Copyvios of Piskorski (1999) edit
History of Pomerania (1945–present) edit
- Main dispute: expulsions
- Basic POV being pushed: Basically, just try and make Poles look as bad as possible by omitting any qualifying information or context. Ignore role of Soviets. Ignore the chaos of WWII's aftermath. Ignore the attempts by Polish authorities to provide security and health care. Emphasize German suffering, ignore prior Polish suffering during the war.
- Section "Treatment and expulsion of Germans after the Potsdam Agreement"
| Article text | Source text) | Comments |
|---|---|---|
| "The remaining Germans were to be expelled from the now Polish areas of Pomerania.[24] The major staging area from which the Germans were deployed to post-war Germany was the Stettin-Scheune railway station, which had become infamous due to raids of gangs who raped and looted the expellees.[24] Germans were either transported by ship from Stettin to Lübeck or sent in trains to the British occupation zone.[24][25] |
"At this time a staging area was created at the Stettin-Scheune railway station which had become infamous. Despite protection from the (Polish) - VM) milicja the station was attacked by marauders who robbed and raped. This deterred further volunteers who wished to leave the area, despite the assurances by the (Polish - VM) authorities that such criminal activities were not going to be tolerated. "A bandit who robs a German, will also rob a Pole" - was the reasoning of administrator L. Borkowicz" | In this instance the paraphrase is not that close. It is noteworthy however how the passage was doctored.
|
| "Between November 20 and December 21, 1945, some 290,000 Germans were expelled.[14]" | "Between November 20 and December 21, 1945, Polish authorities with the approval of the Soviet occupation authorities, organized the expulsion of some 290,000 Germans" | Close paraphrasing, the part about Soviets being in actual control is omitted. |
| "Another major wave of expulsions termed "Jaskolka" (swallow) lasted from February 1946 to October 1947. During this operation, 760,000 Germans were expelled.[26] These expulsions were not indifferent, as Germans were grouped into five categories ranging from "obstructive" to "specialists", with the "obstructive" Germans becoming expelled first and the specialists last.[26]" | In February 1946 another prepared mass expulsion action took place. It lasted until October 1947. As a result, 760,00 Germans were transported out of Western Pomerania. The action, termed "Jaskolka" was carried out across the whole territory. The Germans were grouped into five categories, and the first to be deported were in the so called "obstructive" one, and the last were from the group of specialists, difficult to replace. From Szczecin, which was a "collection point", transports went by sea to Lubeck or sent in trains to the British occupation zone." | Close paraphrasing. Note the sentence about Lubeck and British occupation zone was simply moved, but not reworded. |
| "According to Piskorski, expellees were often not even allowed to carry household articles with them, and the few items they managed to take along were often robbed on the way.[26]" | "The experience of expulsion itself varied greatly. Often the Germans were not allowed to take household appliances, and sometimes they were expelled in great hurry. Robbery was not uncommon, despite the appeals by the authorities for proper treatment of the expellees, with regard to the prestige of the country abroad. Even though the authorities were unable to guarantee the safety of the Germans during the expulsion, the British Mission evaluated the working of the Szczecin point positively, and the provided food and health care as adequate. | Close paraphrasing with key words altered and relevant, qualifying information omitted.
