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Institutions are "stable, valued, recurring patterns of behavior".[1] As structures or mechanisms of social order, they govern the behaviour of a set of individuals within a given community. Institutions are identified with a social purpose, transcending individuals and intentions by mediating the rules that govern living behavior.[2]

The term "institution" commonly applies to both informal institutions such as customs, or behavior patterns important to a society, and to particular formal institutions created by entities such as the government and public services. Primary or meta-institutions are institutions such as the family that are broad enough to encompass other institutions.

As structures and mechanisms of social order, institutions are a principal object of study in social sciences such as political science, anthropology, economics, and sociology (the latter described by Émile Durkheim as the "science of institutions, their genesis and their functioning").[3] Institutions are also a central concern for law, the formal mechanism for political rule-making and enforcement.

Contents

DefinitionEdit

People may deliberately create individual, formal organizations commonly identified as "institutions"—but the development and function of institutions in society in general may be regarded as an instance of emergence. That is, institutions arise, develop and function in a pattern of social self-organization beyond conscious intentions of the individuals involved.

As mechanisms of social interaction, institutions manifest in both formal organizations, such as the U.S. Congress, or the Roman Catholic Church, and, also, in informal social order and organization, reflecting human psychology, culture, habits and customs, and encompassing subjective experience of meaningful enactments. Formal institutions are explicitly set forth by a relevant authority and informal institutions are generally unwritten societal rules, norms, and traditions.[4]

Primary or meta-institutions are institutions that encompass many other institutions, both formal and informal (e.g. the family, government, the economy, education, and religion.[4][5][6] Most important institutions, considered abstractly, have both objective and subjective aspects: examples include money and marriage. The institution of money encompasses many formal organizations, including banks and government treasury departments and stock exchanges, which may be termed, "institutions," as well as subjective experiences, which guide people in their pursuit of personal well-being. Powerful institutions are able to imbue a paper currency with certain value, and to induce millions into production and trade in pursuit of economic ends abstractly denominated in that currency's units.[citation needed] The subjective experience of money is so pervasive and persuasive that economists talk of the "money illusion" and try to disabuse their students of it, in preparation for learning economic analysis.[citation needed]

ExamplesEdit

Examples of institutions include:

