julọ ti ifosiwewe oni-nọmba pupọ. Fa ila petele kan labẹ ifosiwewe oni-nọmba kan. Lati isisiyi lọ, ifosiwewe oni-nọmba yoo pe ni isodipupo, ati pe ifosiwewe oni-nọmba kan ni yoo pe ni isodipupo.

Ṣebi fun irọrun pe isodipupo naa ni awọn nọmba mẹta. Nọmba ti o ku ni nọmba-ọgọọgọrun, nọmba arin jẹ nọmba mẹwa mẹwa, ati nọmba ọtun julọ jẹ awọn oni-nọmba naa. Awọn multiplier nikan ni o ni awọn ọkan-nọmba. Awọn nọmba-nọmba ti isodipupo ati isodipupo ṣe ọwọn kan: awọn ọkan-iwe.

Bẹrẹ pẹlu awọn iwe-ọkan: iwe-ọkan yẹ ki o ni awọn nọmba meji: awọn nọmba-nọmba ti isodipupo ati, labẹ rẹ, awọn nọmba-nọmba ti isodipupo. Wa ọja ti awọn nọmba meji wọnyi: kọ ọja yii labẹ laini ati ninu iwe-ọkan. Ti ọja ba ni awọn nọmba meji, lẹhinna kọ si isalẹ nikan awọn oni-nọmba ti ọja naa. Kọ “nọmba gbigbe” bi akọwe ti nọmba ti a ko ti kọ tẹlẹ ni iwe atẹle ati labẹ laini: ninu ọran yii iwe ti o tẹle jẹ ọwọn mewa, nitorinaa kọ nọmba gbigbe bi akọwe ti awọn mewa ti ko kọ tẹlẹ -ọmba ti ọja (labẹ laini).

Ti nọmba mejeeji akọkọ ati keji kọọkan ni nọmba kan nikan, lẹhinna ọja wọn ni a fun ni tabili isodipupo - nitorinaa ṣiṣe algorithm isodipupo ko wulo.

Lẹhinna ba wa ni ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun. Ọwọn mẹẹdogun titi di isisiyi ni nọmba kan ṣoṣo: nọmba mewa ti isodipupo (botilẹjẹpe o le ni nọmba gbigbe labẹ laini). Wa ọja ti isodipupo ati awọn nọmba mẹwa ti isodipupo. Lẹhinna, ti nọmba gbigbe ba wa (ti a kọ silẹ, labẹ laini ati ninu iwe-mewa), ṣafikun si ọja yii. Ti akopọ ti o jẹ abajade ba kere ju mẹwa lẹhinna kọ sinu ọwọn mẹwa labẹ laini. Ti apao ba ni awọn nọmba meji lẹhinna kọ nọmba rẹ ti o kẹhin ninu iwe-mẹẹdogun labẹ laini, ki o gbe nọmba akọkọ rẹ si ọwọn atẹle: ninu ọran yii ọwọn ọgọọgọrun naa.

Ti isodipupo ko ni nọmba awọn ọgọọgọrun lẹhinna ti ko ba si nọmba gbigbe lẹhinna alugoridimu isodipupo ti pari. Ti nọmba gbigbe ba wa (ti a gbe lọ lati ọwọn-mewa) lẹhinna kọ sinu ọwọn ọgọọgọrun labẹ laini, ati pe alugoridimu ti pari. Nigbati alugoridimu pari, nọmba ti o wa labẹ laini jẹ ọja ti awọn nọmba meji.

Ti isodipupo ba ni nọmba awọn ọgọọgọrun, wa ọja ti isodipupo ati nọmba awọn ọgọọgọrun ti isodipupo, ati si ọja yii ṣafikun nọmba gbigbe ti o ba wa. Lẹhinna kọ akopọ abajade ti ọgọọgọrun-ọwọn labẹ laini, tun ni iwe ọgọọgọrun. Ti apao ba ni awọn nọmba meji lẹhinna kọ nọmba ti o kẹhin ti akopọ naa sinu ọgọọgọrun ati kọ nọmba gbigbe si apa osi rẹ: lori ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun-iwe.

Fun Apeere

Lati wa ọja ti awọn nọmba 3 ati 729, kọ isodipupo oni nọmba kan labẹ isodipupo nọmba pupọ, pẹlu isodipupo labẹ nọmba awọn nọmba ti isodipupo, bi atẹle:

7293

Lẹhinna, fa ila kan labẹ isodipupo ki o fi aami isodipupo sii. Isodipupo bẹrẹ pẹlu awọn ọkan-iwe. Awọn nọmba oni-nọmba ti isodipupo jẹ 9 ati isodipupo jẹ 3. Ọja ti 3 ati 9 jẹ 27, nitorinaa kọ 7 kan ninu awọn iwe-ọkan labẹ laini naa, ki o kọ nọmba oni-nọmba 2 bi akọwe ti sibẹsibẹ -ọmba mẹwa-nọmba ti ọja labẹ laini:

729 × 327

Nigbamii, ọwọn-mewa. Nọmba mewa ti isodipupo jẹ 2, isodipupo jẹ 3, ati ni igba mẹta meji jẹ mẹfa. Ṣafikun nọmba oni-nọmba, 2, si ọja naa, 6, lati gba 8. Mẹjọ ni nọmba kan ṣoṣo: ko si nọmba gbigbe, nitorinaa kọ sinu iwe-mẹẹdogun labẹ laini. O le nu awọn mejeeji nu bayi.

729 × 387

Nigbamii, ọgọọgọrun-ọwọn. Nọmba ọgọọgọrun ti isodipupo jẹ 7, lakoko ti isodipupo jẹ 3. Ọja ti 3 ati 7 jẹ 21, ati pe ko si nọmba oni-nọmba iṣaaju (ti a gbe lọ lati ọwọn mẹwa). Ọja 21 ni awọn nọmba meji: kọ nọmba ikẹhin rẹ ninu awọn ọgọọgọrun-ọwọn labẹ laini, lẹhinna gbe nọmba akọkọ rẹ si ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun-iwe. Niwọn igba ti isodipupo ko ni nọmba ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun, lẹhinna kọ nọmba oni-nọmba yii ni ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun-iwe labẹ laini (kii ṣe akọsilẹ):

729 × 32187

Ko si awọn nọmba ti isodipupo ti o ti jẹ alaiṣododo, nitorinaa algorithm pari, ti o funni ni idogba atẹle bi abajade:

{\ displaystyle 3 \ igba 729 = 2187} 

Alugoridimu isodipupo fun awọn okunfa oni nọmba Ṣatunkọ

Ti a fun ni awọn ifosiwewe meji, ọkọọkan ti o ni awọn nọmba meji tabi diẹ sii, kọ awọn ifosiwewe mejeeji si isalẹ, ọkan labẹ ekeji, ki awọn nọmba laini ni awọn ọwọn.

Fun ayedero ro bata ti awọn nọmba oni-nọmba mẹta. Kọ nọmba ti o kẹhin ti nọmba keji labẹ nọmba to kẹhin ti nọmba akọkọ, ti o ni awọn iwe-ọkan. Lẹsẹkẹsẹ si apa osi ti awọn ọkan-iwe yoo jẹ ọwọn mewa: oke ti ọwọn yii yoo ni nọmba keji ti nọmba akọkọ, ati ni isalẹ yoo jẹ nọmba keji ti nọmba keji. Lẹsẹkẹsẹ si apa osi ti mẹẹdogun yoo jẹ ọwọn ọgọọgọrun: oke ti ọwọn yii yoo ni nọmba akọkọ ti nọmba akọkọ ati ni isalẹ yoo jẹ nọmba akọkọ ti nọmba keji. Lẹhin ti o ti kọ awọn ifosiwewe mejeeji silẹ, fa ila kan labẹ ifosiwewe keji.