|
| "The Germans who were not yet expelled obtained the legal status of a "troublesome foreigner temporarily in Poland". They were not allowed to have communication devices like telephones or radios, and were restricted in when and where to go or move.[27]" | "Legally they (the Germans in Pomerania) were considered troublesome foreigners, temporarily residing in Poland. Restrictions were introduced: a curfew, a ban on ownership of radios and telephones. Beginning in May 1946 it was forbidden for them to leave or change their place of residence" | Mostly another problem of close paraphrasing. Scare quotes were added in article text that are not present in source. |
| "By the end of 1945, between 120,000 and 150,000 Germans were legally employed primarily in agriculture and fishing.[28] In the summer of 1946, there were 78,000 Germans employed on large farms, and about 90% of the employees of Polish state estates were German.[28] Germans were employed primarily because they were not subject to Polish civil law, were prohibited from joining workers' unions, and worked hard and for food only.[28] They were often preferred because of their low costs and also did illicit work.[28] In April 1946, the Polish authorities limited the daily work to ten hours and nominally adapted the Polish wages for German workers, but subtracted 25% for "reconstruction of the country and social purposes".[28] In March 1947, the Polish authorities in Dramburg leased the local Germans to Polish farmers for free.[28]" | "By the end of 1945, in Western Pomerania, 120,000 to 150,000 persons (Germans) were legally employed, primarily in agriculture and fishery. In the summer of 1946, on the large farms, there were about 78,000 Germans employed. In the (Polish) State Agricultural Farms the Germans constituted 90% of the employees. The Germans were hired eagerly, since they were not subject to civil law, could not join workers' unions, worked for food and were willing to take the hardest jobs. (...) In March 1947, the county authorities in Drambug turned over the local Germans to the Peasant's Agricultural Cooperative. The farmers could lease them for unpaid work. "Many of the Germans also worked "under the table". Despite the appeals by Polish authorities, Polish employers preferred to hire them than "more expansive" Polish workers. Only in April 1946, the Polish authorities regulated working and payment conditions for the German population. Daily work was limited to ten hours and Polish wages were adapted for German workers. However, the Germans were taxed 25% for reconstruction of the country and social purposes." |
More or less faithful in terms of POV. Some scare quotes were added. Qualifier "nominally" was added. But pretty much a straight up copyright violation. |
| About 30,000 Jews from the Soviet Union settled in the Szczecin Voivodship, but most emigrated soon after since the 1950s, Greeks, Macedonians, and Roma people settled in the Szczecin Voivodship, with the Roma first sticking to their nomadic way of life |
"A large ethnic group was composd initially of Jews (about 30,000) from the areas of the Soviet Union. They lived mostly in Szczecin but usually emigrated soon after" "(In Szczecin Voviodeship) among the ethnic minorities at the beginning of the 1950's there soon appeared Greeks and Macedonians. The place was also inhabited by Roma, who initially stuck to their nomadic way of life" |
|
| The Soviets installed an administration basically adopting the former German administrative structures.[8] Every-day life was then regulated by Soviet decrees.[8] Besides civilian administrative tasks, the local Soviet administration also was to secure the hinterlands of the frontline.[8] | "The every day lives of the inhabitants of Western Pomerania were subject to regulations made by the Soviet administrations, which were basically adopting the German administrative structures. Among their tasks, aside from overseeing civil administration in the territory, was assuring the security of the hinterlands of the front line and that of the Germans' property." | Comment |
| German property was considered "post-German",[8] and anything portable was transported to the Soviet Union.[8] This included the items of the houses' interior like furniture, pianos, and carpets, as well as life stock and industrial devices.[8] | "The Red Army, in accordance with edicts issued by its leadership, treated anything portable as "post-German", hence as war booty. Pretty much everything was subject to appropriation: from furniture, carpets, pianos, agricultural equipment, as well as life stock and the industrial devices of entire factories. | Comment |
| Vast areas of Farther Pomerania were vacated as the ethnic German population had fled the advancing Red Army. This was primarily the case with the areas toward s the Netze (Noteć) and Oder rivers. For example, in the town of Arnswalde (now Choszczno) with a previous population of 14,000 only a few dozen German civilians remained. In other areas, a heterogeneous population remained, consisting of Pomeranians as well as stranded refugees from areas further east and evacuees from the industrial centers. For example, there were 330,000 Germans in the counties of Stolp, Schlawe, Köslin, and Belgard.[10] | text | comment |
| The ethnic German population was ordered to participate in the acquisition and transportation of Soviet war loot, and to live in assigned to them neighbourhoods of the towns. Some were also employed by the Soviet authorities in industry or its deconstruction, in agriculture, and in the clean-up of the wartime destruction, and were paid a low salary. | text | comment |
Pomerania during the High Middle Ages edit
- Main disputes: whether "towns" existed before German settlement and what "founding of towns" means
- Basic POV being pushed: 1. There were no "towns" before German settlement in Pomerania 2. "Founding of towns" meant erecting new towns which didn't exist before, rather than the granting of privileges to existing burghers and/or developing an already existing town. 1+2=Standard colonialist narrative - it ain't a "town" until some colonizers have moved in.
