Edits by Borsoka:
| Nr | Article | Edit | Current[1] | Edit Text | Original Source | Original Text | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | Yes | But at the beginning of the second quarter of the 11th century the Pechenegs’ invasion in the Balkans assumed greater frequency. | Spinei 2009, p. 107 | At the beginning of the second quarter of the eleventh century the Pechenegs’ invasion in the Balkans assumed greater frequency and amplitude. | - |
| 2 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | Yes | After 1068, the Cumans controlled the entire territory between the Aral Lake and the lower Danube. | Spinei 2009, p. 117 | The Cumans now controlled the entire territory between the Aral Lake and the lower Danube. | - |
| 3 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | Yes | From the second half of the 6th century, there is a significant cluster of vessels with finger impressions or notches on the lip east of the Carpathians, while stamped decoration is especially abundant within the Carpathian Basin. | Curta 2001, p. 291 | There is a significant cluster of vessels with finger impressions or notches east of the Carpathians, while stamped decoration is especially abundant within the Carpathian Basin. The earliest specimens of handmade pottery with finger impressions or notches on the lip were found in association with artefacts of the second half of the sixth century. | - |
| 4 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | No | The analysis of coin finds from the Balkans and from Romania suggests that between 545 and 565, precisely at the time of the Sclavene raids stopped, there was an interruption of the coin circulation north and south of the Danube frontier. This interruption was accompanied by a sharp decline in the quantity of goods of Roman provenance, which may have until then been obtained by means of trade. | Curta 2006, p. 59-60 | The analysis of coin finds from the Balkans and from Romania suggests that between 545 and 565, precisely at the time of the Sclavene raids stopped, there was an interruption of the coin circulation north and south of the Danube frontier. This interruption was accompanied by a sharp decline in the quantity of goods of Roman provenance, which may have until then been obtained by means of trade and used as prestige goods. | - |
| 5 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 17 Jan 2009 | Yes | In the 6th–7th centuries, most, if not all, settlements were occupied only for brief periods, then abandoned and new settlements established nearby. What caused this shifting of hamlets must have been the itinerant form of agriculture practiced by their inhabitants and requiring that lands under cultivation be left fallow after a number of years of cultivation without manuring. | Curta 2006, p. 56-57 | This seems to indicate that most, if not all, sites had been occupied only for brief periods, then abandoned and new settlements established nearby. [...] What caused this shifting of hamlets must have been the itinerant form of agriculture practiced by their inhabitants and requiring that lands under cultivation be left fallow after a number of years of cultivation without manuring. | The original edit was identical to the source. |
| 6 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 17 Apr 2010 | No | The apparently fairly sudden appearance of a relatively uniform material culture in the 5th century after the collapse of the classical Sântana de Mureş-Chernyakiv culture suggests the material reflection of the appearance of Slav self-identification. | Barford 2001, p. 43 | The apparently fairly sudden appearance of a relatively uniform material culture in the fifth century after the collapse of the classical Cherniakhovo Culture (together with its subsequent spread into areas of central Europe where we know from written sources that Slavs were penetrating) suggests that we can see here a material reflection of the appearance of Slav self-identification. | - |
| 7 | Literary sources for the origin of the Romanians (GA class) | 30 Dec 2008 | Yes | Our sources from antiquity imply that Dacia province had already been lost during the reign of Emperor Gallienus (253-268). | Vékony 2000, p. 139 | Our sources from antiquity imply that Dacia was lost during the reign of Emperor Dacius Gallienus (253-268). | - |
| 8 | Literary sources for the origin of the Romanians (GA class) | 30 Dec 2008 | Yes | The “Sclavenes” seem to appear in the sources as an umbrella term for a multitude of groups living north of the Danube frontier, which could not be classified as either "Huns" or "Gepids". | Curta 2006, p. 59 | Much like the “Huns”, the “Sclavenes” appear in sixth-century sources as an umbrella term for a multitude of groups living north of the Danube frontier, which could not be classified as either "Huns" or "Gepids". | - |
| 9 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 22 Jul 2009 | Yes | According to a variant of the oldest Turkic chronicle, Oghuzname, inserted in the Turkish Genealogy by Abulghazi Bahadur (1603–1663), the Cumans — personified in the eponymous hero Quipchaq — fought against the countries of the Kievan Rus', the Romanians (Ulak), the Magyars and the Bashkirs. | Spinei 2009, p. 117 | According to a variant of the oldest Turkic chronicle, Oghuzname, inserted in the Turkish Genealogy by Abu'l-Ghazi Behadur Khan (1603–1663), the Cumans — personified in the eponymous hero Qipchaq — fought against the countries of the Rus', the Romanians (Ulak), the Magyars and the Bashkirs who had refused to subdue to their authority. | - |
