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This article describes the different ways of forming the plural forms of nouns and adjectives in the Romance languages, and discusses various hypotheses about how these systems emerged historically from the declension patterns of Vulgar Latin.


Two types of plural markingEdit

Romance languages can be divided into two broad groups depending on how the regular plural forms of nouns and adjectives are formed.

One strategy is the addition of the plural suffix -s. For example:

  • Spanish: buena madre "good mother (sing.)" → buenas madres "good mothers (plur.)"

Modern languages that have this type of plural suffix include Catalan, French, Occitan, Portuguese, Galician, Romansh, Sardinian and Spanish.

The other strategy involves changing (or adding) the final vowel:

  • Italian: buona madre "good mother (sing.)" → buone madri "good mothers (plur.)"

The main examples of modern Romance languages exhibiting this type of plural marking are Italian and Romanian.

The historical development of these two distinct types of plural morphology is an important and controversial topic in Romance philology.


The following table illustrates the singular and plural forms of the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd declensions in Classical Latin.

bona "good (fem.)" bonus "good (masc.)" mater "mother" homo "man"
singular plural singular plural singular plural singular plural
nominative bona bonae bonus bonī mater matrēs homō homĭnēs
accusative bonam bonās bonum bonōs matrem matrēs homĭnem homĭnēs

The corresponding Vulgar Latin forms are shown below:[1]

singular plural singular plural singular plural singular plural
nominative ˈbɔna ˈbɔne ˈbɔno ˈbɔni ˈmadre ˈmadres ˈɔmo ˈɔmines
accusative ˈbɔna ˈbɔnas ˈbɔno ˈbɔnos ˈmadre ˈmadres ˈɔmine ˈɔmines

Origin of plural -sEdit

The plural forms in -s in languages like Spanish (for example, buenas madres "good mothers", buenos hombres "good men") can be straightforwardly explained as descendants of Latin accusative forms in -as, -os and -es.

On the other hand, 3rd declension nouns and adjectives have -es in both nominative and accusative, however, so the -s plural for these words could derive from either case form. There is also evidence that Vulgar Latin may have preserved the nominative plural ending -as in the 1st declension, attested in Old Latin and replaced by -ae in literary Classical Latin. The Romance varieties that maintained the distinction between nominative and accusative cases in the medieval period (Old French, Old Occitan, Old Sursilvan) have forms in -s for both nominative and accusative plurals of feminine nouns of the first declension.

Origin of vocalic pluralsEdit

There is debate over the origin of the plurals of Italian and Romanian, with some claiming that they derive from the Latin nominative endings -Ī -AE and others that they partly derive from the Latin accusative endings. The "nominative" theory appears more straightforward at first; however, the "accusative" theory is more common currently.

The Italian endings are -i (for nouns in -o and -e), and -e (for nouns in -a); the very few remnants of the Latin neuter nouns in -um can take -a or -e for the plural. The nominative theory suggests that the -o plural -i and the -a plural -e are derived straightforwardly from nominative -Ī and -AE, respectively (it is known that AE > e in all Romance languages), and that the -e plural -i is derived by analogy with the -o plural. (The corresponding nominative form in Latin is -ĒS. With the loss of final /s/, singular and plural would both have -e, which is problematic and was rectified by borrowing -i.)

The accusative theory proposes that suggesting that Italian -e derives from -as:

  1. In Italian, masculine amico has plural amici with /tʃ/ (the expected palatal outcome before -Ī), but feminine amica has plural amiche, with /k/ that is unexpected if e < -AE, but expected if e < -ĀS. (The change AE > e occurred long before palatalization, hence /tʃ/ is expected here too. It is unlikely that this unusual distribution is due to analogy; if so, either /tʃ/ or /k/ would be expected in both plural forms.)

The "accusative" theory essentially suggests:

  1. Italian plurals are indeed derived from the nominative plural.
  2. However, Proto-Romance had nominative plural -ĀS, not *-AE.
  3. The following sound changes took place:
    1. /as/ > /ai/, /es/ > /ei/.
    2. In unstressed syllables, /ai/ > /e/, /ei/ > /i/.

