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Indigenismo in Mexico

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Indigenismo is a Latin American nationalist political ideology that began in the late nineteenth century and persisted throughout the twentieth that attempted to construct the role of indigenous populations in the nation-state. The ideology was particularly influential in Mexico where it shaped the majority of indigenous-state relations since its incorporation into the Constitution in 1917. While Indigenismo the perspectives and methods of Indigenistas changed and adapted over time, the defining features of Mexican Indigenismo are the implementation by primarily non-indigenous actors, the celebration of indigenous culture as a part of the nation's history, and the attempt to integrate indigenous populations under the authority of the nation-state. The ideology was enacted by a number of policies, institutions, governmental programs, and through artistic expression. These included education programs, land reform, political reform, and economic development as well as national displays of indigenous heritage. Although generally viewed as beneficial for creating a platform to discussing indigenous issues, Indigenismo still operated under colonial paradigms of racial hierarchy and often helped solidify some stereotypes of Indigenous people even while trying to break down others.

Post-Revolutionary Indigenismo

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The Mexican Indigenismo movement began after the Mexican Revolution of 1910-1920. Prior to the revolution, under the presidency of Porfirio Diaz, policy makers were influenced by Social Darwinism and thinkers such as Henry Spencer and therefore saw white European ethnicity as superior and sought to build the nation towards a European model.[1] Porfirian state development policies included dispossessing rural lands, including many indigenous lands, collective indigenous groups being integrated by coercion, and instituting rural education aimed at creating a reliable workforce.[2] During the aftermath of the revolution the new government incorporated Indigenismo as an official ideology into the 1917 Constitution, which claimed to strive for the emancipation of previously exploited Indigenous peoples through integration into the Mexican state.[3]

Mexican Indigenismo policies were influenced largely by Mexican Anthropologist Manuel Gamio. In his 1915 book Forjando Patria (Forging a Nation) he advocated for the study of indigenous groups in order to determine which cultural traits to preserve and which to improve in order to create a unified nationalist state[4] [5] Gamino stated that indigenous people have the same intellectual capability and that their perceived cultural inferiority is a product of their history of oppression and current disadvantaged environment. With improved education and living conditions, he believed indigenous groups would accept acculturation and "embrace contemporary culture" [6]

While the first decade of revolutionary presidencies of Venustiano Carranza (1917-1920), Adolfo de la Huerta (1920), Álvaro Obregón (1920-1924), and Plutarco Elías Calles (1924-1928) saw the start of change in terms of improving education and land reform these administrations saw indigenous populations were an obstacle to progress and policies were geared towards modernizing and improving indigenous populations to fit into civilized national culture[7][8][9]. Calles distributed 3,045,802 hectares to over 300,000 peasants, but much of this land was not arable. Calles mainly used land redistribution as a tool to gain political support from rural areas[10].

Post-Revolutionary Education Reform

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Reform of rural education became a national priority when President de la Huerta appointed Jose Vasconcelos to begin to combat rural illiteracy in 1920. Vasconcelos would eventually be appointed the director of the new Ministry of Public Education (SEP) in 1921[11]. Vasconcelos was a nationalist who believed a culturally homogenous mestizo state was necessary to create a strong, modernized Mexico. His indigenous education policies then were aimed at assimilation and de-Indianizing indigenous groups so they became a part of mestizo national culture [12]. Prior to 1920 national education policy had emphasized decentralized local control. By reversing this policy and giving Vasconcelos and SEP centralized control nation-wide education, Obregon and Calles used education to extend federal control and acculturate indigenous populations into national citizens [13] In addition to the SEP, Vasconcelos created the Department of Indigenous Culture in 1921 to facilitate the "incorporation [of indigenous peoples] into the dominant European culture"[14] through the rural federal schools. Vasconcelos emphasized racially inclusive national schools to break down racial differences, as well as training rural teachers to educate rural children and parents within and outside of the school. His hope was that national mestizo cultural practices would spread through teachers to transform rural communities and create a patriotic national identity through "technological diffusion, agrarian reform,political mobilization, and nationalist propaganda"[15] . Vasconcelos' SEP introduced reading and writing to over 37,000 illiterate peasants and the Department of Indigenous Culture created 1,926 rural schools and trained 2,388 teachers from its creation to 1924 [16]