  • Family: The family is the center of the child's life, as infants are totally dependent on others. The family teaches children cultural values and attitudes about themselves and others – see sociology of the family. Children learn continuously from the environment that adults create. Children also become aware of class at a very early age and assign different values to each class accordingly.[7]
  • Religion: Some believe religion is like an ethnic or cultural category, making it less likely for the individuals to break from religious affiliations and be more socialized in this setting. Parental religious participation is the most influential part of religious socialization—more so than religious peers or religious beliefs.[8] See sociology of religion and civil religion.
  • Peer groups: A peer group is a social group whose members have interests, social positions and age in common. This is where children can escape supervision and learn to form relationships on their own. The influence of the peer group typically peaks during adolescence however peer groups generally only affect short term interests unlike the family which has long term influence.[9]
  • Economic systems: Economic systems dictate "acceptable alternatives for consumption," "social values of consumption alternatives," the "establishment of dominant values," and "the nature of involvement in consumption".[10] Capitalist society may encourage the growth of centralization and interdependence under the control of an elite. Socialism encourages democratic, bottom-up control by the people and their communities.[11]
  • Legal systems: Children are pressured from both parents and peers to conform and obey certain laws or norms of the group/community. Parents’ attitudes toward legal systems influence children’s views as to what is legally acceptable.[12] For example, children whose parents are continually in jail are more accepting of incarceration. See jurisprudence, philosophy of law, sociology of law.
  • Penal systems: The penal systems acts upon prisoners and the guards. Prison is a separate environment from that of normal society; prisoners and guards form their own communities and create their own social norms. Guards serve as "social control agents" who discipline and provide security.[13] From the view of the prisoners, the communities can be oppressive and domineering, causing feelings of defiance and contempt towards the guards.[13] Because of the change in societies, prisoners experience loneliness, a lack of emotional relationships, a decrease in identity and "lack of security and autonomy".[14] Both the inmates and the guards feel tense, fearful, and defensive, which creates an uneasy atmosphere within the community.[13] See sociology of punishment.
  • Language: People learn to socialize differently depending on the specific language and culture in which they live.[15] A specific example of this is code switching. This is where immigrant children learn to behave in accordance with the languages used in their lives: separate languages at home and in peer groups (mainly in educational settings).[16] Depending on the language and situation at any given time, people will socialize differently.[17] See linguistics, sociolinguistics, sociology of language.
  • Mass media: The mass media are the means for delivering impersonal communications directed to a vast audience. The term media comes from Latin meaning, "middle," suggesting that the media's function is to connect people. The media can teach norms and values by way of representing symbolic reward and punishment for different kinds of behavior.[18] Mass media has enormous effects on our attitudes and behavior, notably in regards to aggression.[19] See media studies.
  • Learning: Learning can be social or nonsocial.[20] Consider the example of a child learning about bees. If is child is exploring and playing with no one else around, the child may see a bee and touch it (out of curiosity). If the child is stung by the bee, the child learns that touching bees is associated with pain. This is nonsocial learning, since no one else was around. In contrast, a child may benefit from social learning about bees. If the child is with mom, dad or anyone else, the child's inquisitive approach to a bee may lead to some kind of social intervention. Maybe Aunt Emy sees the child reaching for a bee and simply points the child in another direction, saying "Look at that pretty butterfly." Maybe Uncle Ed would say, "Don’t touch the bee, because it can hurt you and make you cry." Maybe Mom would have said, "Honey, stay away from bees because they sting." There are all sorts of ways that people can interact with a child to help the child learn to avoid ever being stung. Any and all of these social interventions allow the child to benefit from social learning, though some of these social interventions may be more educational and useful than others.[20]
  • Educational institutions – schools (preschool, primary/elementary, secondary, and post-secondary/higher –see sociology of education)
  • Research community – academia and universities; research institutes – see sociology of science
  • Medicinehospitals and other health care institutions – see sociology of health and illness, medical sociology
  • Military or paramilitary forces – see military sociology
  • Industrybusinesses, including corporations – see financial institution, factory, capitalism, division of labour, social class, industrial sociology
  • Civil society or NGOscharitable organizations; advocacy groups; political parties; think tanks; virtual communities

In an extended context:

  • Art and culture (See also: culture industry, critical theory, cultural studies, cultural sociology)
  • The nation-state – Social and political scientists often speak of the state as embodying all institutions such as schools, prisons, police, and so on. However, these institutions may be considered private or autonomous, whilst organised religion and family life certainly pre-date the advent of the nation state. In the Neo-Marxist thought of Antonio Gramsci, for instance, distinguishes between institutions of political society (police, the army, legal system, etc.), which dominates directly and coercively—and civil society (the family, education system, etc.). For example, in Schenck v. United States, the circumstance of which made that speech case special

Informal institutionsEdit

Informal institutions have been largely overlooked in comparative politics, but in many countries it is the informal institutions and rules that govern the political landscape. To understand the political behaviour in a country it is important to look at how that behaviour is enabled or constrained by informal institutions, and how this affects how formal institutions are run. For example, if there are high levels of extra judicial killings in a country, it might be that while it is prohibited by the state the police are actually enabled to carry out such killings and informally encouraged to prop up an inefficient formal state police institution. An informal institution tends to have socially shared rules, which are unwritten and yet are often known by all inhabitants of a certain country, as such they are often referred to as being an inherent part of the culture of a given country. Informal practices are often referred to as "cultural", for example clientelism or corruption is sometimes stated as a part of the political culture in a certain place, but an informal institution itself is not cultural, it may be shaped by culture or behaviour of a given political landscape, but they should be looked at in the same way as formal institutions to understand their role in a given country. Informal institutions might be particularly used to pursue a political agenda, or a course of action that might not be publicly popular, or even legal, and can be seen as an effective way of making up for lack of efficiency in a formal institution. For example, in countries where formal institutions are particularly inefficient, an informal institution may be the most cost effective way or actually carrying out a given task, and this ensures that there is little pressure on the formal institutions to become more efficient. The relationship between formal and informal institutions is often closely aligned and informal institutions step in to prop up inefficient institutions. However, because they do not have a centre, which directs and coordinates their actions, changing informal institutions is a slow and lengthy process.[21][22] It is as such important to look at any given country and note the presence of informal institutions when looking at the political landscape, and note that they are not necessarily a rejection of the state, but an integral part of it and broadening the scope of the role of the state in a given country.