Isodipupo yoo ni awọn ẹya meji. Apa akọkọ yoo ni awọn isodipupo pupọ ti o kan awọn isodipupo oni-nọmba kan. Isẹ ti ọkọọkan iru iru isodipupo tẹlẹ ti ṣapejuwe ninu alugoridimu isodipupo iṣaaju, nitorinaa alugoridimu yii kii yoo ṣe apejuwe ọkọọkan lọkọọkan, ṣugbọn yoo ṣe apejuwe nikan bi ọpọlọpọ awọn isodipupo pẹlu awọn isodipupo oni nọmba kan yoo jẹ iṣọkan. Apa keji yoo ṣafikun gbogbo awọn agbejade ti apakan akọkọ, ati pe abajade ti yoo jẹ ọja naa.

Apa akọkọ. Jẹ ki ifosiwewe akọkọ ni a pe ni isodipupo. Jẹ ki nọmba kọọkan ti ifosiwewe keji ni a pe ni isodipupo. Jẹ ki awọn oni-nọmba ti ifosiwewe keji ni a pe ni “ẹni-isodipupo”. Jẹ ki awọn nọmba mẹwa ti ifosiwewe keji ni a pe ni “mewa-isodipupo”. Jẹ ki awọn ọgọọgọrun-nọmba ti ifosiwewe keji ni a pe ni “ọgọọgọrun-pupọ”.

Bẹrẹ pẹlu awọn ọkan-iwe. Wa ọja ti awọn pupọ-pupọ ati isodipupo ati kọ si isalẹ ni ọna kan labẹ laini, sisọ awọn nọmba ti ọja ni awọn ọwọn ti a ti ṣalaye tẹlẹ. Ti ọja ba ni awọn nọmba mẹrin, lẹhinna nọmba akọkọ yoo jẹ ibẹrẹ ti ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun-iwe. Jẹ ki a pe ọja yii ni “ọkan-kana”.

Lẹhinna iwe-mẹwa. Wa ọja ti mẹwa-isodipupo ati isodipupo ki o kọ si isalẹ ni ọna kan-pe ni “mewa-ila”-labẹ awọn ọkan-kana, ṣugbọn yipo iwe kan si apa osi. Iyẹn ni pe, awọn oni-nọmba ti ila-mẹẹdogun yoo wa ninu ọwọn mẹwa ti awọn ọkan-kana; nomba mewa ti ila-mewa yoo wa labẹ awọn ọgọọgọrun-nọmba ti awọn ọkan-kana; awọn ọgọọgọrun-nọmba ti mẹẹdogun-ila yoo wa labẹ ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun-nọmba ti awọn ọkan-kana. Ti ila-mẹwa ba ni awọn nọmba mẹrin, lẹhinna nọmba akọkọ yoo jẹ ibẹrẹ ti ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun-ọwọn.

Nigbamii, ọgọọgọrun-ọwọn. Wa ọja ti awọn ọgọọgọrun-isodipupo ati isodipupo ki o kọ si isalẹ ni ọna kan-pe ni “awọn ọgọọgọrun-ila” -iṣẹ-ọna mẹwaa, ṣugbọn yipo iwe kan si apa osi. Iyẹn ni pe, awọn nọmba ti awọn ọgọọgọrun-ila yoo wa ni ọgọọgọrun-ọwọn; nọmba mewa ti awọn ọgọọgọrun-ila yoo wa ni ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun-ọwọn; nọmba-ọgọọgọrun ti awọn ọgọọgọrun-ila yoo wa ni ẹgbẹẹgbẹẹgbẹrun-ọwọn. Ti awọn ọgọọgọrun-kana ni awọn nọmba mẹrin, lẹhinna nọmba akọkọ yoo jẹ ibẹrẹ ti ọgọọgọrun-ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun.

Lẹhin nini isalẹ awọn ọkan-kana, mewa-kana, ati awọn ọgọọgọrun-kana, fa laini petele labẹ awọn ọgọọgọrun-kana. Awọn isodipupo ti pari.

Apa keji. Bayi isodipupo ni awọn ila meji. Ni igba akọkọ labẹ awọn ifosiwewe meji, ati ekeji labẹ awọn ori ila mẹta ti awọn agbejade. Labẹ laini keji awọn ọwọn mẹfa yoo wa, eyiti lati ọtun si apa osi ni atẹle: ọkan-iwe-iwe, ọwọn mewa, ọgọọgọrun-ọwọn, ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun-ọwọn, ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun-ọwọn, ati ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun-ọwọn.

Laarin awọn laini akọkọ ati keji, iwe-iwọle naa yoo ni nọmba kan ṣoṣo, ti o wa ni ila-ọkan: o jẹ awọn nọmba-ti awọn ila-ọkan. Daakọ nọmba yii nipa atunkọ rẹ ni awọn iwe-iwe labẹ laini keji.

Laarin awọn laini akọkọ ati keji, iwe-mẹẹdogun yoo ni awọn nọmba meji kan ti o wa ninu awọn ọkan-kana ati ila-mewa: nọmba mewa ti awọn ọkan-kana ati awọn nọmba-ti ila-mẹwa. Ṣafikun awọn nọmba wọnyi si oke ati pe ti akopọ ba ni nọmba kan kan lẹhinna kọ nọmba yii ni iwe-mẹẹdogun labẹ laini keji. Ti akopọ naa ba ni awọn nọmba meji lẹhinna nọmba akọkọ jẹ nọmba gbigbe: kọ nọmba ikẹhin si isalẹ ninu iwe-mẹẹdogun labẹ laini keji ki o gbe nọmba akọkọ lọ si ọgọọgọrun-ọwọn, kikọ rẹ bi akọwe si sibẹsibẹ -kọwe awọn ọgọọgọrun-nọmba labẹ laini keji.

Laarin awọn laini akọkọ ati keji, ọgọọgọrun-ọwọn yoo ni awọn nọmba mẹta: awọn ọgọọgọrun-nọmba ti awọn ọkan-kana, nọmba mewa ti mẹẹdogun-ila, ati awọn oni-nọmba ti awọn ọgọọgọrun-kana. Wa akopọ ti awọn nọmba mẹta wọnyi, lẹhinna ti nọmba oni-nọmba ba wa lati ọwọn mẹẹdogun (ti a kọ sinu superscript labẹ laini keji ni ọgọọgọrun-ọwọn) lẹhinna ṣafikun nọmba oni-nọmba yii daradara. Ti akopọ abajade ba ni nọmba kan lẹhinna kọ si isalẹ labẹ laini keji ni awọn ọgọọgọrun-ọwọn; ti o ba ni awọn nọmba meji lẹhinna kọ nọmba ti o kẹhin si isalẹ labẹ laini ni ọgọọgọrun-ọwọn, ki o gbe nọmba akọkọ lọ si ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun-iwe, kikọ rẹ bi akọwe si ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun ti ko kọ tẹlẹ labẹ laini.

