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The Kaluli Culture

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Introduction

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This is where most Kaluli tribes reside in Papua New Guinea

The Kaluli are an indigenous tribe in Papua New Guinea. The origin of the name is from “Bosavi Kalu” meaning “People of Bosavi,” with the addition of the suffix -li the word Kaluli in Kaluli language directly translates to “real people of Bosavi.” The Kaluli population has around a number of 2,000 and 12,000 people that reside tropical rainforest in Southern Highlands Province of Papua New Guinea on the Great Papuan Plateau near Mt. Bosavi. They live in 20 longhouse communities, which are use as part of their last names and where they are from. Longhouses are more than land but the clan’s identity, "much like a name in friendly socializing; in war, these place names serve other purposes. Enemies on the attack were on unfamiliar turf, with no knowledge, of which ridges and trails might be well-suited for a defender to hide behind in ambush.”[1] Longhouses are used to demonstrate their connection to their land, a big part of their culture. The First group of Europeans traveled to Papua New Guinea in the 1934 bringing trade goods, such as knives, mirrors, beads, and pearl shells. During World War II European contact was broken until the 1950s, between 1950 and 1964 contact became infrequent, causing problems because The Kaluli had adapted their lifestyle to New World Habits.[2] During the broken connection (a form of) measles and influenza struck the area The Kaluli lived, weren’t able to protect themselves from this disaster without having the European technology. Seventy percent of the population was lost during this health epidemic, which equals to about one-fourth of the people. An ongoing threat regardless of public health programs infant mortality and influenza epidemics sweeps the lowlands.

Settlements 

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The Kaluli tribe live in a patrilocal village, meaning that the men are the head of the tribe and belong to lineages of patrilineal clans. The Kaluli tribe live in separate communities, which have 15 families and around 60 people. Who reside in a longhouse that creates the feeling of community. They build houses, garden, hunt, fish, sing, cook together, and a very close-knit community. Each community makes one longhouse centered and several smaller homes surrounding it in a clearing. A longhouse is a primary residence where all the families in the community residents, more modest homes are similar to garden houses and temporary home for the wives during harvest time. Large longhouses were built with the dimensions around sixty feet by thirty feet, with porches on both ends, made five feet to twelve feet off the ground. Along with the people, longhouses are inhabited by pigs, which are used as “watchdogs” because they make noise at strangers. The interior of a longhouse is not separated by gender whereas the women, children, and piglets are not co-signed to a specific space, they sleep in the passageways down the sides. “Fireboxes are used for smaller, solitary meals or “snacks,” The longhouse is where they have community meetings, meals, and more indoor activities as a community that does not take place outside, "but the longhouse functions as much as a town hall as it does a residence.”[1] When a member of the longhouse is married, their "roommates" contribute to the bride price. After two to three years the longhouse decomposes, and the residents move and build another community in another area.   

Politics 

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Organization

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Politics in The Kaluli society is highly egalitarian, both politically and economically.[1] However, they do not have any formal positions of leadership, for example, there is no “Big Man” in the community. There is also not an official system of control, the methods of informal sanction are through the wealthy and elders. Wealth is considered by if one owns a longhouse, food, and amount of trade goods. Rarely crimes are committed, Usual causes of conflicts among The Kaluli are theft and death. The members that have the most power and political weight are the wealthy members, similar to other highland groups.

Trade and Labor

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The Kaluli trade with both other tribes and in their community, which revolves primarily around life-cycle and political activity.[1] Long-standing trade with people in the north, and recently established in the east, different regions of Papua New Guinea provide different goods. Main trade goods are manufacture tools for gardening, stone adzes, bows, and net bags; the forest provides all other needs or good needed or created by themselves. From the west came hornbill beaks and strings of dog's teeth, the south brought tree oil. Their main trade partners were the Huli in the highlands, which provided salt, tobacco, and aprons from a woven net. "The forest provides materials for constructing longhouses and fences...most elaborate items of manufacture are the extravagant costumes for ceremonial occasions."[1] Labor and socialization are cooperative, where the men and women complement each other. The women look after the pigs, take care of the pigs, and hunt small forest game; They are in charge of cooking and searching. Most importantly the women are in charge of socializing with the children. The men do all labor activities as a group. The male relationships are based on reciprocity and obligation in order to accomplish demanding tasks. Such as hunt large forest game, cutting down trees, clearing plots for the gardens, and building dams and fences.

Social Organization

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Social Organization in The Kaluli are divided into two parts: Kinship and marriages

 
Tribes reenact the legend of the Mud Men. This tradition is used to scare the deceased ancestors off of their land.[3]

Kinship

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Bambi Schieffelin’s ethnography studies the language of socialization as its goal is to understand how people become competent members of their social groups and the role of language in the process.[4] Two significant areas of socialization are the use of communication and socialization through language. The method of acquiring a language is affected by your role in society. Socialization is an interactive process between knowledgeable members and novices. Kaluli family interactions are very repetitive and predictable in everyday life. The connection between children and elders is the representation of revisions of children’s ideas about their abilities.