Social science perspectivesEdit

While institutions tend to appear to people in society as part of the natural, unchanging landscape of their lives, study of institutions by the social sciences tends to reveal the nature of institutions as social constructions, artifacts of a particular time, culture and society, produced by collective human choice, though not directly by individual intention. Sociology traditionally analyzed social institutions in terms of interlocking social roles and expectations. Social institutions created and were composed of groups of roles, or expected behaviors. The social function of the institution was executed by the fulfillment of roles. Basic biological requirements, for reproduction and care of the young, are served by the institutions of marriage and family, for example, by creating, elaborating and prescribing the behaviors expected for husband/father, wife/mother, child, etc.[citation needed]

The relationship of institutions to human nature is a foundational question for the social sciences. Institutions can be seen as "naturally" arising from, and conforming to, human nature—a fundamentally conservative view—or institutions can be seen as artificial, almost accidental, and in need of architectural redesign, informed by expert social analysis, to better serve human needs—a fundamentally progressive view. Adam Smith anchored his economics in the supposed human "propensity to truck, barter and exchange". Modern feminists have criticized traditional marriage and other institutions as element of an oppressive and obsolete patriarchy. The Marxist view—which sees human nature as historically 'evolving' towards voluntary social cooperation, shared by some anarchists—is that supra-individual institutions such as the market and the state are incompatible with the individual liberty of a truly free society.

Economics, in recent years, has used game theory to study institutions from two perspectives. Firstly, how do institutions survive and evolve? In this perspective, institutions arise from Nash equilibria of games. For example, whenever people pass each other in a corridor or thoroughfare, there is a need for customs, which avoid collisions. Such a custom might call for each party to keep to their own right (or left—such a choice is arbitrary, it is only necessary that the choice be uniform and consistent). Such customs may be supposed to be the origin of rules, such as the rule, adopted in many countries, which requires driving automobiles on the right side of the road.

Secondly, how do institutions affect behaviour? In this perspective, the focus is on behaviour arising from a given set of institutional rules. In these models, institutions determine the rules (i.e. strategy sets and utility functions) of games, rather than arise as equilibria out of games. Douglass North argues, the very emergence of an institution reflects behavioral adaptations through his application of increasing returns.[23] Over time institutions develop rules that incentivize certain behaviors over others because they present less risk or induce lower cost, and establish path dependent outcomes. For example, the Cournot duopoly model is based on an institution involving an auctioneer who sells all goods at the market-clearing price. While it is always possible to analyze behaviour with the institutions-as-equilibria approach instead, it is much more complicated.[citation needed]

In political science, the effect of institutions on behavior has also been considered from a meme perspective, like game theory borrowed from biology. A "memetic institutionalism" has been proposed, suggesting that institutions provide selection environments for political action, whereby differentiated retention arises and thereby a Darwinian evolution of institutions over time. Public choice theory, another branch of economics with a close relationship to political science, considers how government policy choices are made, and seeks to determine what the policy outputs are likely to be, given a particular political decision-making process and context. Credibility thesis purports that institutions emerge from intentional institution-building but never in the originally intended form.[24] Instead, institutional development is endogenous and spontaneously ordered and institutional persistence can be explained by their credibility,[25] which is provided by the function that particular institutions serve.

In history, a distinction between eras or periods, implies a major and fundamental change in the system of institutions governing a society. Political and military events are judged to be of historical significance to the extent that they are associated with changes in institutions. In European history, particular significance is attached to the long transition from the feudal institutions of the Middle Ages to the modern institutions, which govern contemporary life.