Laarin awọn laini akọkọ ati keji, ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun-ọwọn yoo ni boya awọn nọmba meji tabi mẹta: awọn ọgọọgọrun-nọmba ti mẹẹdogun, nọmba mẹwa mẹwa ti awọn ọgọọgọrun-kana, ati (o ṣee ṣe) ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun-nọmba ti awọn -gba. Wa akopọ ti awọn nọmba wọnyi, lẹhinna ti nọmba oni-nọmba ba wa lati ọwọn ọgọọgọrun (ti a kọ sinu superscript labẹ laini keji ni ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun-iwe) lẹhinna ṣafikun nọmba oni-nọmba yii daradara. Ti akopọ abajade ba ni nọmba kan lẹhinna kọ si isalẹ labẹ laini keji ni ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun-iwe; ti o ba ni awọn nọmba meji lẹhinna kọ nọmba ti o kẹhin si isalẹ labẹ laini ni ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun-iwe, ki o gbe nọmba akọkọ lọ si ẹgbẹẹgbẹẹgbẹrun-mẹwa, kikọ kikọ rẹ gẹgẹ bi akọwe si ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun mẹwa ti ko kọ tẹlẹ sibẹsibẹ laini.

Laarin awọn laini akọkọ ati keji, ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun-mẹwa yoo ni boya nọmba kan tabi meji: awọn ọgọọgọrun-nọmba ti awọn ọgọọgọrun-ọwọn ati (o ṣee ṣe) ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun-nọmba ti iwe-mẹwa. Wa apao awọn nọmba wọnyi (ti ẹni ti o wa ni ọna mẹwa ba sonu ronu rẹ bi 0), ati pe ti nọmba gbigbe ba wa lati ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun-iwe (ti a kọ ni akọwe labẹ laini keji ni mẹwa- ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun-iwe) lẹhinna ṣafikun nọmba oni-nọmba yii daradara. Ti akopọ ti o ni abajade ba ni nọmba kan lẹhinna kọ si isalẹ labẹ laini keji ni ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun-mẹwa; ti o ba ni awọn nọmba meji lẹhinna kọ nọmba ti o kẹhin si isalẹ labẹ laini ni ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun-mẹwa, ki o gbe nọmba akọkọ lọ si ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun-ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun, kikọ rẹ bi akọwe si nọmba ti ko kọ tẹlẹ labẹ ila. Bibẹẹkọ, ti ọgọọgọrun-kana ko ni nọmba-ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun lẹhinna ma ṣe kọ nọmba oni-nọmba yii bi akọwe, ṣugbọn ni iwọn deede, ni ipo ọgọrun-ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun-nọmba labẹ laini keji, ati alugoridimu isodipupo ti pari .

Ti o ba jẹ pe awọn ọgọọgọrun-kana ni nọmba-ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun, lẹhinna ṣafikun nọmba oni-nọmba lati ila ti iṣaaju (ti ko ba si nọmba gbe lẹhinna ronu rẹ bi 0) ki o kọ akopọ nọmba-nọmba kan ninu ọgọrun -ẹgbẹrun-ọwọn labẹ laini keji.

Nọmba ti o wa labẹ laini keji jẹ ọja ti o wa lẹhin ti awọn ifosiwewe meji loke laini akọkọ.

Fun Apeere

Jẹ ki ete wa jẹ lati wa ọja ti 789 ati 345. Kọ 345 labẹ 789 ni awọn ọwọn mẹta, ki o fa laini petele labẹ wọn:

789345

Apa akọkọ. Bẹrẹ pẹlu awọn ọkan-iwe. Isodipupo jẹ 789 ati awọn ẹni-isodipupo jẹ 5. Ṣe isodipupo ni ọna kan labẹ laini:

789 × 345394445

Lẹhinna iwe-mẹwa. Isodipupo jẹ 789 ati pe isodipupo mẹwa jẹ 4. Ṣe isodipupo ni ila mẹẹdogun, labẹ iṣapẹẹrẹ iṣaaju ninu awọn ọkan-kana, ṣugbọn yipo iwe kan si apa osi:

789 × 345394445313536

Nigbamii, ọgọọgọrun-ọwọn. Isodipupo jẹ lekan si 789, ati awọn ọgọọgọrun-isodipupo jẹ 3. Ṣe isodipupo ni awọn ọgọọgọrun-kana, labẹ iṣapẹẹrẹ iṣaaju ni ila-mẹwa, ṣugbọn yipo iwe (diẹ sii) si apa osi. Lẹhinna fa laini petele labẹ awọn ọgọọgọrun-ila:

789 × 345394445313536+232627

Apa keji. Bayi ṣafikun awọn agbejade laarin awọn laini akọkọ ati keji, ṣugbọn aibikita eyikeyi awọn nọmba gbigbe ti a kọ silẹ ti o wa laarin awọn laini akọkọ ati keji.

789 × 345394445313536+232627 271222105

Idahun si ni

{ 789 \ times 345 = 272205} 

Pipin (/)

Ninu mathimatiki, ni pataki ni iṣiro alakọbẹrẹ, pipin jẹ iṣiṣẹ iṣiro eyiti o jẹ onidakeji isodipupo.

Ni pataki, fun nọmba kan ati nọmba ti kii-odo b, ti nọmba miiran ctimes b ba dọgba a, iyẹn ni:

{ c \ igba b = a} 

lẹhinna pinpin nipasẹ b dọgba c. Ti o jẹ:

{\ frac {a} {b}} = c} 

Fun apẹẹrẹ,

{6} {3}} = 2} 

niwon

{2 * 3 = 6} .

Ninu ikosile ti o wa loke, a ni a pe ni pinpin, b ipin ati c ipin. Pipin nipasẹ odo - nibiti olupilẹṣẹ jẹ odo - jẹ igbagbogbo aisọye ninu iṣiro ipilẹ.

Akiyesi Pinpin

Pipin jẹ igbagbogbo han nipasẹ gbigbe ipin lori ipin pẹlu ila petele, ti a tun pe ni vinculum, laarin wọn. Fun apẹẹrẹ, pipin nipasẹ b ti kọ bi:

{a} {b}}

Eyi le ka ni gbangba bi “pipin nipasẹ b” tabi “a over b”. Ọna kan lati ṣafihan pipin gbogbo lori laini kan ni lati kọ pinpin, lẹhinna ikọlu, lẹhinna ipin, bi atẹle:

{a/b} 

Eyi ni ọna ti o ṣe deede lati tokasi pipin ni ọpọlọpọ awọn ede siseto kọnputa nitori o le ni rọọrun tẹ bi awọn ohun kikọ ti o rọrun.

Iwe afọwọkọ tabi iyatọ ti kikọ - eyiti o jẹ agbedemeji laarin awọn ọna meji wọnyi - nlo solidus (slash fraction) ṣugbọn o gbe ipin naa ga ati dinku ipinya, bi atẹle:

a⁄b

Eyikeyi ninu awọn fọọmu wọnyi le ṣee lo lati ṣafihan ida kan. Ida ti o wọpọ jẹ ikosile pipin nibiti pinpin mejeeji ati ipin jẹ awọn odidi (botilẹjẹpe igbagbogbo ni a pe ni iyeida nọmba), ati pe ko si itumọ pe pipin nilo lati ṣe iṣiro siwaju.

