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Willie Horton

William R. Horton (born August 12, 1951) is an American citizen who, while serving a life sentence for murder (without the possibility of parole),[1] was the beneficiary of a Massachusetts weekend furlough program. He did not return from his furlough, and ultimately committed assault, armed robbery, and rape before being captured and sentenced in Maryland where he remains incarcerated. The controversy over Horton's furlough became a major issue in the 1988 presidential campaign.

Willie Horton
Horton's mug shot from "Weekend Passes" ad
William R. Horton

(1951-08-12) August 12, 1951 (age 67)
Criminal chargeMurder, assault, armed robbery, rape
PenaltyLife in prison


Criminal activity and incarcerationEdit

On October 26, 1974, in Lawrence, Massachusetts, Horton and two accomplices robbed Joseph Fournier, a 17 year-old gas station attendant, and then fatally stabbed Fournier 19 times after he had cooperated by handing over all of the money in the cash register. His body was stuffed in a trash can so his feet were jammed up against his chin. Fournier died from blood loss.[2] Horton was convicted of murder, sentenced to life imprisonment without the possibility of parole, and incarcerated at the Northeastern Correctional Center in Massachusetts.[3]

On June 6, 1986, he was released as part of a weekend furlough program but did not return. On April 3, 1987, in Oxon Hill, Maryland, Horton twice raped a woman after pistol-whipping, knifing, binding, and gagging her fiancé. He then stole the car belonging to the man he had assaulted. He was later shot by Corporal Paul J. Lopez of the Prince George's County Police Department and captured by Corporal Yusuf A. Muhammad, also of the Prince George's County Police Department, after a pursuit. On October 20, Horton was sentenced in Maryland to two consecutive life terms plus 85 years. The sentencing judge, Vincent J. Femia, refused to return Horton to Massachusetts, saying, "I'm not prepared to take the chance that Mr. Horton might again be furloughed or otherwise released. This man should never draw a breath of free air again."[4]

On April 18, 1996, Horton was transferred to the Jessup Correctional Institution (then called the Maryland House of Correction Annex), a maximum security prison in Jessup, Maryland, where he remains.[5]

Legislative and political backgroundEdit

Democratic Presidential candidate Michael Dukakis was the governor of Massachusetts at the time of Horton's release, and while he did not start the furlough program, he had supported it as a method of criminal rehabilitation. The state inmate furlough program, originally signed into law by Republican Governor Francis Sargent in 1972, excluded convicted first-degree murderers. However, in 1973, the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court ruled that this right extended to first-degree murderers, because the law specifically did not exclude them.[6][7] The Massachusetts legislature quickly passed a bill prohibiting furloughs for such inmates. However, in 1976, Dukakis vetoed this bill arguing it would "cut the heart out of efforts at inmate rehabilitation."[8]

The program remained in effect through the intervening term of Governor Edward J. King, and was abolished during Dukakis' final term of office on April 28, 1988, after Dukakis had decided to run for President. This abolition occurred only after the Lawrence Eagle-Tribune had run 175 stories about the furlough program and won a Pulitzer Prize.[9]

Horton was later interviewed in the periodical, The Nation:

The fact is, my name is not 'Willie.' It's part of the myth of the case. The name irks me. It was created to play on racial stereotypes: big, ugly, dumb, violent, black — 'Willie'. I resent that. They created a fictional character — who seemed believable, but who did not exist. They stripped me of my identity, distorted the facts, and robbed me of my constitutional rights."[10]

Horton in the 1988 presidential campaignEdit

The first person to mention the Massachusetts furlough program in the 1988 presidential campaign was Democratic Senator Al Gore. During a debate before the New York primary, Gore took issue with the furlough program. However, he did not specifically mention the Horton incident or even his name, instead asking a general question about the Massachusetts furlough program.[11]

Republicans eagerly picked up the Horton issue after Dukakis won the Democratic nomination. In June 1988, Republican candidate George H. W. Bush seized on the Horton case, bringing it up repeatedly in campaign speeches. Bush's campaign manager Lee Atwater said, "By the time we're finished, they're going to wonder whether Willie Horton is Dukakis' running mate."[12]

Campaign staffer James Pinkerton returned with reams of material that Atwater told him to reduce to a 3×5 index card, telling him "I'm giving you one thing: You can use both sides of the 3×5 card." Pinkerton discovered the furlough issue by watching the Felt Forum debate. On May 25, 1988, Republican consultants met in Paramus, New Jersey, holding a focus group of Democrats who had voted for Ronald Reagan in 1984.[13] These focus groups convinced Atwater and the other Republican consultants that they should 'go negative' against Dukakis. Further information regarding the furlough came from aide Andrew Card, a Massachusetts native whom President George W. Bush later named as his Chief of Staff.[14]

Over the Fourth of July weekend in 1988, Atwater attended a motorcyclists' convention in Luray, Virginia. Two couples were talking about the Horton story as featured in the July issue of Reader's Digest. Atwater joined them without mentioning who he was. Later that night, a focus group in Alabama had turned completely against Dukakis when presented the information about Horton's furlough. Atwater used this occurrence to argue the necessity of pounding Dukakis about the furlough issue.[14]

Fall campaignEdit

Beginning on September 21, 1988, the Americans for Bush arm of the National Security Political Action Committee (NSPAC), under the auspices of Floyd Brown, began running a campaign ad entitled "Weekend Passes", using the Horton case to attack Dukakis. The ad was produced by media consultant Larry McCarthy, who had previously worked for Roger Ailes. After clearing the ad with television stations, McCarthy added a menacing mug shot of Horton, who is African American.[15] The ad was run as an independent expenditure, separate from the Bush campaign, which claimed not to have had any role in its production.[16] The ad referred to Horton as "Willie", although he later said he had always gone by William.[17]