| 10 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 21 Jan 2009 | Yes | In the late 11th century, there was a significant shift in population away from the steppe corridor in the vicinity of the Danube and into the densely forested area of the Central Moldavian Plateau, on both sides of the middle course of the river Prut located in present-day Moldova, Ukraine and Romania. These were villages of agriculturists, and not temporary camp sites of nomadic pastoralists. | Curta 2006, p. 307 | When compared to sites of the previous period (ninth to early eleventh century), the distribution of eleventh- to thirteenth- century settlements in Moldavia and Republic of Moldova shows that in the late eleventh century, there was a significant shift in population away from the steppe corridor in the vicinity of the Danube and into the densely forested area of the Central Moldavian Plateau, on both sides of the middle course of the river Prut. These were villages of agriculturists, not temporary camp sites of nomadic pastoralists. | - |
| 11 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 23 Jan 2009 | Yes | Nevertheless, many of the Cumans remained in the steppes and were absorbed into the Mongol state, strengthening its armies. | Fine 1994, p. 155 | Many of the Cumans remained in the Steppes and were absorbed into the Tatar state, strengthening its armies. | - |
| 12 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 23 Jan 2009 | Yes | Two brothers Peter and Asen hoped to obtain a mountain district in the Balkan Mountains as a pronoia for service to the emperor, but the emperor refused. | Fine 1994, p. 10 | They hoped to obtain a mountain district in the Balkan (Haemus) Mountains - one, according to Choniates, of little value - as a pronoia for service to the emperor. Not needing more troops the emperor refused. | - |
| 13 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 17 Jan 2009 | No | The Romans had never succeeded in closing down the "funnel of peoples" between the rivers Danube and Tisa in the west or in safeguarding the "wet border" along the river Prut. | Wolfram 1990, p. 43 | The Romans had never succeeded in closing down the "funnel of peoples" between the Danube and the Tisza in the west or in safeguarding in the east the "wet border" along the Prut river. | - |
| 14 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 17 Jan 2009 | Yes | Following the Roman withdrawal, the Goths were fully occupied taking possession of the northern Danubian region on both sides of the Carpathian Mountains, dividing it with the Taifali, and keeping control of it. In the process their former allies, the Carpians, the Bastarnae, and the Vandals, became their rivals. The latter had to give way: probably the greater part of the Bastarnae settled in Thrace in 280, and in 295 the rest followed. | Wolfram 1990, p. 56 | The "western" Goths were fully occupied taking possession of the northern Danubian region on both sides of the Carpathians, dividing it with the Taifali, and keeping control of it. In the process their former allies, the Dacian Carpi, the Bastarnian Peukini, and the Vandal groups, became their rivals. The Bastarni had to give way: in 280 Probus admitted what was probably the greater part of that tribe into the Roman Empire and settled them in Thrace; in 295 the rest followed. | - |
| 15 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 17 Jan 2009 | Yes | In the chaos caused by the invasion of nomadic Huns, there began a war of all against all which revealed the weaker position of the non-Thervingians. The expulsion of the Sarmatians of the Caucaland (which was probably located in the Carpathian Mountains along the Olt River) by the Goths clearly reveals this process of disintegration. | Wolfram 1990, p. 93 | In the chaos caused by this invasion there began in 376 a war of all against all which revealed the weaker position of the non-Thervingians. The expulsion of the Sarmatians of the Caucaland by the Goths of Athanaric clearly reveals this process of disintegration. | - |
| 16 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 17 Jan 2009 | Yes | Settlement sites suggest that the single farmstead or hamlet was widespread. In the Transylvanian hills, earlier hilltop fortifications were occasionally reoccupied by Gepid groups. | Todd 2003, p. 221 | Settlement sites are now beginning to be recognized. These suggest that the single farmstead or hamlet was widespread, while extensive and nucleated settlements were virtually unknown. In the Transylvanian hills, earlier hilltop fortifications were occasionally reoccupied by Gepid groups, but in the Tisza valley defended sites are as yet unknown. | - |
| 17 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 17 Jan 2009 | Yes | Early Avar society was based on procuring prestige goods from the Eastern Roman Empire and food supplies from small economic units in the form of either direct production from family lands or tribute from subjugated population groups. More often than not, the Avars chose to move the entire population of a conquered city or territory in the middle of their empire. | Curta 2006, p. 65 | Early Avar society was based on procuring prestige goods from the Eastern Roman Empire and food supplies from small economic units in the form of either direct production from family lands or tribute from subjugated population groups. [...] More often than not, the Avars chose to move the entire population of a conquered city or territory in the middle of the qaganate. | The original edit was identical to the source. |