Ọna ipilẹ diẹ sii lati ṣafihan pipin ni lati lo obelus (tabi ami pipin) ni ọna yii:

{ a \ b.} 

Fọọmù yii jẹ alaiṣeeṣe ayafi ni iṣiro ipilẹ. A tun lo obelus nikan lati ṣe aṣoju iṣẹ pipin funrararẹ, fun apẹẹrẹ, bi aami lori bọtini ti ẹrọ iṣiro kan.

Ni diẹ ninu awọn aṣa ti ko sọ Gẹẹsi, “pipin nipasẹ b” ni a kọ a: b. Sibẹsibẹ, ni lilo Gẹẹsi, oluṣafihan naa ni ihamọ si sisọ imọran ti o ni ibatan ti awọn ipin (lẹhinna “a ni lati b”).

Pẹlu imọ ti awọn tabili isodipupo, awọn odidi meji le pin lori iwe nipa lilo ọna pipin gigun. Ẹya abbreviated ti pipin gigun, pipin kukuru, le ṣee lo fun awọn ipin kekere paapaa.

Ọna ti o kere si eto - ṣugbọn eyiti o yori si oye gbogboogbo ti pipin ni apapọ - pẹlu ero ti chunking. Nipa gbigba ọkan laaye lati yọ awọn ilọpo pupọ sii kuro ninu iyoku apakan ni ipele kọọkan, awọn ọna ọna ọfẹ diẹ sii le ni idagbasoke pẹlu. [2]

Ni idakeji, ti ipin -ipin ba ni apakan ida (ti a fihan bi ida eleemewa), ọkan le tẹsiwaju alugoridimu ti o kọja aaye awọn naa titi ti o fẹ. Ti o ba jẹ pe ipin naa ni apakan ida eleemewa, ọkan le tun iṣoro naa sọ nipa gbigbe eleemewa si apa ọtun ni awọn nọmba mejeeji titi di ipin ko ni ida.

Lati pin nipasẹ ida kan, ọkan le jiroro ni isodipupo nipasẹ ifasẹhin (yiyipada ipo ti awọn apa oke ati isalẹ) ti ida yẹn.

Awọn irinṣẹ

Abacus jẹ ẹrọ ẹrọ ni kutukutu fun ṣiṣe iṣiro alakọbẹrẹ, eyiti o tun lo ni ọpọlọpọ awọn ẹya ti Asia. Awọn irinṣẹ iṣiro ti ode oni ti o ṣe awọn iṣẹ ṣiṣe iṣiro alakọbẹrẹ pẹlu awọn iforukọsilẹ owo, awọn iṣiro ẹrọ itanna, ati awọn kọnputa. Adeola Ready (talk) 18:48, 25 September 2021 (UTC)

Edit undone at Talk:Elementary arithmetic

I undid your edit at Talk:Elementary arithmetic. This appear to be a translation of the article into the Yoruba language. This is not the right venue for this addition. The Yoruba Wikipedia might be a better place. The mathematics content there could certainly do with some attention. --Salix alba (talk): 06:10, 26 September 2021 (UTC)

A report aims to raise awareness about healthcare in Nigeria for LGBT+ people

A #W4RNigeria A report aims to raise awareness about healthcare in Nigeria for LGBT+ people Adeola Ready (talk) 13:53, 26 September 2021 (UTC)

Access to medical services for LGBT+ people is almost non-existent beyond what NGOs provide

A #W4RNigeria Access to medical services for LGBT+ people is almost non-existent beyond what NGOs provide Adeola Ready (talk) 13:55, 26 September 2021 (UTC)

Queer Alliance Nigeria calls for information from within the health sector

A #W4RNigeria Queer Alliance Nigeria calls for information from within the health sector Adeola Ready (talk) 13:56, 26 September 2021 (UTC)

Nigeria’s Anti-homosexuality Laws Block Access to Care

A#W4RNigeria

LGBT+ people in Nigeria experience discrimination that hinders their access to healthcare, including for mental health problems that have been overlooked by many organisations, the Bisi Alimi Foundation has reported based on an online survey.

The survey, published this month (13 January), aims to raise awareness about physical and mental health in Nigerian LGBT+ people, human rightsviolations against them and barriers to care.

“It is the deliberate attempt by healthcare providers to moralise healthcare by deciding who is fit to have access to it and who is not.” Bisi Alimi, founder of the Bisi Alimi Foundation It adds to evidence of a correlation between experiencing discrimination and having mental health issues in Nigerian LGBT+ communities. It also found that the more internalised homophobia one faced, the lower their life satisfaction and therefore the worse off their mental wellbeing.

But access to medical services for LGBT+ people is almost non-existent beyond what NGOs provide. Laws such as the Same Sex Marriage Prohibition Act (SSMPA) bar same-sex partnerships, and even outlaw support for them by non-LGBT+ people. These laws reinforce and maintain limits to medical care due to the stigma associated if health care practitioners treat LGBT+ people, according to the report.

Bisi Alimi, founder of the Bisi Alimi Foundation and author of the report, tells SciDev.Net the report reveals the reality of what it means to be an LGBT+ person in Nigeria. “It is not just about the police brutality and harassment, but more importantly, it is the deliberate attempt by healthcare providers to moralise healthcare by deciding who is fit to have access to it and who is not.”

The online survey contained 63 questions about physical and mental healthcare, public perceptions and reactions to gender identities and sexualities, harassment and violence, daily life experiences related to sexual orientation, legal issues as well as demographic information. Of 446 LGBT+ Nigerians who responded to the survey, 44 per cent did not seek medical care when they had a physical health problem. Alongside practical reasons such as clinic opening hours or distance, the biggest concern reported was feeling unable to trust healthcare providers.

Of the 22 per cent who did seek medical care, many (12 per cent) were told their problems were their own fault, experienced verbal abuse from doctors or nurses (12 per cent) or even rough physical treatment (7 per cent). The report states that this range of negative experiences is directly related to the cultural attitudes imbued by legislation against LGBT+ people, as well as a lack of training, supervision and awareness among healthcare staff.

William Rashidi, founder and director of the Queer Alliance Nigeria, a human rights, health advocacy and support group, told SciDev.Net that this data“contributes to … gradually forcing policy makers to begin to consider the toll of discrimination on a wider platform”.

Researchers have failed to detail the toll of discriminatory laws on healthcare and people’s psychological well-being, says Rashidi — the focus has been on sexual health and HIV for too long.

The report urges organisations to train and protect healthcare staff, to increase services that cater to wider health needs and to extend services to lesbians, bisexual women, transgender people and those with disabilities.

These actions, it says, are in line with the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals to reduce inequalities and promote social, economic and political inclusion.

It also calls for the media to share more specific guidance for LGBT+ people on when and where to seek health care, and what to do if there is no access so as to live more comfortably until attitudes change.

While Rashidi agrees the recommendations are positive, he calls for action within the health sector specifically — institutions such as the Nigerian Medical Association, the National Agency for the Control of AIDS, psychiatrists and psychologists. “The media has the power to educate and create change, but they also need information from the health sector,” he says. “Whilst not perfect, the data is a good start to discussing mental health issues within the context of sexual orientation and gender identity. This is far overdue.” Adeola Ready (talk) 14:18, 26 September 2021 (UTC)

Queer Alliance in Nigeria

A#W4RNigeria Queer Alliance works to enhance the knowledge and change the perception of the Nigerian public on issues of same sex sexuality. It is our belief that positively changing public opinion around what same sex sexuality means and constitutes is an important step towards advocating for favorable laws and policies for lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and intersex people (LGBTI).