- Section "Rural settlement"
| Article text | Source text) | Comments |
|---|---|---|
| The gards consisted of a small castle for the castellan and his staff, and of a fortified suburbium for the craftsmen in the duke's service; attached were non-fortified places with economical and ecclesiastical function and the houses of higher nobles, who only in the course of the 13th century moved their residences to their estates. | "The main residences of the castellans were usually placed in older tribal centers. However they (older tribal centers) changed their appearance. Their central point consisted of a small, but well fortified, castle inhabited by the castellan his staff and bodyguard. Around the grad there arose a fortified suburbium is fine in which resided craftsmen who worked in the service of the duke and his court. The grad and suburbium were surrounded by a chain of non-fortified places which concentrated the economical functions of the town. Here arose markets, taverns, butcher shops, mints, which also exchanged coins, toll stations, abbeys, churches and the houses of of nobles, who only in the course of the 13th century moved to the countryside" |
Close paraphrasing and POVing by omitting key information and changing key terms.
Other than that the rest is a very close paraphrase of the original. |
| In Wartislaw I's duchy, there were two social classes, the free and the slaves.[34] The bulk of the Pomeranians belonged to the free class.[34] The relatively low number of slaves were captured Liutzian, Obodrite or Danish warriors.[27][34] Because there were more slaves than needed, the Pomeranians engaged in slave trade[27] and sold their slaves primarily to Poland.[27][34] | "''Society of Western Pomerania during Warcislaw I's rule was composed of two social classes: masses of the free and relatively few slaves. The latter consisted of war captives, mainly Liutzians, Obdorites and also Danes. From contemporary sources it seems that the supply of slaves exceeded demand, so slaves were also sold to Poland." | POV-wise ok. But very close paraphrasing. |
| "The social standing of the free depended on their property and notability. Wealth was achieved primarily by the possession of land, by trade, and by piracy. The average free man was occupied with farming, breeding, fishing, hunting, foraging, and bee breeding. Those living in town-like settlements were typically merchants or craftsmen. The largest settlements were Wollin and Stettin with a few thousand inhabitants each. Goods were exchanged on marketplaces twice a week. Overall, the Pomeranian population was relatively wealthy.[35]" | "The freemen were divided among several categories, depending on their property and notability. The source of wealth was primarily the possession of land, but also trade and piracy... The average free Pomeranian was occupied with farming, breeding, fishing, hunting, foraging, bee breeding and those living in towns were typically merchants or craftsmen. Exchange took place on marketplaces, organized twice a week. Some of the towns of Western Pomerania achieved a truly large size: both Wolin and Szczecin numbered at list a few thousand inhabitants each. According to written and archeological sources, the Pomeranians were relatively wealth and curious of the outside world." | Some close paraphrasing. "Town" was changed to "town like settlement" to make it fit the POV being pushed. |
| Wartislaw's power and standing differed depending on the area. In the east of his duchy (Cammin, Belgard, and Kolberg area) his power was strongest, tribal assemblies are not documented. In the center (Wollin, Stettin, and Pyritz area) Wartislaw had to yield the decisions of the local population and nobility. In the towns, Wartislaw maintained small courts. Every decision of Wartislaw had to pass an assembly of the elders and an assembly of the free. In the newly gained Liutizian territories of the West, Wartislaw managed to establish a rule that resembled his rule in the eastern parts, but also negotiated with the nobility |
In the eastern part, of which the main centers were Cammin, Belgard, and Kolberg, the power of Wartislaw was relatively strong and there are no documented tribal assemblies. In the center, symbolized by Wollin, Stettin, and Pyritz, the duke had to take into account the opinion of the local population, especially the nobility. Wartislaw actually maintained small courts in the towns, which enjoyed the right of asylum, but his de facto power was limited, since every important decision had to be approved by an assembly of the elders, and then by an assembly of the free, which was attended by people from the town and the surrounding area. It seems that in the Oder area, conservative local and tribal structures were still relatively strong and only the conquest of Pomerania by Boleslaw Krzywousty allowed the Pomeranian duke to strengthen his power. The third part of the Western Pomeranian duchy was the newly gained Lutician territories in the West, where the duke immediately introduced the described model of rule, although he also tried to convince the nobility to his political aims | Very close parphrasing.
