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Swargin

Joined 19 September 2008

Mokaya

Mokaya is the term used to describe pre-Olmec cultures of the Soconusco region in Mexico and parts of northern Guatemala and is known to develop into one of Mesoamerica’s earliest sedentary villagers. The Soconusco region is made up of three adjacent zones along the coast: Acapetahua and Mazatán in Pacific costal Chiapas, Mexico, and Lower Río Naranjo, which is on the Pacific coast of northern Guatemala. These three zones are about 50 km apart along the coast, but they are connected by a natural inland waterway, which could have permitted easy communication in prehistoric times[1].

Overview edit

Mokaya culture is comprised of specific phases, each of which is defined by unique ceramic assemblages and agricultural patterns. These cultures span the Early Formative period, about 1900-900 B.C., and some of the Middle Formative period, mostly the Conchas phase from 850-650 B.C. During the time of the Mokaya culture, the emergence of more complex societies and political structures is seen. Two other important aspects of this time are the appearances of the first known pottery vessels in Mesoamerica and the introduction of agriculture.

The analysis of vessels and their functions is a rich source of evidence for exploring social activities and interactions involved in the preparation and consumption of food. These vessels are of particular importance since the sharing of food at meals is often an occasion for reinforcing social relations of solidarity or hierarchy of various kinds and scales[2]. This demonstrates what is known as the competitive feasting model, meaning individual elites at these villages were producing different products like chicha to throw parties and produce an unbalanced reciprocity in the community. In doing this, the elites were giving the people more than they could give back, which was an unequal social relationship and gave the elites control and promoted cohesion within the community. These elites were known as self-aggrandizers and most of their actions were performed to promote their own status within the community. This means that analysis of these pottery forms has yielded insights into the social relations of the Mokaya people. Another aspect of the time is the transformation from a mostly hunter-gatherer culture to more agricultural based societies and settlements. The production of maize greatly increases at the end of the Early Formative period and into the Middle Formative period, with settlement patterns reflecting this change.

The most notable Mokaya site is Paso de la Amada, located in the Mazatán region of Chiapas, Mexico, and is believed to have been a major settlement site for most of the Early Formative period. Sites such as La Blanca become more predominant during the Middle Formative period. The examination of these sites, as well as many others, and the artifacts discovered there have given insight into the early development of social structures and hierarchies in Mesoamerica.

Barra (1850 to 1650 B.C.) edit

The Barra ceramic phase, which marks the beginning of the Early Formative period, spans 1850 to 1650 cal. B.C. and is known to be the initial occupation phase of the Mokaya. It is also when the first know pottery was developed in Mesoamerica. The primary location of the Mokaya during this phase was the Pacific Coast of Chiapas, Mexico. Settlement patterns in this region consisted of large villages of 15-51 hectares surrounded by subsidiary settlements that included small villages, hamlets and homesteads[3]. Most of the ceramic information pertaining to the Barra phase was collected at Paso de la Amada. The common form here was the tecomate, which is a neckless jar with rounded sides and a restricted rim[4]. These vessels were not designed for cooking but probably for holding liquids. One specific tecomate found above Structure 4 in Mound 6 at Paso de la Amada tested positive for traces of cacao. It is believed that these early ceramics were used for beverages such as chicha, cacao or atole consumed in social settings and conferring prestige on the giver[5]. This particular vessel was dated between 1900-1500 B.C. to span both the Barra and Locona phases. While domesticated flora was consumed during this period, it is likely that the main source of diet was due to more of a hunter-gatherer society and explains the settlement near rivers and swamps.

Locona (1650-1550 B.C.) edit

Around 1650 to 1550 cal. B.C. a more complex ceramic vessel inventory appears and ceramic technology was being applied to a more complete range of the society’s containers[6]. This marks the beginning of the Locona phase of Mokaya culture. Common ceramic forms during this time were open bowls or dishes and unslipped tecomates. By the Locona phase there were several large villages in the Mazatán zone, some of which had large-scale architecture, elaborate ceramics and figurines, imported obsidian, and a well-developed lapidary[7]. Some research suggests that the Locona phase Mokaya provided the sociopolitical stimulus for the development of the Gulf Olmec[8]. Based on artifact distributions, architectural analysis and regional survey, they suggest that simple chiefdoms emerged in the Mazatán region during the Locona phase[9].

Ocós (1250-1150 B.C.), Cherla (1150-1000 B.C.), Cuadros (1000-900 B.C.), Jocotal (900-850 B.C.) edit

Most large Early Formative settlements continued to be occupied throughout these phases, with rapid changes in ceramics and other artifacts marks the succession of the phases from Ocós to Jocotal. During the Ocós phase, Paso de la Amada was estimated to be approximately 50 hectares in size. Also seen during Ocós phase there was the increase in size and types of ceramics. This probably correlates with an increase of cooked foods and foods cooked in quantity since ceramic vessels were now being used for storage as well as serving. At Paso de la Amada, black-and-white pottery makes up 3 percent of the Late Ocós rims and between 10-20 percent of the classified rims during the subsequent Cherla phase[10]. Jars also become a regular part of the ceramic inventory during the Cherla phase at Paso de la Amada[11]. Changes from the Locona through the Cherla phases suggest the gradually increasing importance of unslipped, utilitarian tecomates and open-walled serving bowls[12]. Cuadros pottery forms share many of the same characteristics with pottery forms from the earliest Olmec sites. The changes in vessel form, function and decorate all seem to be part of the continued social differentiation of the Mokaya. The elites of the villages displayed vessels to convey status to the rest of the community and continued to use the ceramics in feasting situations to maintain the unbalanced social relationships.