In Issue 4 {loadposition inissue4} In Nigeria, as in too many African countries, laws and polices assert explicit discrimination against LGBTI persons that not only perpetuate homophobia and hatred towards these populations, but pose a significant threat to the physical, financial, emotional, and sexual well-being of same sex-oriented people. Section 214 and 217 of the Nigerian Penal Code are clear examples of the legislated discrimination against LGBTI populations. These sections are based on archaic and overly moralistic terms such as “unnatural” and “indecent” to describe and punish same sex-oriented people. A bill for the prohibition of same sex marriage has also been recently proposed, which exacerbates the denial of fundamental rights for LGBT people. Further, Nigeria is politically and religiously divided between north and south, and twelve states in the north have enacted additional laws against consensual same sex behaviors, organizing and activities. Section 131, 132 and 133 of the Sharia Penal Code stipulates the capital punishment of death and also condones the torture (flogging) of citizens found in same sex relationships and activities in the northern hemisphere of the country.

In order to combat these legal and other barriers, Queer Alliance aims to go to the root of the issue by debunking public statements from politicians and religious leaders that claim the “un-Africaness” of same sex sexuality. It is imperative that Nigerians, as citizens of all countries around the world, begin to speak out against legislations for the criminalization of the identities and behaviours of same sex oriented individuals and other persons. Our organization simply exists to challenge stereotypes associated with same sex oriented persons, particularly the claim that same sex sexuality is un-African, and advocates for a shift in laws and policies to acknowledge and protect the rights of same sex oriented individuals.

Security and safety are national issues in Nigeria, particularly as it exacerbates gender-based violence, and these issues are more serious for marginalized and oppressed populations such as LGBTI. Recently, Queer Alliance has been engaging with security forces in the region to address issues of violence towards people on the basis of imputed or real sexual orientation and gender identity.

For change to occur at all levels of society, the media needs to play its role. Media reports on same sex sexuality issues in the country are mostly biased and not objective, which drives the homophobia that LGBTI people experience. In some cases, the media may even condone and encourage violence towards LGBTI people. We at Queer Alliance believe that the media is a critical and influential tool that can reach a wide audience of citizens, government representatives and religious leaders in order to effectively challenge those who support the archaic laws and the proposed legislation that continue to oppress the rights and well-being of LGBTI populations in Nigeria. We are therefore calling for the protection of vulnerable LGBTI people in Nigeria as the duty of the government to ensure that all people can live without the fear of reprisal and violence for who they are. Adeola Ready (talk) 11:22, 27 September 2021 (UTC)

Our World Will Never Be Equal Without Gender Equality

A#W4RNigeria

On Sunday, we celebrate International Women’s Day under the theme “I am generation equality: Realising women’s Rights”, which is aligned with UN Women’s new multigenerational campaign, Generation Equality, which marks the 25th anniversary of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. As we celebrate this day, it is important to reflect on the progress made in realising women’s rights for the past two and a half decades since the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action came into existence. Have women’s lives significantly improved in the last 25 years and have women’s rights been a priority? How do we move forward to ensure that women’s rights are fully realised? I remember the first time I heard about the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action was through a distant uncle of mine. I was a teenager at the time. He had come home to my grandmother to complain about how his wife was disrespectful towards him, had not prepared his meals on time and had developed a tendency of questioning where he was coming from whenever he arrived home late. “We are now being ruled by Beijing, mama. Beijing has taken over our homes and as men we are in trouble,” he said, angrily. My young feminist mind wondered what this Beijing was about because I only thought of it as a place. I was surprised that it now lived in people’s houses. Secretly, I decided that I liked this Beijing (whatever it was) if it gave women and girls the agency they deserve. At that point my young mind didn’t know much about gender equality, but I believed women and girls deserved better. I also believed that this uncle of mine must have exaggerated the effects of this Beijing or he had gotten it completely wrong. After all how was being asked to account for his whereabouts a bad thing? Or how was my aunt expected to balance all the household tasks and still cook whenever my uncle felt like he wanted her to? I was yet to hear more men complain about this Beijing which turned out to be the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, which they attributed to having made their spouses and partners “ungovernable”. I then realised that most of the men who made such complaints had gotten it all so wrong. This Declaration was not a bad thing at all. If anything, it was a progressive international instrument for the betterment of women’s and girls’ lives and for advancing gender equality. The challenge as I discovered did not lie with this Declaration, but with a largely patriarchal society and mostly men who perceived women empowerment and gender equality as a threat to their power and manhood. I decided then that I belonged to the generation of equality and empowerment. This year’s International Women’s Day, and particularly the theme, reminded me of the decision my young self made then, but also of the importance of reflecting on what progress has been made in attaining women’s equality and realising the goals of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action and other progressive instruments such as United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325, the first legal Security Council document that requires parties in a conflict to prevent women’s rights violations, to support women’s participation in peace negotiations and in post-conflict reconstruction, and to protect women and girls from wartime conflict. While strides have been made in promoting and protecting women’s rights, such progress has been painfully slow. Women across the globe continue to be at the periphery of economic activity and development. They continue to live in nervous conditions as the wage gap continues to favour men over women, land tenure systems continue to disadvantage women despite the fact that they are the main food producers, not to mention how women’s lives and bodies continue to be subjected to the most violent forms of abuse. Women and girls continue to fear for their lives in public and private spaces Global statistics published by WHO indicate that one in three (35%) of women worldwide have experienced either physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence or non-partner sexual violence in their lifetime, while 38% of murders of women are committed by a male intimate partner. In conflict zones, they bear the brunt of the conflict as their bodies as treated as war sites, and when peace processes such as disarmaments and agreements are made, they are often excluded, much in contradiction with the provisions of UNSCR 1325, which calls for the inclusion of women in peace processes and decision making. Decisions regarding their bodies continue to be made much to their exclusion. Twenty-five years have gone since the Beijing Platform for Action came into existence, yet no single country can claim to have attained gender equality. It is time that women’s rights became a priority and resources were availed to ensure the realisation of women’s and girls’ rights. States need to take more bold measures in ensuring that laws and policies that advance women’s rights such as closing the wage gap, reforming land tenure systems and tackling gender-based violence are not only enacted, but are well-resourced. And most importantly, as we review and reflect on progress made in attaining gender equality and promoting the rights of women and girls, it is important to take a stand to continue advocating for these rights, for our world can never be an equal one without gender equality. Adeola Ready (talk) 11:37, 27 September 2021 (UTC)

Addressing Sexual and Gender-Based Violence in Namibia

MenEngage Namibia, as a national network of organisations working with men and boys to end Sexual and Gender-Based Violence (SGBV) – which is part of the global MenEngage Network – is expressing its support and solidarity with recent protests against SGBV in Namibia.

We are very concerned about the rising number of SGBV cases, affecting children, women and men of all ages, and we welcome the Namibian government’s recent response in this regard. In addition, we see the strong need for consistency and inclusivity in Government’s response and for stakeholders across all sectors to also address underlying root causes.

Some of these underlying root causes are patriarchal traditions, harmful gender norms, unresolved individual and collective trauma, as well as violence as an automated and learned response to conflict. The latter became clearly visible in how uniformed forces responded with excessive force against loud and angry, but overall peaceful protesters.