|
Conversion of Pomerania edit
| Article text | Source text) | Comments |
|---|---|---|
| "Of all Lutici, the Volinians were especially devoted to participation in the wars between the Holy Roman Empire and Poland from 1002 to 1018 to prevent Boleslaw I from reinstating his rule in Pomerania.[15]" | "The Volinians were one of the Lutici tribes which participated the most in the continuous Polish-German wars from 1002 to 1018, since they were afraid that a break in these struggles would convince Boleslaw I to rebuild the Polish control on the Baltic" | Some paraphrasing. Borderline. |
Rest of the article appears to be OK more or less in terms of copyvio - it tends to rely on several sources so any close paraphrasing is diluted by the necessity of making them fit together in a coherent narrative. This shows the importance of not unduly relying on a single source, either for POV or Copyvio reasons.
Copyvios of Ulrich Best (2008) edit
Drang nach Osten edit
- Main dispute: None really, mostly a question of copyvios alone
- POV being pushed: Basically that the term "Drang nach Osten" was a propaganda/ideological term which is not completely untrue. Not a big problem in this instance.
- Sections: Lede, "Drang nach Osten" in Polish and Panslavic discourse, Drang nach Westen
| Article text | Source text) | Comments |
|---|---|---|
| In Poland, the term ties in with nationalist discourse that put the Polish nation in the role of a suffering nation, particularly at the hands of the German enemy,[2] | "In Poland, the slogan ties in with nationalist discourse that put the Polish nation in the role of a suffering nation, in particular at the hands of the German enemy" | Almost exactly verbatim from the source. Note this copyvio is repeated again in article text. |
| on the German side the slogan was part of a wider nationalist discourse celebrating achievements like the medieval settlement in the east and the inherent idea of the superiority of German culture.[2] | "On the German side, the slogan was employed in the first instance as part of a wider nationalist discourse that celebrated German "achievements" like the medieval settlements in the east, and the inherent idea of the superiority of German culture." | Pretty much exactly verbatim from the source except quotes from around "achievements" were removed. |
| In Poland, the slogan was in use since the mid-19th century, and since then was used to suggest a continuous historical trend since 1000 AD, referring back to practices of the Teutonic Knights and medieval Ostsiedlung and thereby coupling geopolitical projects with an alleged national character and an "organic unity" of the German nation. | "The term refers back to the practices of the Teutonic Knights and the eastwards migration of Germans in medieval times" ... "It was first used by writers and political journalists in the mid-19th century to suggest a continuous historical trend since 1000 AD, and to connect a geopolitical project with the German "national character" and the "organic unity" of the German nation." |
Sentence order was rearranged but the sentences themselves were copied verbatim from the source more or less. |
| A contemporary Polish encyclopedia defined the slogan in 1896 as "the drive of the Germans eastward in order to de-nationalise the Polish people".[2] The term also tied in with Pan-Slavist ideas. | "In 1896 a Polish encyclopedia defined "Drang nach Osten": "the drive of the Germans eastward in order to de-nationalise the Polish people" ... Further, it also tied in with Pan-Slavist ideas which created a front against the West" |
A little tricky - the source quotes another source (the encyclopedia) and puts the quote in quotation marks. The Wikipedia article copies text from the Best source verbatim and includes quotation marks for the source that the source is quoting. |