Nilotic peoples

  (Redirected from Nilotes)

The Nilotic peoples are peoples indigenous to the Nile Valley who speak Nilotic languages. They inhabit South Sudan, Sudan, Ethiopia, Uganda, Kenya, DR Congo, Rwanda and Tanzania.[1] Among these are the Burun speaking peoples, Karo peoples, Luo peoples, Ateker peoples, Kalenjin peoples, Datooga, Dinka, Nuer, Atwot, Lotuko and the Maa-speaking peoples.

Nilotes
Regions with significant populations
Nile Valley, African Great Lakes, southwestern Ethiopia
Languages
Nilotic languages
Religion
Traditional faiths (Dinka religion, Kalenjin folklore etc), Christianity

The Nilotes constitute the majority of the population in South Sudan, an area that is believed to be their original point of dispersal. After the Bantu peoples, they constitute the second-most numerous group of peoples inhabiting the African Great Lakes region around the Eastern Great Rift.[2] They make up a notable part of the population of southwestern Ethiopia as well.

The Nilotic peoples primarily adhere to Christianity and traditional faiths, including the Dinka religion.

NameEdit

The terms Nilotic and Nilote were previously used as racial sub-classifications, based on anthropological observations of the distinct body morphology of many Nilotic speakers. Twentieth-century social scientists have largely discarded such efforts to classify peoples according to physical characteristics, in favor of using linguistic studies to distinguish among peoples. They formed ethnicities and cultures based on a shared language.[3] Since the late 20th century, however, social and physical scientists are making use of data from population genetics.[4]

Nilotic and Nilote are now mainly used to classify "Nilotic people" based on ethnic identification and linguistic families. Etymologically, the terms Nilotic and Nilote (singular nilot) derive from the Nile Valley; specifically, the Upper Nile and its tributaries, where most Sudanese Nilo-Saharan-speaking people live.[5]

Ethnic/linguistic divisionsEdit

LanguagesEdit

 
Areas where Nilotic languages are spoken.

Linguistically, Nilotic people are divided into three sub-groups:

Ethnic groupsEdit

Nilotic people constitute the bulk of the population of South Sudan. The largest of the Sudanese Nilotic peoples are the Dinka, who have as many as twenty-five ethnic subdivisions. The next largest group are the Nuer, followed by the Shilluk.[6]

The Nilotic people in Uganda include the Luo peoples(Acholi, Lango, Alur, Adhola and Kumam), Ateker peoples(Iteso, Karamojong and Lango, who despite speaking Luo, have cultural Atekere origins) Sebei and Kakwa

In East Africa, the Nilotes are often subdivided into three general groups:

HistoryEdit

OriginsEdit

 
Nubian head from the New Kingdom Period of Ancient Egypt (circa 1295 –1070 B.C.)

A Proto-Nilotic unity, separate from an earlier undifferentiated Eastern Sudanic unity, is assumed to have emerged by the 3rd millennium BC. The development of the Proto-Nilotes as a group may have been connected with their domestication of livestock. The Eastern Sudanic unity must have been considerably earlier still, perhaps around the 5th millennium BC (while the proposed Nilo-Saharan unity would date to the Upper Paleolithic about 15kya). The original locus of the early Nilotic speakers was presumably east of the Nile in what is now South Sudan. The Proto-Nilotes of the 3rd millennium BC were pastoralists, while their neighbors, the Proto-Central Sudanic peoples, were mostly agriculturalists.[8] Nilotic people practised a mixed economy of cattle pastoralism, fishing and seed cultivation.[9] Some of the earliest archaeological findings on record, that describe a similar culture to this from the same region, are found at Kadero, 48 kilometres north of Khartoum in Sudan, and date to 3000 BC. Kadero contains the remains of a cattle pastoralist culture as well as a cemetery with skeletal remains featuring Sub-Saharan African phenotypes. It also contains evidence of other animal domestication, artistry, long-distance trade, seed cultivation and fish consumption.[10][11][12][13] Genetic and linguistic studies have demonstrated that Nubian people in Northern Sudan and Southern Egypt are an admixed group that started off as a population closely related to Nilotic people.[14][15] This population later received significant gene flow from Middle Eastern and other East African populations.[14] Nubians are considered to be descendants of the early inhabitants of the Nile valley who later formed the Kingdom of Kush which included Kerma and Meroe and the medieval christian kingdoms of Makuria, Nobatia and Alodia.[16] These studies suggest that populations closely related to Nilotic people long inhabited the Nile valley as far as Southern Egypt in antiquity.