Theories of Institutional ChangeEdit

In order to understand why some institutions persist and other institutions only appear in certain contexts, it is important to understand what drives institutional change. Acemoglu, Johnson and Robinson assert that institutional change is endogenous. They posit a framework for institutional change that is rooted in the distribution of resources across society and preexisting political institutions. These two factors determine de jure and de facto political power, respectively, which in turn defines this period's economic institutions and next period's political institutions. Finally, the current economic institutions determine next period's distribution of resources and the cycle repeats.[26] Douglass North attributes institutional change to the work of "political entrepreneurs", who see personal opportunities to be derived from a change institutional framework. These entrepreneurs weigh the expected costs of altering the institutional framework against the benefits they can derive from the change.[27] North describes institutional change as a process that is extremely incremental, and that works through both formal and informal institutions.

Persistence of institutionsEdit

North argues that because of the preexisting influence that existing organizations have over the existing framework, change that is brought about is often in the interests of these organizations. This produces a phenomenon called path dependence, which states that institutional patterns are persistent and endure over time.[28] These paths are determined at critical junctures, analogous to a fork in the road, whose outcome leads to a narrowing of possible future outcomes. Once a choice is made during a critical juncture, it becomes progressively difficult to return to the initial point where the choice was made. James Mahoney studies path dependence in the context of national regime change in Central America and finds that liberal policy choices of Central American leaders in the 19th century was the critical juncture that led to the divergent levels of development that we see in these countries today.[29] The policy choices that leaders made in the context of liberal reform policy led to a variety of self-reinforcing institutions that created divergent development outcomes for the Central American countries.

Though institutions are persistent, North states that paths can change course when external forces weaken the power of an existing organization. This allows other entrepreneurs to affect change in the institutional framework. This change can also occur as a result of gridlock between political actors produced by a lack of mediating institutions and an inability to reach a bargain.[30] Artificial implementation of institutional change has been tested in political development but can have unintended consequences. North, Wallis, and Weingast divide societies into different social orders: open access orders, which about a dozen developed countries fall into today, and limited access orders, which accounts for the rest of the countries. Open access orders and limited access orders differ fundamentally in the way power and influence is distributed. As a result, open access institutions placed in limited access orders face limited success and are often coopted by the powerful elite for self-enrichment. Transition to more democratic institutions is not created simply by transplanting these institutions into new contexts, but happens when it is in the interest of the dominant coalition to widen access.[31]

Natural SelectionEdit

Ian Lustick suggests that the social sciences, particularly those with the institution as a central concept, can benefit by applying the concept of natural selection to the study of how institutions change over time.[32] By viewing institutions as existing within a fitness landscape, Lustick argues that the gradual improvements typical of many institutions can be seen as analogous to hill-climbing within one of these fitness landscapes. This can eventually lead to institutions becoming stuck on local maxima, such that for the institution to improve any further, it would first need to decrease its overall fitness score (e.g., adopt policies that may cause short-term harm to the institution's members). The tendency to get stuck on local maxima can explain why certain types of institutions may continue to have policies that are harmful to its members or to the institution itself, even when members and leadership are all aware of the faults of these policies.

As an example, Lustick cites Amyx's analysis of the gradual rise of the Japanese economy and its seemingly sudden reversal in the so-called "Lost Decade". According to Amyx, Japanese experts were not unaware of the possible causes of Japan's economic decline. Rather, to return Japan's economy back to the path to economic prosperity, policymakers would have had to adopt policies that would first cause short-term harm to the Japanese people and government. Under this analysis, says Ian Lustick, Japan was stuck on a "local maxima," which it arrived at through gradual increases in its fitness level, set by the economic landscape of the 1970s and 80s. Without an accompanying change in institutional flexibility, Japan was unable to adapt to changing conditions, and even though experts may have known which changes the country needed, they would have been virtually powerless to enact those changes without instituting unpopular policies that would have been harmful in the short-term.[32][33]

The lessons from Lustick's analysis applied to Sweden's economic situation can similarly apply to the political gridlock that often characterizes politics in the United States. For example, Lustick observes that any politician who hopes to run for elected office stands very little to no chance if they enact policies that show no short-term results. Unfortunately, there is a mismatch between policies that bring about short-term benefits with minimal sacrifice, and those that bring about long-lasting change by encouraging institution-level adaptations.[citation needed]