Indigenismo Under Cardenas

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Under the populist presidency of Lazaro Cardenas (1934-1940) Indigenismo policies continued to expand. After observing observed the economic and educational struggles experienced by indigenous communities on his presidential campaign tour, Cardenas stated that it was the government's responsibility to help indigenous peoples become modern citizens of Mexico at a speech in Las Casas, Chiapas on February 25, 1934 [17]. His administration created policies of planned acculturation to integrate the indigenous population into the national Mexican state[18]. These policies included artisan projects, technical training to modernize indigenous economies[19] as well as mestizaje educational programs to culturally and socially integrate indigenous groups[20]. Cardenas expressed his support of indigenous incorporation when he stated the solution to the Indian problem was to "Mexicanize the Indian" and make them citizens at a speech at the First Inter-American Indigenous Conference in 1940.[21]

Department of Indigenous Affairs

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One legacy of Indigenismo under the Cardenas administration was the establishment of the Department of Indigenous Affairs (DAI) in 1936. The department's primary agenda was facilitating a combination of advocacy, education, and economic development.[22] The Department was later renamed Department of Autonomous Indigenous Affairs (DAAI). The DAAI would accomplish its agenda through scientific research to understand indigenous peoples and issues then create executive policies to respond to those issues. Despite initial strong backing from the President the DAAI ceased to exist by 1947 and was replaced with the National Indigenist Institute (INI) in 1948. The failure is generally attributed to the delay in the creation of the National Institute of Anthropology and History (est. 1940) which stagnated the progress of the DAAI.[23]

Land Reform

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To improve the economic conditions in rural areas, Cardenas distributed an average of 22 hectares to 811,157 people from 1928-1940, which was more than all his predecessors combined for the purpose of creating communal farms or Ejidos. [24] These ejidos acted as a new administrative unit that incorporated indigenous communities into the structure of the state. [25] When faced with indigenous resistance to state land reform, agrarian teachers were sent to educate them on benefits institutionalized reform[26]. Due to continued resistance from indigenous communities as well as resistance from large landowners, and the failure of communal land systems to sustain the growing rural population, Cardenas' land reform remained largely incomplete. While overall national poverty was reduced, there were still large disparities in wealth between urban and rural communities and even larger ones between non-indigenous and indigenous communities[27].

Educational Reform

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The SEP during Cardenas presidency increased the number and quality of schools for indigenous communities[28]. Cardenas was also an advocate for bi-lingual education and in 1939 the SEP started a bi-lingual education program, where indigenous schools were taught in regional languages then slowly transitioned to Spanish. This was the first time national education programs used indigenous languages to acculturate indigenous children [29]. To support this program, bilingual teachers were trained to educate indigenous communities formally, linguistically, and culturally. Ultimately, a lack of proper use of indigenous languages by bilingual teachers and indigenous resistance to cultural education meant the project only succeeded at acculturating individuals as opposed to creating regional social transformations [18]

Indigenismo under Echeverria

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Luis Echeverria served as President of Mexico from 1970-1976. He resurrected the populist presidency of Cardenas and expanded on his Indigenismo policies. Indigenismo policies up to this point had been purely determined and directed by government officials. In 1970, Echeverria publicly announced his concern of the lack of indigenous participation in national intellectual and civic discourse and stated indigenous people were at risk to "become foreigners in their own country" [30]. Echeverria intended to change Indian policies so indigenous groups became active participants in the development and had a voice in determining policy.[30] While this administration made unprecedented attempts to respect ethnic pluralism, its goal remained political, social, and economic integration of the indigenous population.[31] Early in his career he met with the INI and promised to commit to the economic and political development of indigenous communities by increasing funding for the INI. From 1970 to 1976 the INI's budget was increased from 26 million pesos to 450 million pesos. He also increased resources on the ground for indigenous groups by opening 58 more Indigenous Coordinating Centers, which were regional INI offices that acted as liaisons between the capital and indigenous populations across the nation.[30]