On October 5, 1988, a day after the "Weekend Passes" ad was taken off the airwaves and the day of the BentsenQuayle debate, the Bush campaign ran its own ad, "Revolving Door", which also attacked Dukakis over the weekend furlough program. While the advertisement did not mention Horton or feature his photograph, it depicted a variety of intimidating-looking men walking in and out of prison through a revolving door.[18]

Attempting to counter-attack, Dukakis' campaign ran an ad about a convicted heroin dealer named Angel Medrano who raped and killed a pregnant mother of two after escaping from a federal correctional halfway house.[19] The controversy escalated when Vice Presidential candidate Lloyd Bentsen and former Democratic presidential candidate and civil rights leader Jesse Jackson called the "Revolving Door" ad racist,[20] a charge which was denied by Bush.[19]

In 1990, the Ohio Democratic Party and a group called "Black Elected Democrats of Ohio" filed a complaint with the Federal Election Commission alleging that NSPAC had coordinated or cooperated with the Bush campaign in airing the ad, which would make it an illegal in kind campaign contribution. Investigation by the FEC, including deposition of officials from both organizations, revealed indirect connections between McCarthy and the Bush campaign (such as his having previously worked for Ailes), but found no direct evidence of wrongdoing, and the investigation reached an impasse and was eventually closed with no finding of any violation of campaign finance laws.[16]

The impact of the ad has been described as "devastating to Dukakis." In a profile of Larry McCarthy, the ad's creator, Jane Mayer of The New Yorker described the ad as "the political equivalent of an improvised explosive device, demolishing the electoral hopes of Dukakis." Dukakis himself now thinks that he was "getting killed."[21][22]

During most of the campaign, the Horton ad was seen as focusing on issues of criminal justice. The idea of it having an intentional racial aspect was not raised until later. Towards the end of the campaign, Jesse Jackson accused the ad's creators of playing upon the fears of white voters, in particular those harboring stereotyped fears of blacks as criminals. It is believed that the racial overtone of the ad wound up being a key aspect of the way the ad was remembered and later studied.[22]

In December of 2018, after Bush's death, right-wing and nativist political commentator Ann Coulter described his Willie Horton ad as "the greatest campaign commercial in political history", claiming that it "clearly and forcefully highlighted the two presidential candidates' diametrically opposed views" on crime.[23]

See alsoEdit


  1. ^ "Prison furloughs survive campaign flap over Willie Horton". Milaukee Journal. Associated Press. 6 November 1989.
  2. ^ Simon, Roger (1 October 1990). "The killer and the candidate: How Willie Horton and George Bush rewrote to rules of political advertising". Regardie's Magazine.
  3. ^ Kessler, Ronald (29 November 2007). "Released killer won't be Romney's 'Willie Horton'". Newsmax.
  4. ^ Bidinotto, Robert (July 1988). "Getting away with murder". Reader's Digest.
  5. ^ "Inmate locator". Maryland Department of Public Safety and Correctional Services. Retrieved 2014-03-31.
  6. ^ "Devlin v. Commissioner of Correction". 1973. 364 Mass. 435 (1973). 305 N.E.2d 847.
  7. ^ Toner, Robin (5 July 1988). "Prison Furloughs in Massachusetts Threaten Dukakis Record on Crime". New York Times. Retrieved 31 May 2015.
  8. ^ Edsall, Thomas Byrne; Edsall, Mary D. Chain Reaction: The impact of race, rights, and taxes on American politics. W. W. Norton and Company. p. 222. ISBN 0393309037 – via Google Books.
  9. ^ Porter, Bruce (March 1995). "So What? Pulitzer Prize-winning exposés and their sometimes dubious consequences". Columbia Journalism Review. Archived from the original on 28 March 2008. Retrieved 7 September 2015.
  10. ^ Newton, Adam Zachary (1995). Narrative Ethics. Harvard University Press. p. 324. ISBN 9780674600874.
  11. ^ "Did Gore hatch Horton?". Slate. 1 November 1999.
  12. ^ Simon, Roger (11 November 1990). "How a murderer and rapist became the Bush campaign's most valuable player". The Baltimore Sun.
  13. ^ "The GOP and Willie Horton: Together again". May 2015.
  14. ^ a b Germond, Jack W.; Jules Witcover (1989). Whose Broad Stripes and Bright Stars: The Trivial Pursuit of the Presidency, 1988. Warner Books. pp. 159–161. ISBN 0-446-51424-1.
  15. ^ "George Bush and Willie Horton". The New York Times. 4 November 1988. Retrieved 4 August 2015.
  16. ^ a b "Independent Ads: The National Security Political Action Committee "Willie Horton"". Retrieved 9 September 2008.
  17. ^ Rodricks, Dan (12 August 1993). "Trying to find the real Willie Horton". The Baltimore Sun. Retrieved 4 January 2015.
  18. ^ "Candidate ads: 1988 – George Bush". Retrieved 2008-09-08.
  19. ^ a b Dowd, Maureen (25 October 1988). "Bush Says Dukakis's Desperation Prompted Accusations of Racism". The New York Times. Retrieved 8 September 2008.
  20. ^ Rosenthal, Andrew (24 October 1988). "Foes accuse Bush campaign of inflaming racial tension". New York Times. Retrieved 4 April 2015.
  21. ^ Sides, John (6 January 2016). "It's time to stop the endless hype of the 'Willie Horton' ad". The Washington Post. ISSN 0190-8286. Retrieved 6 January 2016.
  22. ^ a b Mendelberg, Tali. "The Race Card" (PDF).
  23. ^ "BUSH'S FINEST 30 SECONDS: THE WILLIE HORTON AD". Ann Coulter. December 5, 2018. Retrieved December 6, 2018.

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