Early ExpansionEdit

 
Politician John Garang (Dinka) amongst Nilotic supporters in South Sudan.

Language evidence indicates an initial southward expansion out of the Nilotic nursery into far southern Sudan beginning in the second millennium B.C., the Southern Nilotic communities that participated in this expansion would eventually reach western Kenya between 1000 and 500 B.C.[17] Their arrival occurred shortly before the introduction of iron to East Africa.[18]

Expansion out of the SuddEdit

Linguistic evidence shows that over time Nilotic speakers, such as the Dinka, Shilluk, and Luo, took over. These groups spread from the Sudd marshlands, where archaeological evidence shows that a culture based on transhumant cattle raising had been present since 3000 BCE, and the Nilotic culture in that area may thus be continuous to that date.[19]

The Nilotic expansion from the Sudd Marshes into the rest of South Sudan seems to have begun in the 14th century. This coincides with the collapse of the Christian Nubian kingdoms of Makuria and Alodia and the penetration of Arab traders into central Sudan. From the Arabs, the South Sudanese may have obtained new breeds of humpless cattle.[19] Archaeologist Roland Oliver notes that the period also shows an Iron Age beginning among the Nilotic. These factors may explain how the Nilotic speakers expanded to dominate the region.

ShillukEdit

 
The kingdoms of the Funj, Cøllø (pronounced "Chollo"), Tegali, and Fur c.1800

By the sixteenth century, the most powerful group among the Nilotic speakers were the Cøllø (called Shilluk by Arabs and Europeans), who spread east to the banks of the white Nile under the legendary leadership of Nyikang,[20] who is said to have ruled Läg Cøllø c.1490 to c.1517.[21] The Cøllø gained control of the west bank of the river as far north as Kosti in Sudan. There they established an economy based on cattle raising, cereal farming, and fishing, with small villages located along the length of the river.[22] The Cøllø developed an intensive system of agriculture, and the Cøllø lands in the 17th century had a population density similar to that of the Egyptian Nile lands.[23]

One theory is that it was pressure from the Cøllø that drove the Funj people north, who would establish the Sultanate of Sennar. The Dinka remained in the Sudd area, maintaining their transhumance economy.[24]

While the Dinka were protected and isolated from their neighbours, the Cøllø were more involved in international affairs. The Cøllø controlled the west bank of the White Nile, but the other side was controlled by the Funj Sultanate, and there were regular conflict between the two. The Cøllø had the ability to quickly raid outside areas by war canoe, and had control of the waters of the Nile. The Funj had a standing army of armoured cavalry, and this force allowed them to dominated the plains of the sahel.

Cøllø traditions tell of Rädh Odak Ocollo who ruled c. 1630 and led them in a three decade war with Sennar over control of the White Nile trade routes. The Cøllø allied with the Sultanate of Darfur and the Kingdom of Takali against the Funj, but the capitulation of Takali ended the war in the Funj's favour. In the later 17th century the Cøllø and Funj allied against the Dinka who rose to power in the border area between the Funj and Cøllø. The Cøllø political structure gradually centralized under the a king or reth. The most important is Rädh Tugø (son of Rädh Dhøköödhø) who ruled c. 1690 to 1710 and established the Cøllø capital of Fashoda. The same period saw the gradual collapse of the Funj sultanate, leaving the Cøllø in complete control of the White Nile and its trade routes. The Cøllø military power was based on control of the river.[25]

Southern Nilotic settlement in East AfricaEdit

Starting in the mid-19th century, European anthropologists and later Kenyan historians have been interested in the origins of human migration from various parts of Africa into East Africa. One of the more notable broad based theories emanating from these studies being the Bantu expansion. The main tools of study have been linguistics, archaeology and oral traditions.