First National Congress of Indigenous People

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In Patzcuaro, Michoacan the First National Congress of Indigenous People was held from October 7-10, 1975. It was preceded by 58 regional conferences held at the Indigenous Coordinating Centers to discuss the problems local indigenous communities were facing. From those regional conferences delegates were selected by the communities to represent them at the national conference. 56 delegations of about 15 delegates were present. There were over 2500 indigenous people in attendance including delegates and general participants[32]. The original agenda of the conference specifically included the discussion of land reform and the integration of marginalized ethnic groups as well as generally attaining indigenous economic, social, and political rights. The governments hope was that the conference would give agency to indigenous communities to create their own vision of progress.[32]

The final demands of the indigenous delegates for Echeverria included improved distribution of land and wealth, improved infrastructure for traveling and medical care, the nationalization of agricultural industries, access to credit, fair rates for artisan products, bilingual and bicultural education for all ages, and gender equality. In addition there was call for indigenous autonomy, self-determination, and federal recognition of indigenous uses and customs[33]. Indigenous leaders justified their demand for self-determination in claiming it was their given right from the Mexican Revolution. Enacting self determination meant a voluntary incorporation by indigenous peoples into national society as Mexican citizens [34]

After the reading of the document, Echeverria assured the Congress of his administrations commitment to ending marginalization of the indigenous populations and distributed resolutions giving 1 million hectares to 23,736 Indian families as well as certificates of recognition[35]. The Congress did not cause immediate dramatic changes in policy towards indigenous populations, but it gave them a platform to voice their concerns and influence policy as well as prompt additional conferences to create a resurgence of indigenous mobilization[36]