We also call for the Namibian Government to be inclusive and consistent in its response to SGBV, and we are appalled to hear that Namibia intends to not renew its signature to the East and Southern Africa Ministerial Commitment on Comprehensive Sexual Education (CSE), which would reverse previous successes made in preventing SBGV.

Given Namibia’s identity as secular state, it is of utmost importance that our religious and cultural norms do not obstruct the local and international commitments we have made to ensure the rights and well-being of our Namibian adolescents and youth.

Meaningfully engaging young people in open and inclusive ways on issues of sexuality, consent and healthy relationship through CSE is a proven way of preventing SGBV all over the world and also in Namibia. This has been established and reaffirmed through the work done by the Ministry of Education, Arts and Culture, the Office of the First Lady of Namibia and a growing number of Namibian Civil Society Organisations that are active in this field.

It is abundantly clear that we will not be able to overcome the challenge of sexual and gender-based violence by responding with violence or exclusion in return. Instead, we have to provide every Namibian with sufficient knowledge, skills and resources to support victims and to deal with perpetrators in appropriate manners to end the harmful and dangerous cycle of violence in our country.

Hence, for the health and well-being of all Namibians, we demand the following:

In addition to actions already outlined in the Namibian Government’s response, we urge Namibia to immediately recommit to its international agreements around CSE, because it effectively addresses and prevents SGBV in Namibia; Secondly, we ask for the Namibian Police and other uniformed forces to receive comprehensive training in de-escalation of conflict situations and in approaching SGBV-related situations and cases effectively, sensitively and empathically. Lastly, substantially more resources must be allocated for the provision of psychosocial support services and in developing capacity in terms of training and studies in the field of social work, psychology and other relevant health professions. As Namibians, it is crucial that we deliberately include marginalized communities and individuals in our collective efforts to prevent and respond to SGBV in all its forms. In this regard, MenEngage Namibia will continue playing a strong role in advocating for and supporting the implementation of inclusive activities against SGBV. Adeola Ready (talk) 11:41, 27 September 2021 (UTC)

Men’s Involvement & Tough Action by African Leaders needed to Stop FGM

Saturday marks the International Day of Zero Tolerance to Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) under the theme “No Time for Global Inaction, Unite, Fund, and Act to End Female Genital Mutilation”. FGM is a procedure that partially or totally removes a female’s external genitalia for non-medical reasons, causing irreparable and irreversible harm, as well as life-long health and psychological complications. The United Nations estimates say about 200 million girls and women alive today have been subjected to FGM. The practice is a global problem because it is a violation of human rights of girls and women and an extreme form of gender discrimination. In Africa alone, 50 million girls are at risk of FGM if political leaders don’t take decisive action to ensure its demise. Of all the countries that practice FGM, Africa is home to 29 of them, while 11 of these are members of the MenEngage Africa Alliance.

Of the 29 countries in Africa where FGM is endemic, 26 have laws prohibiting it, but these are mostly inadequate and are seldom enforced; prosecutions are rare, and penalties are sometimes too light to act as a deterrent. Penalties range from monetary fines to a minimum of three months to life in prison. Moreover, the practice of FGM in some African countries has evolved in order to circumnavigate the existing laws. According to the World Health Organisation (WHO), the average age at which the practice is carried out is falling in some countries, while in others, there is a tendency of cross-border movement of women from a country where the practice is illegal to another country where it is allowed.

We need urgent action to prevent the continued brutalisation of more girls and women through this practice that is steeped in archaic cultural and religious beliefs. As an alliance that believes that men and boys are crucial in efforts to make gender equality a reality, we also believe that there must be an increased mobilisation of men and boys to speak up against this practice. As MenEngage Africa, we are aligning ourselves with the AU Saleema initiative which seeks to galvanise political action to enforce strong legislation, increase allocation of financial resources and strengthen partnerships to end female genital mutilation, particularly within communities most impacted by the harmful practice.

“After all, women and girls are mutilated ostensibly for them. There is a belief that FGM will increase their chances of getting married. Another reason is the belief that women who have had FGM are better at pleasing men sexually. Shortly after FGM, they are married off, often before the legal age of marriage – 18. Thus, FGM is closely linked to early marriage of girl children. This constitutes the enablement of rape as they are forced into sex with, often, much older men.

Furthermore, when they become wives, girls are forced to leave school to look after households, serve their husbands and bear children – condemning them to lives of misery.

These are all benefits for men – hence, it is important that all efforts aimed at rooting out FGM must involve men and boys, the primary intended beneficiaries of this practice.

We need more advocacy efforts by men as well as collaboration between men and women’s rights organisations to advance the aims of the campaign to end FGM. These are important interventions towards the abandonment of FGM,” says Hassan Sekajoolo, chairperson of the MenEngage Africa Steering Committee.

“FGM is inhumane and it affects the realisation of sexual and reproductive rights of young people. It is important that we work with young people through global, but also national and local advocacies to challenge this harmful traditional practice which continues to put women and girls in cages. There is no justification for FGM and the youth is the generation we must work together with to put an end to this heinous tradition wherever it happens”, adds Jude Thaddeus Njikem, Co-Ordinator of MenEngage Africa Youth.

Ending FGM requires a multi-sectoral approach that brings together law enforcement agencies, child protection professionals, educators, physicians, traditional and religious leaders, governments and government agencies, activists and survivors.

Our governments have a crucial role to play in rooting out FGM in the continent. They have made commitments under Africa’s Agenda 2063 and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development to eliminate FGM. MenEngage Africa Alliance, therefore, calls on African governments to take their commitments seriously and follow through on their intent to make FGM a thing of the past.

We call on our governments to:

Pass laws and polices banning FGM and find strategies to effectively enforce these laws within their countries; Introduce harsher penalties for those who disobey the anti-FGM laws; Allocate sufficient human and financial resources to reducing and, ultimately, ending FGM in our nations; Strengthen the implementation of regional co-ordination in the areas of policy and legislation, communication and advocacy, evidence, research and data through regional economic communities to end cross-border female genital mutilation; Support efforts by civil society organisation that campaign for the end to FGM; and Develop programmes to address emerging forms and trends of FGM practice such as medicalisation, reducing the age of cutting, types of FGM as well as religious and traditional justifications for FGM. We call on Africa and the global community to reimagine a world that enables girls and women to have voice, choice, and control over their own lives.

The scale and the impact of FGM in Africa are well documented. Now is the time for action to reaffirm the commitment to ending this practice. Ending FGM is a developmental imperative and it is a life-saving intervention.

MEA remains committed to working tirelessly with our partners to ensure that the sexual and reproductive health rights (SRHR) agenda is advanced in our region and we contribute to see the end of FGM. Adeola Ready (talk) 11:47, 27 September 2021 (UTC)

Workings of the General Assembly

The UN General Assembly (UNGA) is the main policy-making organ of the Organization. Comprising all Member States, it provides a unique forum for multilateral discussion of the full spectrum of international issues covered by the Charter of the United Nations. Each of the 193 Member States of the United Nations has an equal vote.

The UNGA also makes key decisions for the UN, including:

appointing the Secretary-General on the recommendation of the Security Council electing the non-permanent members of the Security Council approving the UN budget The Assembly meets in regular sessions from September to December each year, and thereafter as required. It discusses specific issues through dedicated agenda items or sub-items, which lead to the adoption of resolutions.