Oral traditionsEdit

The significance of tracing individual clan histories in order to get an idea of Kalenjin groups formation has been shown by scholars such as B.E. Kipkorir (1978). He argued that the Tugen first settled in small clan groups, fleeing from war, famine and disease, and that they arrived from western, eastern and northern sections. There is even a section among the Tugen that claims to have come from Mount Kenya.[26]

The Nandi account on the Settlement of Nandi displays a similar manner of occupation of the Nandi territory. The Kalenjin clans that moved into and occupied the Nandi area, thus becoming the Nandi tribe, came from a wide array of Kalenjin speaking areas.[27]

It thus appears that there were spatial core areas to which people moved and concentrated over the centuries, and in the process evolved into the individual Kalenjin communities known today by adopting migrants and assimilating original inhabitants.[28]

For various reasons, slow and multi-generational migrations of Nilotic Luo Peoples occurred from South Sudan into Uganda and western Kenya from at least 1000 AD continuing up until the early 20th century.[29] Oral history and genealogical evidence have been used to estimate timelines of Luo expansion into and within Kenya and Tanzania. Four major waves of migrations into the former Nyanza province in Kenya are discernible starting with the People of Jok (Joka Jok) which is estimated to have began around 1490-1517.[30] Joka Jok were the first and largest wave of migrants into northern Nyanza. These migrants settled at a place called Ramogi Hill then expanded around Northern Nyanza. The People of Owiny' (Jok'Owiny) and the People of Omolo (Jok'Omolo) followed soon after (1598-1625).[31] A miscellaneous group composed of the Suba, Sakwa, Asembo, Uyoma and Kano then followed. The Suba originally were Bantu speaking people who assimilated into Luo culture. They fled from the Buganda Kingdom in Uganda after the civil strife that followed the murder of the 24th Kabaka of Buganda in the mid 18th century and settled in South Nyanza, especially at Rusinga and Mfangano islands.[32] Luo speakers crossed Winam Gulf of Lake Victoria from Northern Nyanza into South Nyanza starting in the early 17th century.[31]

Post-colonial traditionsEdit

 
Mount Elgon, referred by Kalenjin as Tulwop Kony,a common Kalenjin point of origin

A number of historical narratives from the various Kalenjin sub-tribes point to Tulwetab/Tulwop Kony (Mount Elgon) as their original point of settlement in Kenya.[33] This point of origin appears as a central theme in most narratives recorded after the colonial period. One of the more famous accounts states that;

... the Kalenjin originated from a country in the north known as Emet ab Burgei, which means, the hot country. The people are said to have traveled southwards passing through Mount Elgon or Tulwet ab Kony in Kalenjin. The Sabaot settled around the slopes of the mountain while the others travelled on in search of better land. The Keiyo and Marakwet settled in Kerio Valley and Cherangani Hills. The Pokot settled on the northern side of Mount Elgon and later spread to areas north of Lake Baringo. At Lake Baringo, the Tugen separated from the Nandi and the Kipsigis. This was during a famine known as Kemeutab Reresik, which means, famine of the bats. It is said that during this famine a bat brought blades of green grass which was taken as a sign of good omen signifying that famine could be averted through movement to greener pastures. The Tugen moved and settled around Tugen Hills while the Kipsigis and the Nandi moved to Rongai area. The Kipsigis and Nandi are said to have lived as a united group for a long time but eventually were forced to separate due to antagonistic environmental factors. Some of these were droughts and invasion of the Maasai from Uasin Gishu.[34]

Geographical barriers protected the southerners from Islam's advance, enabling them to retain their social and cultural heritage and their political and religious institutions. The Dinka people were especially secure in the Sudd marshlands, which protected them from outside interference, and allowed them to remain secure without a large armed forces. The Shilluk, Azande, and Bari people had more regular conflicts with neighbouring states[35]