References

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  1. ^ Knight, Alan (1990). The Idea of race in Latin America, 1870-1940. acls humanities e-book, acls humanities e-book, critical reflections on latin america series. pp. 79–80.
  2. ^ Knight, Alan (1990). "The Idea of race in Latin America, 1870-1940". acls humanities e-book, acls humanities e-book, critical reflections on latin america series.
  3. ^ Knight, Alan (1990). "The Idea of race in Latin America, 1870-1940". acls humanities e-book, acls humanities e-book, critical reflections on latin america series.
  4. ^ Knight, Alan (1990). The Idea of race in Latin America, 1870-1940. acls humanities e-book, acls humanities e-book, critical reflections on latin america series.
  5. ^ Lewis, Stephen E. (2005). The ambivalent revolution: forging state and nation in Chiapas, 1910-1945. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. p. 46.
  6. ^ Gamio, Manuel (2010). Forjando patria : pro-nacionalismo / by Manuel Gamio; translated and with an introduction by Fernando Armstrong-Fumero. Boulder, CO: University Press of Colorado. pp. 39–40.
  7. ^ Lewis, Stephen (2005). The ambivalent revolution: forging state and nation in Chiapas, 1910-1945. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
  8. ^ Marak, Andrae M. (2009). From many, one : Indians, peasants, borders, and education in Callista Mexico, 1924-1935. Calgary, Alta, Canada: University of Calgary Press.
  9. ^ Gonzales, Michael J. (2002). The Mexican Revolution, 1910-1940. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
  10. ^ Gonzalez, Micheal (2002). The Mexican Revolution 1910-1940. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. p. 207.
  11. ^ Marak, Andrae M. (2009). From many, one : Indians, peasants, borders, and education in Callista Mexico, 1924-1935. Calgary, Alta, Canada: University of Calgary Press.
  12. ^ Lewis, Stephen E. (2005). The ambivalent revolution: forging state and nation in Chiapas, 1910-1945. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
  13. ^ Marak, Andrae M. (2009). From many, one : Indians, peasants, borders, and education in Callista Mexico, 1924-1935. Calgary, Alta, Canada: University of Calgary Press.
  14. ^ Marak, Andrae M. (2009). From many, one : Indians, peasants, borders, and education in Callista Mexico, 1924-1935. Calgary, Alta, Canada: University of Calgary Press. pp. xxvii.
  15. ^ Knight, Alan (1990). The Idea of race in Latin America, 1870-1940. acls humanities e-book, acls humanities e-book, critical reflections on latin america series.
  16. ^ Marak, Andrae M. (2009). From many, one : Indians, peasants, borders, and education in Callista Mexico, 1924-1935. University of Calgary Press: University of Calgary Press.
  17. ^ Munez, Maria (2010). Populism in twentieth century Mexico: the presidencies of Lázaro Cárdenas and Luis Echeverría. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. p. 125.
  18. ^ a b Dietz, Gunther (2004). The struggle for indigenous rights in Latin America. Brighton [England]; Portland, Or.: Sussex Academic Press. pp. 42–43.
  19. ^ Munoz, Maria (2010). Populism in twentieth century Mexico: the presidencies of Lázaro Cárdenas and Luis Echeverría. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. p. 125.
  20. ^ Dietz, Gunther (2004). The struggle for indigenous rights in Latin America. Brighton [England]; Portland, Or.: Sussex Academic Press.
  21. ^ Munoz, Maria (2010). Populism in twentieth century Mexico: the presidencies of Lázaro Cárdenas and Luis Echeverría. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. p. 125.
  22. ^ Munoz, Maria L. O. (2010). Populism in twentieth century Mexico: the presidencies of Lázaro Cárdenas and Luis Echeverría. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. p. 125.
  23. ^ Palacios, Guillermo (2010). Populism in twentieth century Mexico: the presidencies of Lázaro Cárdenas and Luis Echeverría. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. pp. 67–68.
  24. ^ Gonzales, Michael J. (2002). The Mexican Revolution, 1910-1940 / Michael J. Gonzales. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. pp. 232, 239.
  25. ^ Dietz, Gunther (2004). The struggle for indigenous rights in Latin America. Brighton [England]; Portland, Or.: Sussex Academic Press. p. 38.
  26. ^ Dietz, Gunther (2004). The struggle for indigenous rights in Latin America. Brighton [England]; Portland, Or.: Sussex Academic Press. p. 38.
  27. ^ Gonzales, Micheal J. (2002). The Mexican Revolution, 1910-1940 / Michael J. Gonzales. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. p. 237.
  28. ^ Martinez Santiago, Veronica (2010). "Indigenous people's historical background and their current participation within the Mexican educational system and society". Concordia University (Canada). {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  29. ^ Dietz, Gunther (2004). The struggle for indigenous rights in Latin America. Brighton [England]; Portland, Or.: Sussex Academic Press. p. 42.
  30. ^ a b c Munoz, Maria L. O. (2010). Populism in twentieth century Mexico: the presidencies of Lázaro Cárdenas and Luis Echeverría. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. p. 126.
  31. ^ Munoz, Maria L. O. (2010). Populism in twentieth century Mexico: the presidencies of Lázaro Cárdenas and Luis Echeverría. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. p. 127.
  32. ^ a b Munoz, Maria L. O. (2010). Populism in twentieth century Mexico: the presidencies of Lázaro Cárdenas and Luis Echeverría. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. p. 128-129.
  33. ^ Munoz, Maria (2010). Populism in twentieth century Mexico: the presidencies of Lázaro Cárdenas and Luis Echeverría. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. pp. 129–130.
  34. ^ Munoz, Maria (2010). Populism in twentieth century Mexico: the presidencies of Lázaro Cárdenas and Luis Echeverría. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. p. 130.
  35. ^ Munoz, Maria (2010). Populism in twentieth century Mexico: the presidencies of Lázaro Cárdenas and Luis Echeverría. Tucson: University of Arizona Press. p. 131.
  36. ^ Munoz, Maria (2010). Populism in twentieth century Mexico: the presidencies of Lázaro Cárdenas and Luis Echeverría. Tuscon: University of Arizona Press. pp. 132–134.
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