In the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, the UN General Assembly has been carrying out its work since 2020 via novel means to guarantee business continuity and mitigate the spread of the disease. Specific examples include the use of virtual platforms to conduct meetings and the adoption of e-voting through procedure for decision-making when an in-person meeting is not possible.

The pandemic is not the only issue the world faces. Racism, intolerance, inequality, climate change, poverty, hunger, armed conflict, and other ills remain global challenges. These challenges call for global action, and the General Assembly is a critical opportunity for all to come together and chart a course for the future. Adeola Ready (talk) 12:09, 27 September 2021 (UTC)

‘Overwhelmed by old challenges’, Caribbean leaders say COVID-19 has forced a new battle for the survival of their nations

Caribbean island nations are under assault from the coronavirus pandemic even as they try to protect their communities from rising seas and raging storms, regional leaders said Saturday at the UN, where they called for bold action to tackle climate change and shore up public health systems. Adeola Ready (talk) 12:15, 27 September 2021 (UTC)

Protect yourself and others from COVID-19

If COVID-19 is spreading in your community, stay safe by taking some simple precautions, such as physical distancing, wearing a mask, keeping rooms well ventilated, avoiding crowds, cleaning your hands, and coughing into a bent elbow or tissue. Check local advice where you live and work. Do it all!

You also find out more about WHO's recommendations for getting vaccinated on our public advice page on COVID-19 vaccines. Adeola Ready (talk) 12:25, 27 September 2021 (UTC)

Coronavirus Disease (COVID-19) Vaccines

Equitable access to safe and effective vaccines is critical to ending the COVID-19 pandemic, so it is hugely encouraging to see so many vaccines proving and going into development. WHO is working tirelessly with partners to develop, manufacture and deploy safe and effective vaccines.

Safe and effective vaccines are a game-changing tool: but for the foreseeable future we must continue wearing masks, cleaning our hands, ensuring good ventilation indoors, physically distancing and avoiding crowds.

Being vaccinated does not mean that we can throw caution to the wind and put ourselves and others at risk, particularly because research is still ongoing into how much vaccines protect not only against disease but also against infection and transmission.

See WHO’s landscape of COVID-19 vaccine candidates for the latest information on vaccines in clinical and pre-clinical development, generally updated twice a week. WHO’s COVID-19 dashboard, updated daily, also features the number of vaccine doses administered globally.

But it’s not vaccines that will stop the pandemic, it’s vaccination. We must ensure fair and equitable access to vaccines, and ensure every country receives them and can roll them out to protect their people, starting with the most vulnerable. Adeola Ready (talk) 12:35, 27 September 2021 (UTC)

COVID-19 advice for the public: Getting vaccinated

The world is in the midst of a COVID-19 pandemic. As WHO and partners work together on the response -- tracking the pandemic, advising on critical interventions, distributing vital medical supplies to those in need--- they are racing to develop and deploy safe and effective vaccines.

Vaccines save millions of lives each year. Vaccines work by training and preparing the body’s natural defences – the immune system – to recognize and fight off the viruses and bacteria they target. After vaccination, if the body is later exposed to those disease-causing germs, the body is immediately ready to destroy them, preventing illness.

There are several safe and effective vaccines that prevent people from getting seriously ill or dying from COVID-19. This is one part of managing COVID-19, in addition to the main preventive measures of staying at least 1 metre away from others, covering a cough or sneeze in your elbow, frequently cleaning your hands, wearing a mask and avoiding poorly ventilated rooms or opening a window.

As of 3 June 2021, WHO has evaluated that the following vaccines against COVID-19 have met the necessary criteria for safety and efficacy:

AstraZeneca/Oxford vaccine Johnson and Johnson Moderna Pfizer/BionTech Sinopharm Sinovac

Read our Q&A on the Emergency Use Listing process to find out more about how WHO assesses the quality, safety and efficacy of COVID-19 vaccines.

Some national regulators have also assessed other COVID-19 vaccine products for use in their countries.

Take whatever vaccine is made available to you first, even if you have already had COVID-19. It is important to be vaccinated as soon as possible once it’s your turn and not wait. Approved COVID-19 vaccines provide a high degree of protection against getting seriously ill and dying from the disease, although no vaccine is 100% protective.

WHO SHOULD GET VACCINATED

The COVID-19 vaccines are safe for most people 18 years and older, including those with pre-existing conditions of any kind, including auto-immune disorders. These conditions include: hypertension, diabetes, asthma, pulmonary, liver and kidney disease, as well as chronic infections that are stable and controlled.

If supplies are limited in your area, discuss your situation with your care provider if you:

Have a compromised immune system Are pregnant (if you are already breastfeeding, you should continue after vaccination) Have a history of severe allergies, particularly to a vaccine (or any of the ingredients in the vaccine) Are severely frail

Children and adolescents tend to have milder disease compared to adults, so unless they are part of a group at higher risk of severe COVID-19, it is less urgent to vaccinate them than older people, those with chronic health conditions and health workers.

More evidence is needed on the use of the different COVID-19 vaccines in children to be able to make general recommendations on vaccinating children against COVID-19.

WHO's Strategic Advisory Group of Experts (SAGE) has concluded that the Pfizer/BionTech vaccine is suitable for use by people aged 12 years and above. Children aged between 12 and 15 who are at high risk may be offered this vaccine alongside other priority groups for vaccination. Vaccine trials for children are ongoing and WHO will update its recommendations when the evidence or epidemiological situation warrants a change in policy.

It's important for children to continue to have the recommended childhood vaccines. WHAT SHOULD I DO AND EXPECT AFTER GETTING VACCINATED

Stay at the place where you get vaccinated for at least 15 minutes afterwards, just in case you have an unusual reaction, so health workers can help you.

Check when you should come in for a second dose – if needed. Most of the vaccines available are two-dose vaccines. Check with your care provider whether you need to get a second dose and when you should get it. Second doses help boost the immune response and strengthen immunity.

In most cases, minor side effects are normal. Common side effects after vaccination, which indicate that a person's body is building protection to COVID-19 infection include:

Arm soreness Mild fever Tiredness Headaches Muscle or joint aches

Contact your care provider if there is redness or tenderness (pain) where you got the shot that increases after 24 hours, or if side effects do not go away after a few days.

If you experience an immediate severe allergic reaction to a first dose of the COVID-19 vaccine, you should not receive additional doses of the vaccine. It’s extremely rare for severe health reactions to be directly caused by vaccines.

Taking painkillers such as paracetamol before receiving the COVID-19 vaccine to prevent side effects is not recommended. This is because it is not known how painkillers may affect how well the vaccine works. However, you may take paracetamol or other painkillers if you do develop side effects such as pain, fever, headache or muscle aches after vaccination.

Even after you’re vaccinated, keep taking precautions

While a COVID-19 vaccine will prevent serious illness and death, we still don’t know the extent to which it keeps you from being infected and passing the virus on to others. The more we allow the virus to spread, the more opportunity the virus has to change.