There are some criticisms to Lustick's application of natural selection theory to institutional change. Lustick himself notes that identifying the inability of institutions to adapt as a symptom of being stuck on a local maxima within a fitness landscape does nothing to solve the problem. At the very least, however, it might add credibility to the idea that truly beneficial change might require short-term harm to institutions and their members. David Sloan Wilson notes that Lustick needs to more carefully distinguish between two concepts: multilevel selection theory and evolution on multi-peaked landscapes.[32] Bradley Thayer points out that the concept of a fitness landscape and local maxima only makes sense if one institution can be said to be "better" than another, and this in turn only makes sense insofar as there exists some objective measure of an institution's quality. This may be relatively simple in evaluating the economic prosperity of a society, for example, but it is difficult to see how objectively a measure can be applied to the amount of freedom of a society, or the quality of life of the individuals within.[32]

InstitutionalizationEdit

The term "institutionalization" is widely used in social theory to refer to the process of embedding something (for example a concept, a social role, a particular value or mode of behavior) within an organization, social system, or society as a whole. The term may also be used to refer to committing a particular individual to an institution, such as a mental institution. To this extent, "institutionalization" may carry negative connotations regarding the treatment of, and damage caused to, vulnerable human beings by the oppressive or corrupt application of inflexible systems of social, medical, or legal controls by publicly owned, private or not-for-profit organizations.

The term "institutionalization" may also be used in a political sense to apply to the creation or organization of governmental institutions or particular bodies responsible for overseeing or implementing policy, for example in welfare or development.