Marriage

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The Kaluli are an exogamous group, which means they marry outside of their specific community. They are patrilineal clans, each longhouse/community have 2 or more lineages or clans. Even though they are a patrilineal clan, each claims ties to both mother and father side.[4] Paternal kin provides the relationship between longhouses across tribes, while the maternal kin offers relations between individuals to relatives; But only intimately connected to one side of the family. An individual's connection is to whom they feel the closest to (i.e., ones they've grown up with, lived with, or see the most), the closer the connection the more they share food and gardens. Relationships between villages maintain by ties of marriage with a matrilineal affiliation. The Kaluli prefer to marry others from a different clan because they are unfamiliar with them. Marriage is not something that is a free choice, it is arranged. The elders instigate the binding ritual without the bride or the groom knowing. Marriage is a lifelong exchange with a gift or bridewealth and bring food and hospitality across clans.

The Giving and Sharing of Food

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Above is a Sago pancake made from the starch of a sago palm. The sago palm is key to nourishment in their diet. There is a long process that includes cutting and draining the palm to extract its flower. Which is then mashed and cooked into a pancake.[5]

The Kaluli are intimate with the land in which the garden, such as trees, rivers, and streams have unique names. They also practice swidden horticulture in extensive gardens and have a rich and varied diet. It is imperative for them to connect to the environment around them. The daily protein consists of fish, crayfish, rodents, lizards. Fish are in abundance near their location and small number of pigs are domesticated. They depend on forest foods which contribute to low population density. Other than protein, most of their food come from trees and plants, especially grain and vegetables (For example: look right to picture). The central theme of Kaluli culture is the fundamental element of interpersonal relationships. Food is key to making this element work; it is a primary way of relating to children and showing affection. Sharing food is an expected norm, but do not share food unless obligated. The hospitality of giving food is different from sharing between friends, types of food you bring to your friends describe how close you are to them. The Kaluli automatically offer food to relatives visiting from other longhouses; if hospitality is not provided to the family, they would be in “social limbo.” The quality of hospitality based on ceremonial occasions, when longhouses host other longhouses. Hosting is a formal statement of commitment of friendship,“The social distance maintained between host and guests allows the gift of food to be a public demonstration of good faith in the relationship,” hosts are not allowed to eat during the occasion they just present the food and sit separately and watch the guests eat.[1] Edward Schieffelin did an ethnographic observation within a Kaluli tribe. [6] The Kaluli took an interest when they brought European food, at one point oddly put his viewpoint without backup. The author learned some of the language allowing him to have a closer connection. The Kaluli tried to please Schiefflin, which was not good because you are not able to see them in the natural habitat. “Two friends or kinsmen who wish to express special affection for each other may share a meal of meat...the bond between them by addressing each other by the name of the food they have shared.”[1] For example, if one shared a “bandicoot” they would call each other “my bandicoot” showing close relations.

Religion

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"All that cannot be seen is a very real part of Kaluli life. The forest of thick and hides many things from the eyes, but is full of sound."[1] The Kaluli believe in spirits in the forest and animals. The Kaluli do not wake to the rising of the sun but to the screech of a bird. They pay attention to the mournful call of a pigeon which symbolizes a little child calling for its mother. People that are unseen are either a “shadow” or “reflection” if the shadow dies or is killed the Kaluli counterpart does also. Spirits of the death also live in the unseen world, along with spirits that never took a human body, reciprocal spirits take place in wild pigs and cassowaries. They don’t believe that the dead brings ill will to the living.

Mediums and Witches

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As the medium (someone that provides a connection between the living and the dead) sleeps, the spirit leaves the body and wanders the invisible world. While he or she is gone spirits can use him to talk to the living. Exploring the invisible world, allows them to discover which animal the dead in the community has taken, ask the spirits for advice on how to cure the sick and locating something that is lost, and for help to identify other witches(seis) and mediums in the area.[1] Every Kaluli death, no matter how it may appear, is caused by a "sei" (term used to describe an evil spirit or one that is in contact with spirits. Although there is no proof that "seis" exist, tribal members have reported to seeing them on their deathbeds, describing them as hideous creatures.[1]

  1. ^ a b c d e f g h i j Holly., Peters-Golden, (2012). Culture sketches: Case studies in anthropology (Sixth Edition) (6th ed ed.). Dubuque, Iowa: The McGraw-Hill. pp. Chapter 7: The Kaluli (pg. 122-141). ISBN 9780078117022. OCLC 716069710. {{cite book}}: |edition= has extra text (help)CS1 maint: extra punctuation (link) CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  2. ^ Schieffelin, Bambi B. (2002-08-01). "Marking Time: The Dichotomizing Discourse of Multiple Temporalities". Current Anthropology. 43 (S4): S5–S17. doi:10.1086/341107. ISSN 0011-3204. {{cite journal}}: no-break space character in |first= at position 6 (help)
  3. ^ Kelley Ferro (2015-09-21), Papua New Guinea: The Highlands, retrieved 2018-01-10
  4. ^ a b B., Schieffelin, Bambi (1990). The give and take of everyday life : language socialization of Kaluli children. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. Chapter 2: Language as a resource for social theory, Chapter 3: Kaluli Children: ideology and everyday life, Chapter 4: Elema as socializing practice. ISBN 0521235391. OCLC 20993322.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  5. ^ Kelley Ferro (2015-09-24), The Food of Papua New Guinea 🇵🇬, retrieved 2018-01-10
  6. ^ L., Schieffelin, Edward (2005). The sorrow of the lonely and the burning of the dancers (Sixth Edition) (2nd ed ed.). New York: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. Chapter 2: In the Shadow Mountain, Chapter 3: Sorry, Brother, I Don't Eat That. ISBN 9781403966063. OCLC 560465077. {{cite book}}: |edition= has extra text (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)