Culture and religionEdit

 
A Luo village in Kenya

Most Nilotes continue to practice pastoralism, migrating on a seasonal basis with their herds of livestock.[2] Some tribes are also known for a tradition of cattle raiding.[36]

Through lengthy interaction with neighbouring peoples, the Nilotes in East Africa have adopted many customs and practices from Southern Cushitic groups. The latter include the age set system of social organization, circumcision, and vocabulary terms.[2][37]

In terms of religious beliefs, Nilotes primarily adhere to traditional faiths and Christianity. The Dinka religion has a pantheon of deities. The Supreme, Creator God is Nhialic, who is the God of the sky and rain, and the ruler of all the spirits.[38] He is believed to be present in all of creation, and to control the destiny of every human, plant and animal on Earth. Nhialic is also known as Jaak, Juong or Dyokin by other Nilotic groups, such as the Nuer and Shilluk. Dengdit or Deng, is the sky God of rain and fertility, empowered by Nhialic.[39] Deng's mother is Abuk, the patron Goddess of gardening and all women, represented by a snake.[40] Garang, another deity, is believed or assumed by some Dinka to be a god suppressed by Deng; his spirits can cause most Dinka women, and some men, to scream. The term "Jok" refers to a group of ancestral spirits.

In the Lotuko mythology, the chief God is called Ajok. He is generally seen as kind and benevolent, but can be angered. He once reportedly answered a woman's prayer for the resurrection of her son. Her husband, however, was angry and killed the child. According to the Lotuko religion, Ajok was annoyed by the man's actions and swore never to resurrect any Lotuko again. As a result, death was said to have become permanent.

GeneticsEdit

Y DNAEdit

 
Nilotic men in Kapoeta, South Sudan.

A Y-chromosome study by Wood et al. (2005) tested various populations in Africa for paternal lineages, including 26 Maasai and 9 Luo from Kenya, and 9 Alur from the Democratic Republic of Congo. The signature Nilotic paternal marker Haplogroup A3b2 was observed in 27% of the Maasai, 22% of the Alur, and 11% of the Luo.[41]

According to Gomes et al. (2010),[42] Haplogroup B is another characteristically Nilotic paternal marker. It was found in 22% of Wood et al.'s Luo samples, 8% of studied Maasai and 50% of studied Nuer.[41] The E1b1b haplogroup has been observed at overall frequencies of around 11% among Nilo-Saharan-speaking groups in the Great Lakes area,[43] with this influence concentrated among the Maasai (50%).[41] This is indicative of substantial historic gene flow from Cushitic-speaking males into these Nilo-Saharan-speaking populations.[43] In addition, 67% of the Alur samples possessed the E2 haplogroup.[41]

A study by Hassan et al. (2008) analysed the Y-DNA of populations in the Sudan region, with various local Nilotic groups included for comparison. The researchers found the signature Nilotic A and B clades to be the most common paternal lineages amongst the Nilo-Saharan speakers, except those inhabiting western Sudan. There, a prominent North African influence was noted. Haplogroup A was observed amongst 62% of Dinka, 53.3% of Shilluk, 46.4% of Nuba, 33.3% of Nuer, 31.3% of Fur and 18.8% of Masalit. Haplogroup B was found in 50% of Nuer, 26.7% of Shilluk, 23% of Dinka, 14.3% of Nuba, 3.1% of Fur and 3.1% of Masalit. The E1b1b clade was also observed in 71.9% of the Masalit, 59.4% of the Fur, 39.3% of the Nuba, 20% of the Shilluk, 16.7% of the Nuer, and 15% of the Dinka.[44] Hassan et al. attributed the atypically high frequencies of the haplogroup in the Masalit to either a recent population bottleneck, which likely altered the community's original haplogroup diversity, or to geographical proximity to E1b1b's place of origin in North Africa. The researchers suggest that the clade "might have been brought to Sudan [...] after the progressive desertification of the Sahara around 6,000–8,000 years ago".[44] Henn et al. (2008) similarly observed Afro-Asiatic influence in the Nilotic Datog of northern Tanzania, 43% of whom carried the M293 sub-clade of E1b1b.[45]

mtDNAEdit

 
Pokot women trekking through the Kenya outback.