See alsoEdit

ReferencesEdit

  1. ^ Huntington, p. 9
  2. ^ "Social Institutions". Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Retrieved 30 January 2015. 
  3. ^ Durkheim, Émile [1895] The Rules of Sociological Method 8th edition, trans. Sarah A. Solovay and John M. Mueller, ed. George E. G. Catlin (1938, 1964 edition), p. 45
  4. ^ a b Carter, Becky. "Defining institutions". Governance and Social Development Resource Centre (GSDRC). University of Birmingham. Retrieved 2016-07-03. 
  5. ^ Harper, Caroline; Jones, Nicola; Watson, Carol (May 2012). "Gender justice for adolescent girls: tackling social institutions. Towards a conceptual framework" (PDF). Overseas Development Institute. Retrieved July 3, 2016. 
  6. ^ Miller, Seumas (2014-01-01). Zalta, Edward N., ed. Social Institutions (Winter 2014 ed.). 
  7. ^ Macionis, John J., and Linda M. Gerber. Sociology. Toronto: Pearson Canada, 2011. p. 116.
  8. ^ Vaidyanathan, B (2011). "Religious resources or differential returns? early religious socialization and declining attendance in emerging adulthood". Journal for the scientific study of religion. 50 (2): 366–87. doi:10.1111/j.1468-5906.2011.01573.x. 
  9. ^ Macionis, John J., and Linda M. Gerber. Sociology. Toronto: Pearson Canada, 2011. p. 113.
  10. ^ Denhart, R. B.; Jeffress, P. W. (1971). "Social learning and economic behavior: The process of economic socialization". American Journal of Economics and Sociology. 30 (2): 113–25. 
  11. ^ Harrington, Michael (2011) [1989]. Socialism: Past and Future. New York: Arcade Publishing. pp. 8–9. ISBN 1-61145-335-6. 
  12. ^ Arnett, J. J. (1995). "Broad and narrow socialization: The family in the context of a cultural theory". Journal of marriage and family. 57 (3): 617–28. doi:10.2307/353917. 
  13. ^ a b c Poole, E. D.; Regoli, R. M. (1981). "Alienation in prison: An examination of the work relation of prison guards". Criminology. 19 (2): 251–70. doi:10.1111/j.1745-9125.1981.tb00415.x. 
  14. ^ Carmi, A (1983). "The role of social energy in prison". Dynamische Psychiatrie. 16 (5–6): 383–406. 
  15. ^ Ochs, Elinor. 1988. Culture and language development: Language acquisition and language socialization in a Samoan village. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Ochs, Elinor, and Bambi Schieffelin. 1984. Language Acquisition and Socialization: Three Developmental Stories and Their Implications. In Culture Theory: Essays on Mind, Self, and Emotion. R. Shweder and R.A. LeVine, eds. pp. 276–320. New York: Cambridge University. Schieffelin, Bambi B. 1990. The Give and Take of Everyday Life: Language Socialization of Kaluli Children. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
  16. ^ Morita, N (2009). "Language, culture, gender, and academic socialization". Language and education. 23 (5): 443–60. doi:10.1080/09500780902752081. 
  17. ^ Harris, J. R. (1995). "Where is the child's environment? A group socialization theory of development". Psychological Review. 102 (3): 458–89. doi:10.1037/0033-295x.102.3.458. 
  18. ^ McQuail (2005): McQuail’s Mass Communication Theory: Fifth Edition, London: Sage. 494
  19. ^ Macionis, John J., and Linda M. Gerber. Sociology. Toronto: Pearson Canada, 2011. Print.
  20. ^ a b http://www.soc.ucsb.edu/faculty/baldwin/classes/soc142/sle&nsle Archived 2012-12-16 at the Wayback Machine.
  21. ^ Helmke, G.
  22. ^ Levitsky, S.
  23. ^ Pierson, Paul (2000-01-01). "Increasing Returns, Path Dependence, and the Study of Politics". The American Political Science Review. 94 (2): 251–67. doi:10.2307/2586011. 
  24. ^ Ho, Peter (September 2014). "The ‘credibility thesis’ and its application to property rights: (In)Secure land tenure, conflict and social welfare in China". Land Use Policy. 40: 13–27. doi:10.1016/j.landusepol.2013.09.019. Retrieved 20 October 2016. 
  25. ^ Grabel, Ilene. "The political economy of 'policy credibility': the new-classical macroeconomics and the remaking of emerging economies". Cambridge Journal of Economics. 24 (1): 1–19. doi:10.1093/cje/24.1.1. Retrieved 20 October 2016. 
  26. ^ Acemoglu, Daron, Simon Johnson, and James A. Robinson. "Institutions as a fundamental cause of long-run growth." Handbook of Economic Growth 1 (2005): 385–472.
  27. ^ North, D. C. (1992). Transaction costs, Institutions, and Economic Performance (pp. 13–15). San Francisco, CA: ICS Press.
  28. ^ Transaction costs, Institutions, and Economic Performance (pp. 13–15). San Francisco, CA: ICS Press.
  29. ^ Mahoney, James. "Path-dependent explanations of regime change: Central America in comparative perspective." Studies in Comparative International Development 36.1 (2001): 111–41.
  30. ^ North, Douglass Cecil. Transaction costs, institutions, and economic performance. San Francisco, CA: ICS Press, 1992.
  31. ^ North, Douglass C. Limited access orders in the developing world: A new approach to the problems of development. Vol. 4359. World Bank Publications, 2007.
  32. ^ a b c d Lustick, Ian (2011). "Institutional Rigidity and Evolutionary Theory: Trapped on a Local Maximum". Cliodynamics. 2 (2). 
  33. ^ Amyx, Jennifer (2004). Japan's Financial Crisis: Institutional Rigidity and Reluctant Change. Princeton University Press. pp. 17–18. 

BibliographyEdit

  • Berger, P. L. and T. Luckmann (1966), The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge, Anchor Books, Garden City, NY.
  • Chang, Ha-Joon (ed.) (2007), Institutional Change and Economic Development, Anthem Press.
  • Greif, Avner (2006), Institutions and the Path to the Modern Economy: Lessons from Medieval Trade, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-67134-7
  • Helmke, G, Levitsky, S. (2004) Informal Institutions and Comparative Politics: A Research Agenda. Cambridge journals online
  • Huntington, Samuel P. (1968) Political Order in Changing Societies Yale University Press ISBN 978-0-300-11620-5
  • North, D. C. (1990), Institutions, Institutional Change and Economic Performance. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
  • Schotter, A. (1981), The Economic Theory of Social Institutions. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.
  • Gielen, P. (ed. 2013), Institutional Attitudes. Instituting Art in a Flat World. Valiz: Amsterdam.

Further readingEdit