During this period the kingdoms financial situation was precarious. In 1576, for example, the royal revenues totalled around 14,000,000 livres, while the debt equalled 101,000,000 livres. In light of this situation, Henri abandoned the notion of sweeping away venal office, expanded the alienation of the royal domain and undertook a program of taxing the towns while also subjecting them to forced loans. The provinces baulked at the fiscal demands of the crown in 1578–1579, with the provincial Esates of Bourgogne, Bretagne and Normandie refusing to yield despite the sending of royal commissioners. In Picardie and Champagne there were riots against paying more. Real reform was demanded.[1] In 1579 Henri issued the Grand Ordonnance of Blois which was composed of 363 articles and aimed at addressing grievances raised in the Estates General of 1576.[2] This ordonnance declared a reduction in the membership of the sovereign courts and présidieux courts, prohibited the venality of office and legislated on the alienation of the royal domain among various other matters.[3]

By 1582, Henri was looking for a way out of the cycle of financial expedients required to keep the balance sheet afloat. Commissions were thus created that were to investigate the situation in the provinces.[4] In August 1582 six groups of commissioners were sent out into the provinces. Each one was led by a prelate, and contained a member of the conseil privé (privy council), a magistrate and an expert in finance. These commissions visited all the provinces of the kingdom.[5] Alongside this, in early 1583, Henri looked to bring about the alienation of 100,000 écus of the churches property. This was greeted with strong resistance form the clergy in a Paris assembly on 28 March. Henri also ran into opposition on the conseil privé. He dispatched his sécretaire (secretary) Jules Gassot to negotiate on the matter with the Pope in Roma. Through the Papal Nunzio, the Pope warned Henri that if he persisted in his designs against church property the sacrament would be refused to him/ Stung, Henri was forced to retreat from the project.[6]

Arriving in a province, the commission would liaise with the governor and his lieutenants to be assured of their backing during the stay. They would then tour the cities of the province and convene representative assemblies. The local Estates would also be consulted, and all financial officials, be they of the state or of the church quizzed. By this means it was hoped all facets of public life that required the crowns attention could be seen, and further any grievances as to the present state of things aired.[5]

In such instances as they identified royal officials, nobles or clerics to be guilty of abuses (be it their abuse of power, disobedience or embezzlement) the commissioners were authorised to apply sanctions on the official.[5]

The commissioners received a cool greeting from the local authorities with which they met. Despite this they applied serious effort to the task at hand, spending six months in the pursuit of their missions. They left a heavy mark in the local archives of the places they visited.[5]

Upon the return of the commissioners to court in October 1583 a 48 chapter report was presented to the royal conseil. This was supplemented by a memorandum on each province, where general grievances and specific matters were outlined. Only those of Bretagne and Normandie survive in the record. The documents outline the poor state of royal finances, and the frustration of the French people at the burden of the direct and indirect taxations they were subject to.[1]

An Assembly of Notables would be convened to analyse the results of the investigations that had been undertaken and act as consultants for the remedies to be taken.[4][3] Henri hoped that the notables would be able to facilitate a reorganisation of the French tax regimen.[7] In addition to this the grand promises of the Grand Ordonnance de Blois could at last be realised, and the internal problems of the kingdom resolved so that France could reorientate towards an international focus for competition with España.[8]

The announcement of the Assembly of Notables was a cause of both concern and relief for the ecclesiastical bodies. On the one hand it raised the spectre of a new attempt at alienations of church domains. However on the other, it would so overwhelm Henri with various matters that it might protect the church from being made the source of the king's financial relief. There would be a number of senior prelates among the attendees also.[9]

In attendance would be 66 persons.[3] This would be composed of the princes du sang (princes of the blood - agnatic blood relations of the royal family), the officiers de la couronne (officers of the crown), twenty six conseillers d'État (state councillors), commanders of the royal comagnies d'ordonnance (ordinance companies) and governors of various places, seven jurists, two diplomats and representatives of the two principal royal favourites: duc de Joyeuse, duc d'Épernon. Representatives of the queen mother Catherine and the king's brother the duc d'Alençon would also be in attendance.[4][5]

Henri had hoped his brother would join him for the Assembly, and sent a request to this effect and to this end dispatched Catherine to La Fère to meet with him in August. Catherine had no success in convincing him to attend, and would later report that 'malicious individuals' had convinced Alençon the Assembly would work to his disadvantage.[10]

For the princes du sang in attendance would be the cardinal de Bourbon, his nephew the cardinal de Vendôme and the marquis de Conti.[5]

Of the princes du sang, both the prince de Condé and king of Navarre would be absent. Neither wished to come to the assembly to deliver their remonstrances.[11]

For the princes of sovereign houses in attendance would be the duc de Guise, duc d'Aumale, duc de Mercœur and duc de Nevers.[5]

The royal favourite, the duc d'Épernon was in attendance.[11]

For the maréchaux (marshals) would be the baron de Biron, the comte de Retz and seigneur d'Aumont.[5]

For the officers of the crown would be the chancelier (chancellor) Cheverny.[5]

The Assembly had initially been intended to start on 15 September 1583.[8] However it would only open on 18 November 1583.[12]

Henri delivered the opening address before the assembly. He raised the unfortunate spectre that the ruin of the state might follow if their deliberations were not successful. To drive this point home to the Notables gathered at Saint-Germain, a document titled 'the state of the domain and the finances of France' was distributed, as well as a retrospective on royal finances since 1494.[7]