Unlike the paternal DNA of Nilotes, the maternal lineages of Nilotes in general show low-to-negligible amounts of Afro-Asiatic and other extraneous influences. An mtDNA study by Castri et al. (2008) examined the maternal ancestry of various Nilotic populations in Kenya, with Turkana, Samburu, Maasai and Luo individuals sampled. The mtDNA of almost all of the tested Nilotes belonged to various Sub-Saharan macro-haplogroup L sub-clades, including L0, L2, L3, L4 and L5. Low levels of maternal gene flow from North Africa and the Horn of Africa were observed in a few groups, mainly via the presence of mtDNA haplogroup M and haplogroup I lineages in about 12.5% of the Maasai and 7% of the Samburu samples, respectively.[46]

Autosomal DNAEdit

The autosomal DNA of Nilotic peoples has been examined in a comprehensive study by Tishkoff et al. (2009) on the genetic clusters of various populations in Africa. According to the researchers, Nilotes generally form their own African genetic cluster. The authors also found that certain Nilotic populations in the eastern Great Lakes region, such as the Maasai, showed some additional Afro-Asiatic affinities due to repeated assimilation of Cushitic-speaking peoples over the past 5000 or so years.[4]

Admixture analysisEdit

Tishkoff et al in 2009 published the largest study done to characterise genetic variation and relationships among populations in Africa. They examined 121 African populations, 4 African American populations and 60 non-African populations. Their results indicated a high degree of mixed ancestry reflecting migration events. In East Africa, all population groups examined had elements of Nilotic, Cushitic and Bantu ancestry amongst others to varying degrees. They also found that by and large, genetic clusters were consistent with linguistic classification with notable exceptions including the Luo of Kenya. Despite being Nilo-Saharan speakers, the Luo cluster with the Niger-Kordofanian speaking populations that surround them. They suggest that this indicates a high degree of admixture occurred during the southward migration of Southern Luo. Kalenjin groups and Maasai groups were found to have less Bantu ancestry but significant Cushitic ancestry.[4]

David Reich, a geneticist known for his studies on ancient DNA carried out a study which found that mutation frequencies in Luo people were much more similar to those of the surrounding Bantu speakers. They suggested that Luo speakers in East Africa may not have always been socially disadvantaged as they migrated into territories already inhabited by Bantu speakers. This is in keeping with oral history which affirms that large groups of Bantu speakers adopted Luo language, culture and customs that were dominant at the time.[47]

PhysiologyEdit

 
Cross country world champion and record holder Lornah Kiplagat, one of many prominent Nilotic distance runners.

Physically, Nilotes are noted for their typically very dark skin color and slender, tall bodies. They often possess exceptionally long limbs, particularly vis-a-vis the distal segments (forearms, calves). This characteristic is thought to be a climatic adaptation to allow their bodies to shed heat more efficiently.

Sudanese Nilotes are regarded as one of the tallest peoples in the world. Roberts and Bainbridge (1963) reported average values of 182.6 cm (5 ft 11.9 in) for height and 58.8 kg (130 lb) for weight in a sample of Sudanese Shilluk.[48] Another sample of Sudanese Dinka had a stature/weight ratio of 181.9 cm/58.0 kg (71.6&nbsp:in/127.9 lbs), with an extremely ectomorphic somatotype of 1.6–3.5–6.2.