The first of these changes is almost certain, given examples like tu stai "you stand" < TŪ STĀS; Italian crai "tomorrow" (obsolete) < CRĀS; tu sei "you are" < TŪ *SES; sei "six" < SEX (probably Proto-Italian *sess). Note also noi "we" < NŌS. The second sound change is cross-linguistically extremely common. Furthermore, it explains a number of otherwise unexplainable forms in Italian:

  • The plural -i corresponding to Latin -ĒS
  • Verbal tu dormi "you sleep" < Proto-Western-Romance /tu dɔrmes/ < TŪ DORMIS
  • Verbal tu tieni "you hold" < TŪ TENĒS
  • Subjunctive (che) tu ami "you love" < TŪ AMĒS

Indicative tu ami "you love" < TŪ AMĀS is unexpected; we would expect *tu ame. However, tu ame is in fact attested in Old Tuscan. In this case, it appears that -i was generalized as the universal tu ending at the expense of -e. (Note the even more striking generalization of first plural -iamo, originally only the subjunctive form of -ere and -ire verbs.)

If this theory is correct, something similar must have happened in Romanian.

Further support for this theory may be established by examining a current ongoing natural evolution and changes in the speech of some Spanish or Portuguese dialects, including most notoriously Chilean Spanish.

Chilean Spanish is a dialect which until the recent invention and advances of telecommunications and mass media (television, the internet, etc.) was one of the most geographically remote of all (non-creole) Spanish dialects which evolved almost alone, as opposed to the others which had at least some influence from Spain and each other. Its remoteness bestowed it, until recently, no levelling pressures or other effects of standardization from other forms of Spanish. Distance separated it from the Viceroyalty of New Spain and the Viceroyalty of Nueva Granada, while the Andes mountain range isolated it physically from the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, and the Atacama desert divided it from the Viceroyalty of Peru.

In Chilean Spanish one can currently witness a living process of language evolution in the weakening of the final -s to /h/, or even to null and which therefore may possibly be in the process of undergoing alterations similar to what happened in Italian, and if not for modern mass media and telecommunication advances might have eventually evolved into yet another separate Romance language.

Spoken verbal forms in Chilean Spanish range a full spectrum, for instance, "you (singular) are mine" can be heard spoken in any of a myriad of ways (all of which descended from Spanish forms of Vos Soís, Tú eres, and Usted Es):

  • Vos soi mío
  • Voh soi mío
  • Vo soi mío
  • Tú soi mío
  • Tú eres mío
  • Tú ereh mío
  • Tú ere mío
  • Vos erís mío
  • Voh eríh mío
  • Vo erí mío
  • Tú erís mío
  • Tú eríh mío
  • Tú erí mío
  • Usted es mío
  • Uhted eh mío
  • Usted é mío
  • Usté é mío
  • Uhté eh mío
  • Uté é mío
  • Uht’é mío

Most of these are only in spoken form, others are sometimes written, but only "Tú eres" or "Usted es" are considered standard Spanish. Usage depends on politeness, social relationships, formality, and education.


  1. ^ See Romance_languages#Sound changes for a description of the regular sound correspondences relating Classical Latin and Vulgar Latin.

See alsoEdit


  • D’hulst, Yves (2006). "Romance plurals". Lingua. 116 (8): 1303–1329. doi:10.1016/j.lingua.2005.09.003.
  • Maiden, Martin (1996). "On the Romance Inflectional Endings -i and -e". Romance Philology. 50 (2): 147–182.
  • Maiden, Martin; Smith, John Charles; Ledgeway, Adam (2010). The Cambridge History of the Romance Languages: Structures. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-80072-3.
  • Tekavčić, Pavao (1980). Grammatica storica dell'italiano. 2. Bologna: Il Mulino.

External linksEdit