Henri proposed to those gathered that the taille (land tax) and the taxes on salt and wine all be replaced with a single tax that would be levied proportionate to the wealth of the household in 30 bands ranging from one sol up to 50 livres. He anticipated this would bring in between 25,000,000 to 35,000,000 livres. This plan had first been proposed by the crown during the Estates General of 1576, but had been rejected by the Third Estate then.[7]

After subjecting the proposal to their considerations and thinking on the matter, the notables shot down the king's proposal just as had the Estates. They proposed the king instead redeem parts of the royal domain without raising new taxes. As concerned financial injustices they proposed a special tribunal of parlementaires who would hear cases of corruption and fraud. Henri therefore lost another opportunity to rationalise the French tax system, but succeeded in spreading awareness of the financial problems of the kingdom.[7]

It was also hoped that the notables would develop an implementation of the articles that had been promulgated by the king in the 1579 Grand Ordonnance.[13]

In mid December the proceedings were divided into three chambers.[1] The notables were presented with a program of 217 articles which touched on all aspects of administration in the kingdom. The notables drew up reports on the various mechanisms by which the identified ills could be staunched.[1]

Henri and his mother Catherine actively participated in the sessions of the notables.[9] Catherine departed to meet with the duc d'Alençon at Château-Thierry on 31 December. Alençon was once again threatening the prospect of a civil war. Alençon had apparently been convinced by 'malicious' members of his entourage, that Henri intended to withdraw from Alençon his prerogatives over his appanage as a way of recovering the royal domain. Catherine denied that Henri intended such, but this was not satisfactory for Alençon who demanded Henri respond to a point by point memorandum of his grievances.[14]

Henri entrusted the duc de Nevers with delivering a harangue to the nobility.[12]

Many proposals were presented during the Assembly, particularly as concerned the management of the economy and finances.[4] The Assembly proposed a reduction of the royal army to 2,400 men.[9]

Some of the many resolutions the Assembly reached were as follows.[15] The parlementaire Barnabé Brisson was tasked with collating all the edicts and ordonnances that were presently in force. He would publish the work, a sophisticated legal synthesis that became known as the Code Henri III.[9] The Assembly argued that Henri had been hoodwinked by his financiers. They recommended Henri undertake a review of the contracts made during the alienations of the royal domain and the allocation of tax revenues and duties (including the salt tax).[15] For the protection of the domestic silk and drapery industries, it was proposed that import of finished luxury products be prohibited. Stud farms were to be established to restrict the need to import expensive foreign horses. To achieve this French abbeys who possessed over a certain amount of land were to be expected to raise a certain number of horses. The Assembly advised Henri to import Germans who could well exploit the countries mineral deposits.[15]

The final working session of the Assembly was undertaken on 31 January.[9]

In early February the Assembly was drawn to a close.[12]

Much of Henri's legislation in 1584 and 1585 would embody the proposals of the Assembly. On 9 February he issued an ordonnnance organising the royal gendarmerie.[9] The leases for the farming of indirect taxes were increased in value, changes were also made to the taille and gabelle.[3] The five large tax farms were consolidated into a single lease which was awarded on 24 May 1585 to three financiers (René Brouart a bourgeois of Paris, and the Italians Sardini and Jean-Baptiste de Gondi).[15] The money advanced to the king as a result of this allowed Henri to pay his officers incomes, service the royal annuities and settle some of the crowns debts.[16] On 29 May 1584, Henri declared the creation of a special chamber of justice to examine abuses committed by tax farmers and financial officials.[3][15] Spending was restricted and this delivered results. In 1585 the royal budget was almost balanced (with the deficit reduced to the minimal value of 363,732 écus when compared with the 1584 deficit of 1,800,000 écus).[14] However the crisis of the Catholic ligue (league) would destroy these victories.[4]

Sources

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  • Boltanski, Ariane (2006). Les ducs de Nevers et l'État royal: genèse d'un compromis (ca 1550 - ca 1600). Librairie Droz.
  • Carpi, Olivia (2012). Les Guerres de Religion (1559-1598): Un Conflit Franco-Français. Ellipses.
  • Cloulas, Ivan (1979). Catherine de Médicis. Fayard.
  • Jouanna, Arlette (2021). La France du XVIe Siècle 1483-1598. Presses Universitaires de France.
  • Pernot, Michel (1987). Les Guerres de Religion en France 1559-1598. Sedes.

References

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  1. ^ a b c d Carpi 2012, p. 368.
  2. ^ Pernot 1987, p. 117.
  3. ^ a b c d e Pernot 1987, p. 118.
  4. ^ a b c d e Jouanna 2021, p. 568.
  5. ^ a b c d e f g h i Carpi 2012, p. 367.
  6. ^ Cloulas 1979, p. 477.
  7. ^ a b c d Carpi 2012, p. 369.
  8. ^ a b Cloulas 1979, p. 468.
  9. ^ a b c d e f Cloulas 1979, p. 478.
  10. ^ Cloulas 1979, p. 469.
  11. ^ a b Cloulas 1979, p. 472.
  12. ^ a b c Boltanski 2006, p. 414.
  13. ^ Cloulas 1979, p. 473.
  14. ^ a b Cloulas 1979, p. 480.
  15. ^ a b c d e Cloulas 1979, p. 479.
  16. ^ Carpi 2012, p. 370.