This article relies largely or entirely on a single source. (May 2021)
Getelands (Dutch pronunciation: [ˈɣeːtəlɑnts], Limburgish: Getelandjs [ˈʝeːtəlɑntʃs])[tone?] or West Getelands (Dutch: Westgetelands [ʋɛstˈxeːtəlɑnts], Limburgish: Wesgetelandjs [wæsˈçeːtəlɑntʃs])[tone?] is a South Brabantian dialect spoken in the eastern part of Flemish Brabant as well as the western part of Limburg in Belgium. It is a transitional dialect between South Brabantian and West Limburgish.
|Region||Flemish Brabant and Limburg|
The first person singular pronoun is typically the Limburgish ich, instead of Brabantian/Standard Dutch ik. The diminutive forms are formed as in Limburgish, using the umlaut. In Truierlands (sometimes called East Getelands), the plural is also formed by using the umlaut (pot /pɔt/ vs. pöt /pœt/), in contrast to Getelands plurals formed the Standard Dutch way (pot /pɒt/ vs. potte /ˈpɒtə/). Both dialects share the lack of pitch accent found in most varieties of Limburgish.
Word accent in the Orsmaal-Gussenhoven dialect shows phonetic features of accent 2 (the dragging tone) of the neighboring West Limburgish dialects.
This section shows the phonology of the Orsmaal-Gussenhoven dialect, which is spoken in the Linter municipality. The dialect of Melkwezer has a similar phonology, except for the fact that the diphthong /uɪ/ is realized with a mid onset: [ɔɪ].
|Nasal||m ⟨m⟩||n ⟨n⟩||ŋ ⟨ng⟩|
|Stop||fortis||p ⟨p⟩||t ⟨t⟩||tʲ ⟨tj⟩||k ⟨k⟩||kʲ ⟨kj⟩|
|lenis||b ⟨b⟩||d ⟨d⟩|
|Fricative||fortis||f ⟨f⟩||s ⟨s⟩||ʃ ⟨sj⟩||x ⟨ch⟩|
|lenis||v ⟨v⟩||z ⟨z⟩||ʒ ⟨zj⟩||ɣ ⟨g⟩||ɦ ⟨h⟩|
|Approximant||w ⟨w⟩||l ⟨l⟩||j ⟨j⟩|
- /ʒ/ is restricted to word-initial position, and occurs only in loanwords from French. It tends to either devoice to [ʃ] or be affricated to [dʒ].
- The exact place of articulation of /x, ɣ/ varies:
- /ɦ/ may be dropped by some speakers.
- /r/ has a few possible realizations, none of which are uvular. This stands in contrast to most varieties of Limburgish, where /r/ is a uvular trill or fricative.
- Apical trill [r] or an apical fricative [ɹ̝] before a stressed vowel in word-initial syllables.
- Intervocalically and in the onset after a consonant, it may be a tap [ɾ].
- Word-final /r/ is highly variable; the most frequent variants are an apical fricative trill [r̝], an apical fricative [ɹ̝] and an apical non-sibilant affricate [dɹ̝]. The last two variants tend to be voiceless ([ɹ̝̊, tɹ̝̊]) in pre-pausal position.
- The sequence /ər/ can be vocalized to [ɐ] or [ə].
|Close||iː ⟨ie⟩||yː ⟨uu⟩||u ⟨oe⟩||uː ⟨oê⟩|
|Close-mid||ɪ ⟨i⟩||eː ⟨ee⟩||ʏ ⟨u⟩||øː ⟨eu⟩||ə ⟨e⟩||ʊ ⟨ó⟩||oː ⟨oo⟩|
|Open-mid||ɛ ⟨e⟩||ɛː ⟨ae⟩||œ ⟨ö⟩||œː ⟨äö⟩||ɒ ⟨o⟩||ɒː ⟨ao⟩|
|Open||a ⟨a⟩||aː ⟨aa⟩|
|Marginal||y ⟨uu⟩ o ⟨oo⟩|
|Diphthongs||closing||uɪ ⟨oei⟩ aɪ ⟨ai⟩ aʊ ⟨aw⟩|
|centering||iə ⟨ieë⟩ eə ⟨eë⟩ ɛə ⟨aeë⟩ ɔə ⟨oa⟩|
- Peters gives six more diphthongs, which are [eɪ, øʏ, əʊ, ɛɪ, œʏ, ɔʊ]. He gives no evidence for their phonemic status. As Brabantian dialects are known for both diphthongizing /eː, øː, oː/ and especially monophthongizing /ɛɪ, œʏ, ɔʊ/, the distinction between the closing diphthongs and the monophthongs is ignored elsewhere in the article, with ⟨eː, øː, oː, ɛː, œː, ɒː⟩ being used as cover symbols for both.
- The open central vowels are phonologically back in that they trigger the velar allophones of /x/ and /ɣ/.
- Among the long rounded vowels, /yː, uː, ɒː/ before /t, d/ within the same syllable vary between monophthongs [yː, uː, ɒː] and centering diphthongs [yə, uə, ɒə], which often are disyllabic [ʏy.ə, ʊu.ə, ɒʊ.ə] (with the first portion realized as a closing diphthong). At least in the case of [yə] and [uə], the tongue movement may be so slight that they are sometimes better described as lip-diphthongs [yi, uɯ]. In the same environment, /øː/ can be disyllabic [øʏ.ə]. For the sake of simplicity, those allophones are transcribed [yə, uə, ɒə, øə] in phonetic transcription.
- There are two additional short tense vowels [y] and [o], which are tenser (higher and perhaps also more rounded) than the native short /ʏ, ʊ/ (with the latter being [o̞] phonetically). They appear only in a few French loanwords. Their status as phonemes separate from the long tense /yː/ and /oː/ is unclear; Peters treats them as marginal phonemes.
- /ɔə/ occurs only before alveolar consonants. Phonetically, it varies between [ɔə ~ ɔʊ.ə ~ ɔʌ].
- Stressed short vowels cannot occur in open syllables. Exceptions to this rule are high-frequency words like wa /wa/ 'what' and loanwords from French.
- Peters (2010), p. 243.
- Peters (2010), pp. 239, 242.
- Fournier, Rachel; Gussenhoven, Carlos; Peters, Jörg; Swerts, Marc; Verhoeven, Jo. "The tones of Limburg". Archived from the original on 26 February 2012. Retrieved 26 February 2012.
- Peters (2010), pp. 239–240.
- Peters (2010), p. 240.
- Peters (2010), p. 245.
- Peters (2010), pp. 240–242.
- Peters (2010), p. 241.
- Peters (2010), p. 242.
- Belemans, R.; Keulen, R. (2004): Taal in stad en land. Belgisch-Limburgs: 25
- Belemans, R.; Kruijsen, J.; Van Keymeulen, J. (1998): Gebiedsindeling van de zuidelijk-Nederlandse dialecten, Taal en Tongval jg 50, 1 online
- Goossens, J. (1965): Die Gliederung des Südniederfränkischen, in Rheinische Vierteljahrsblätter, 30: 79-94.
- Pauwels, J.L.; Morren, L. (1960): De grens tussen het Brabants en Limburgs in België. In: Zeitschrift für Mundartforschung 27. blz. 88-96.
- Peters, Jörg (2010), "The Flemish–Brabant dialect of Orsmaal–Gussenhoven", Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 40 (2): 239–246, doi:10.1017/S0025100310000083
- Stevens, A. (1978): Struktuur en historische ondergrond van het Haspengouws taallandschap (Mededelingen van de Vereniging voor Limburgse Dialect- en Naamkunde, Nr. 9). Hasselt