Continue to take actions to slow and eventually stop the spread of the virus:

Keep at least 1 metre from others Wear a mask, especially in crowded, closed and poorly ventilated settings. Clean your hands frequently Cover any cough or sneeze in your bent elbow When indoors with others, ensure good ventilation, such as by opening a window

Doing it all protects us all. Adeola Ready (talk) 12:40, 27 September 2021 (UTC)

How the World Bank Group is Helping Developing Countries to Vaccinate their Populations

Part of the world's countries are making good progress vaccinating their citizens against COVID-19, which will save lives and get their economies back on track. But most low- and middle-income countries are still struggling to get enough doses just to protect their health and frontline workers, as well as their most vulnerable. Indeed, 66% of people in high-income countries have so far received at least one shot of a COVID-19 vaccine, compared to 2% of people in low-income countries. Grappling with vaccine supply bottlenecks That stark disparity is driven largely by a fierce and lopsided global competition for a finite COVID-19 vaccine supply. In response, the World Bank Group has embarked on the fastest and largest crisis response in our history. Since March 2020, we have deployed more than $150 billion to help countries fight the health, economic, and social impacts of the pandemic. Within the first 60 days of our response, we were delivering projects in 100 countries to meet emergency health needs, strengthen pandemic preparedness, protect poor people and jobs, and jumpstart a climate-friendly recovery. Supporting countries with $20 billion for vaccine purchase and distribution In October 2020, before COVID vaccines became available for broad use, we approved $12 billion for purchase and deployment of the vaccines in lower-income countries. Of that, $4.6 billion is so far supporting vaccine rollouts in 55 countries. Half are the world’s poorest countries, and more than half of the funded projects are in Africa. The financing is not just to procure vaccines, but also to support countries to get vaccines in people’s arms. In June, we increased that vaccine financing envelope to $20 billion over 18 months to continue helping countries purchase vaccines, get them into people’s arms and strengthen national health systems for the longer term. Working with partners to accelerate access to vaccines To take on vaccine supply limitations for developing countries, we are partnering withCOVAX , the global mechanism which aims to provide equitable access for every country, and the African Vaccine Acquisition Trust (or AVAT) which is led by the African Union and the Africa CDC and supported by other partners such as Afreximbank, UNECA, and UNICEF. Our goal: to make our financing available to countries to purchase vaccines through each of these mechanisms. A recent surge of dose-sharing pledges has begun to increase the flow of more vaccines to countries that need them. But much more is necessary, and pledges need to turn into action. We are leading the Multilateral Leaders Task Force on COVID-19 Vaccines, Therapeutics and Diagnostics, which was established by the heads of the International Monetary Fund, World Bank Group, World Health Organization and the World Trade Organization to track, coordinate and advance the delivery of COVID-19 vaccines, therapeutics and diagnostics. The task force has launched a new global database and country-by-country data dashboards, to track and monitor global and country-level gaps and support faster and more targeted solutions to accelerate access to COVID-19 vaccines, treatments and tests in developing countries. The task force members also met with the CEOs of leading vaccine manufacturing companies to discuss strategies to improve the access to COVID-19 vaccines, especially in low- and lower middle-income countries and in Africa The World Bank is also a partner of the ACT-Accelerator, a collaboration of global health agencies to ensure equitable access to vaccines, tests and treatments for developing countries, and co-leads its health systems connector together with the Global Fund and WHO. Helping countries to get ready for massive vaccine campaigns Countries not only need more doses, they must also be ready to distribute them domestically. To that end, almost half of the vaccine financing countries have requested from the World Bank so far goes to strengthening national vaccine distribution systems. This includes developing better data and tracking systems, improving cold chains, training health workers and community engagement that builds essential public trust in health systems. A number of countries – often with World Bank support – have made significant progress in recent years strengthening their health care infrastructure. Even so, some lack the capacity to carry out what will probably be among the biggest health interventions in their histories. The latest data from our readiness assessments (prepared together with Gavi, the Global Fund, UNICEF and WHO) show that, while almost 95% of countries have developed national vaccination plans and 81% have safety measures in place, only 64% have developed plans to train the large number of vaccinators who will be needed for the campaign. Only about half of the countries have public engagement plans to generate public confidence, trust and demand for COVID-19 vaccines. Increasing vaccine production, especially in Africa For much of this year, there has been a growing awareness of the need to ramp up vaccine production, especially in or near countries currently starved of doses. With that in mind, the International Finance Corporation (IFC), the World Bank’s private sector arm, has partnered with French, German and U.S. development finance institutions on a €600 million investment in South Africa’s Aspen Pharmacare, which is playing a major role producing COVID-19 treatments, therapies and vaccines on the African continent. In addition, IFC is investing in several local, commercially viable vaccine manufacturers in low- or middle-income countries to expand their production of COVID-19 vaccines under license or working on their own COVID-19 vaccine, or both. We need global COVID vaccine equity, not just because it’s the right thing to do, but it is the only way we can bring the pandemic under control. That’s why the World Bank Group with key partners, is making an unprecedented effort not just to help get us to that better place but to get there as soon as possible. Adeola Ready (talk) 12:19, 28 September 2021 (UTC)

September 2021

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I received your email. I will restore your talk page access to allow you to follow the instructions in the notice above to request unblock. You seem to think you have been submitting articles- what you have been doing is posting them on this page, which is not article space. This page is for communication with you. New users cannot directly create new articles, and should use Articles for Creation. Be advised that creating new articles that will last is the absoulte hardest task to perform on Wikipedia, and new users who dive right in without knowledge and experience with Wikipedia often end up disappointed and with hurt feelings as their work is mercilessly edited and deleted by others. You would be better served by (once unblocked) using the new user tutorial and editing existing articles in areas that interest you, to get a feel for how Wikipedia operates and what is expected of article content. I would be willing to lift the block if you agree to do those things before attempting to create a new article, and to use Articles for Creation. 331dot (talk) 15:49, 28 September 2021 (UTC)

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Translation notification: Help:Signature

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Meta translation coordinators‎, 02:21, 21 February 2024 (UTC)

Translation notification: Amical Wikimedia

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Meta translation coordinators‎, 06:28, 23 February 2024 (UTC)

Translation notification: Wikidata/Development

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Meta translation coordinators‎, 12:50, 27 February 2024 (UTC)

Translation notification: Global bans

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Meta translation coordinators‎, 08:40, 29 February 2024 (UTC)

Translation notification: IP Editing: Privacy Enhancement and Abuse Mitigation/Updates/Legal

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Meta translation coordinators‎, 02:48, 2 March 2024 (UTC)

Translation notification: Wikivoyage

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Meta translation coordinators‎, 08:27, 5 March 2024 (UTC)

Translation notification: Wikimedia Foundation

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Meta translation coordinators‎, 03:53, 7 March 2024 (UTC)

Translation notification: Small Wiki Monitoring Team

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Meta translation coordinators‎, 13:51, 16 March 2024 (UTC)

Translation notification: Template:Steward election status

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Meta translation coordinators‎, 19:02, 18 March 2024 (UTC)

Translation notification: Template:Steward election status

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Outdated text which may mislead users, please assist to update at your earliest convenience.

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Meta translation coordinators‎, 04:52, 19 March 2024 (UTC)

Translation notification: Grants:Knowledge Sharing/Connect/Team

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Meta translation coordinators‎, 22:40, 19 March 2024 (UTC)

Translation notification: Wikimedia Foundation Board of Trustees

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Meta translation coordinators‎, 07:44, 23 March 2024 (UTC)

Translation notification: Template:Special global permissions/Seealso

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Meta translation coordinators‎, 05:24, 1 April 2024 (UTC)

Translation notification: Wikimedia Foundation Board of Trustees

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Meta translation coordinators‎, 04:48, 19 April 2024 (UTC)

Translation notification: Fundraising/Translation

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Meta translation coordinators‎, 14:11, 25 April 2024 (UTC)