Conchas (850-650 B.C.) edit

During the Middle Formative period, specifically for the Mokaya culture Conchas phases A-C and D, the focus of settlement shifted to the Lower Río Naranjo zone, in Guatemala, and many of the larger Early Formative sites near the rivers and swamps in the Mazatán zone were abandoned[13]. During Conchas A-C, about 850-750 B.C., the large center of La Blanca was built, including a huge 25 meter tall earthen mound at the site[14]. Villagers at La Blanca and along the coast began to subsist partly on maize. The shift to increasing maize consumption early in the Conchas phase may have had important social and economic consequences, signaled by population growth and aggregation and the construction of monumental earthen mounds[15]. Increase reliance on agricultural production provided the economic base for continued population growth and increase in sociopolitical complexity that apparently was not possible in the Mazatán zone. Dietary, technological and iconographic evidence all indicate that a fundamental reorganization of the Soconusco economy occurred during the early Middle Formative Conchas phase[16].

Summary edit

Much debate has been made as to the exact dates of these particular phases as well as when agriculture was first introduced and used regularly. It is important to note that some researchers argue that Early Formative Mokaya peoples were not agriculturalists although they were consuming many domesticated plants including maize[17]. And this contributes to little difference between the Archaic and Early Formative domestic economies. As the societies grew and maintained themselves, so did their need for structure and economy. The appearance of agriculture is complete by the Middle Formative period, if not the later in the Early Formative period, and is directly related to social complexity and differentiation. The presentation of food and the use of imported resources are typically important in the negotiation of social status[18]. Simple artifacts such as ceramic vessels have provided insight into the social activities and hierarchies of the Mokaya of the Soconusco region. By examining the techniques used to make them, the form they have taken and the elaborate decorations displayed on them, these pottery forms paint at least some of the picture as to the lifestyles and practices of Mokaya culture. Some have argued that the Early Formative people of the Mazatán region were among the first Mesoamericans to undergo the transformation to chiefdoms[19]. This would make the Mokaya the first people to develop social structures and hierarchies and would set the base for other Mesoamerican societies to grow on.

See Also edit

Footnotes edit

  1. ^ Blake p. 85
  2. ^ Lesure (1998) p. 19
  3. ^ Lesure (1998) p. 21
  4. ^ Lesure (1998) p. 22
  5. ^ Powis
  6. ^ Lesure (1998) p. 19
  7. ^ Blake p. 85
  8. ^ Arnold p. 30
  9. ^ Lesure (1998) p. 31
  10. ^ Arnold p. 40
  11. ^ Arnold p. 37
  12. ^ Lesure p. 30
  13. ^ Blake p. 84
  14. ^ Blake p. 85
  15. ^ Blake p. 91
  16. ^ Rosenswig p. 342
  17. ^ Rosenswig p. 342
  18. ^ Lesure (1999) p. 399
  19. ^ Blake p. 91

References edit

Arnold, III Philip J. "Early Formative Pottery from the Tuxla Mountains and Implications for Gulf Olmec Origins." Latin American Antiquity 14 (2003): 29-46. JSTOR.

Blake, Michael, Brian Chisholm, John E. Clark, Barbara Voorhies, and Michael W. Love. "Prehistoric Subsistence in the Soconusco Region." Current Anthropology 33 (1992): 83-94. JSTOR.

Hill, Warren D., and John E. Clark. "Sports, Gambling, and Government: America's First Social Compact?" American Anthropologist 103 (2001): 331-46. JSTOR.

Joyce, Rosemary A., and John S. Henderson. "Beginnings of Village Life in Eastern Mesoamerica." Latin American Antiquity 12 (2001): 5-23. JSTOR.

Lesure, Richard G. "Platform Architecture and Activity Patterns in an Early Mesoamerican Village in Chiapas, Mexico." Journal of Field Archaeology 26 (1999): 391-406. JSTOR.

Lesure, Richard G. "Vessel Form and Function in an Early Formative Ceramic Assemblage from Coastal Mexico." Journal of Field Archaeology 25 (1998): 19-36. JSTOR.

Powis, Terry G., W. J. Hurst, Maria Rodriguez, Michael Blake, David Cheetham, Michael D. Coe, and John G. Hodgson. "Oldest Chocolate in the New World." Antiquity 81 (2007).

Rosenswig, Robert M. "Sedentism and food production in early complex societies of the Soconusco, Mexico." World Archaeology 38 (2006): 330-55. Informaworld.

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