In terms of facial features, Hiernaux (1975) observed that the nasal profile most common amongst Nilotic populations is broad, with characteristically high index values ranging from 86.9 to 92.0. He also reported that lower nasal indices are often found amongst Nilotes who inhabit the more southerly Great Lakes region, such as the Maasai, a fact which he attributed to genetic differences.[49]

Additionally, it has been remarked that the Nilotic groups presently inhabiting the African Great Lakes region are sometimes smaller in stature than those residing in the Sudan region. Campbell et al. (2006) recorded measurements of 172.0 cm/53.6 kg (67.7 in/118.2 lbs) in a sample of agricultural Turkana in northern Kenya, and of 174.9 cm/53.0 kg (68.8&nbsp:in/116.8 lbs) in pastoral Turkana.[50] Hiernaux similarly listed a height of 172.7 cm (68 in) for Maasai in southern Kenya, with an extreme trunk/leg length ratio of 47.7.[49]

Many Nilotic groups excel in long and middle-distance running. Some researchers have suggested that this sporting prowess is related to their exceptional running economy, a function of slim body morphology and slender legs.[51] A study by Pitsiladis et al. (2006) surveyed 404 elite Kenyan distance runners; it found that 76% of the international-class respondents identified as part of the Kalenjin ethnic group and that 79% spoke a Nilotic language.[52]

CitationsEdit

  1. ^ AHD: Nilotic 2020.
  2. ^ a b c d e f Okoth & Ndaloh 2006, pp. 60–62.
  3. ^ Kidd 2006.
  4. ^ a b c Tishkoff et al. 2009, pp. 1035–44.
  5. ^ Encyclopædia Britannica:Nilot.
  6. ^ Metz 1991.
  7. ^ Oboler 1985, p. 17.
  8. ^ Clark 1984, p. 31.
  9. ^ Ogot 1967, pp. 40–42.
  10. ^ Krzyzaniak 1976, p. 762.
  11. ^ Marshall & Hildebrand 2002, pp. 99–143.
  12. ^ Gautier 2006.
  13. ^ Krzyzaniak 1978, pp. 159–172.
  14. ^ a b Hollfelder et al. 2017, pp. e1006976.
  15. ^ Rilly 2016.
  16. ^ Cooper 2017.
  17. ^ Ehret 1998, p. 7.
  18. ^ Clark & Brandt 1984, p. 234.
  19. ^ a b Robertshaw 1987, pp. 177–189.
  20. ^ Forde & James 1999.
  21. ^ Mercer 1971, p. 410.
  22. ^ EOPAME: Shilluk 2009.
  23. ^ Singh 2002, p. 659.
  24. ^ EOPAME: Dinka 2009.
  25. ^ Gen Hist Africa: vol. V chap 7 1999, pp. 89–103.
  26. ^ De Vries 2007, p. 47.
  27. ^ Huntingford 1953.
  28. ^ De Vries 2007, p. 48.
  29. ^ Ogot 1967, pp. 41–43.
  30. ^ Ogot 1967, p. 144.
  31. ^ a b Ogot 1967, pp. 144–154.
  32. ^ Ogot 1967, p. 212.
  33. ^ Kipkorir & Welbourn 1973, p. 64.
  34. ^ Chesaina 1991, p. 29.
  35. ^ Gillies n.d.
  36. ^ BBC: cattle vendetta 2012.
  37. ^ Collins 2006, pp. 9–10.
  38. ^ Lienhardt 1988, p. 29.
  39. ^ Lienhardt 1988, p. 104.
  40. ^ Lienhardt 1988, p. 90.
  41. ^ a b c d Wood et al. 2005, pp. 867–876.
  42. ^ Gomes et al. 2010, pp. 603–13.
  43. ^ a b Cruciani et al. 2004, pp. 1014–1022.
  44. ^ a b Hassan et al. 2008, pp. 316–323.
  45. ^ Henn et al. 2008, pp. 10693–10698.
  46. ^ Castrì et al. 2008, pp. 189–92.
  47. ^ Reich 2018, pp. 215–216.
  48. ^ Roberts & Bainbridge 1963, pp. 341–370.
  49. ^ a b Hiernaux 1975, pp. 142–143 & 147.
  50. ^ Campbell, Leslie & Campbell 2006, pp. 71–82.
  51. ^ New Studies In Athletics, vol.2, pp. 15–24.
  52. ^ Onywera et al. 2006, p. 415.

BibliographyEdit