| 18 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 16 Apr 2009 | Yes | Roman Emperor Trajan made a concerted effort to recruit settlers for Roman Dacia, although in case of other provinces the government had done very little to encourage civilians moving into newly conquered areas. | Burns 2003, p. 149 | Except for Trajan's efforts to recruit settlers for Roman Dacia, the government did very little to encourage civilians moving into newly conquered areas. | - |
| 19 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 21 Sep 2011 | No | The apparently sudden appearance in the sub-Carpathian territories of a relatively uniform material culture after a century of sparse settlement in that region, suggests the material reflection of the appearance of Slav self-identification. The new material culture, characterized by a combination of sunken huts and handmade cooking pots, resembles to early-vintage Korchak materials unearthed in Podolia. | Heather 2009, p. 395-396 | Curta also attacks Rusanova's conclusions, arguing that the Korchak materials of the sub-Carpathian region are older than their equivalents in Polesie and hence could not derive from them. [...] The type-site of Korchak itself was one of her excavations and led her to change Borkovsky's original 'Prague' label to Korchak for the characteristic combination of sunken huts and handmade cooking pots on the basis of its claimed anteriority. [...] Here in modern Podolia, large quantities of early vintage Korchak materials (much earlier than those of Polesie still further to the north-east) have been unearthed. | WP:SYNTH with the previous text. See 6. |
| 20 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | Yes | In addition to burials found near the church, three cemeteries have been excavated in Alba Iulia, which produced artifacts very similar to those from burial assemblages in Slavonia and the Hungarian Plain that had attributed to the 'Bjelo Brdo culture'. One of the earliest Bjelo Brdo cemeteries in Transylvania is that of Deva; another was established shortly after 1000 in Hunedoara and continued through the 11th century. | Curta 2006, p. 250 | In addition to burials found near the church, three cemeteries have been excavated in Alba Iulia, which produced artifacts very similar to those from burial assemblages in Slavonia and the Hungarian Plain that had attributed to the 'Bjelo Brdo culture'. One of the earliest Bjelo Brdo cemeteries in Transylvania is that of Deva, on the middle course of the Mureş river. Another was established shortly after AD 1000 in Hunedoara and continued through the eleventh century. | - |
| 21 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | Yes | Burial in most pre-Christian cemeteries ceased by 1100. | Curta 2006, p. 250-251 | As a consequence, burial in most pre-Christian cemeteries ceased by AD 1100, while church graveyards were first established by that same time. | - |
| 22 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | Yes | At some point in the early 1100s, strongholds erected in the 11th century in the northwest (Biharea, Dăbâca, Cluj-Mănăştur, Moldoveneşti) had their ramparts repaired and heightened. Churches were built inside each one of them, and around those churches grew the 12th-century cemeteries that Romanian archaeologists group together in what they call the 'Citfalău' phase following the disappearance of the 'Bjelo Brdo culture'. | Curta 2006, p. 351 | At some point in the early 1100s, strongholds erected in the eleventh century in the northwest (Biharea, Dăbâca, Cluj-Mănăştur, Moldoveneşti) had their ramparts repaired and heightened. Churches were built inside each one of them, and around those churches grew the twelfth-century cemeteries that Romanian archaeologists group together in what they call the 'Citfalău' phase following the disappearance of the 'Bjelo Brdo culture'. | - |
| 23 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | Yes | Some 'Citfalău' cemeteries have burials clustering around an empty space in the middle, which has been interpreted as the mark of wooden church. The distribution of churches of either stone or wood overlaps that of the increasing number of finds of coins struck for the 12th-century kings of Hungary. | Curta 2006, p. 351-352 | Some such cemeteries have burials clustering around an empty space in the middle, which has been interpreted as the mark of wooden church. The distribution of churches of either stone or wood overlaps that of the increasing number of finds of coins struck for the twelfth-century kings of Hungary. | - |
| 24 | History of Christianity in Romania (Start class) | 1 March 2011 | No | In the 6th century, large burial chambers were built, for instance at Callatis (now Mangalia) and Capidava, with walls painted with quotes from the Psalms and with Christian symbols. | Curta 2006, p. 48 | It is in the coastal regions of Greece and in Dobrudja that the most impressive funerary monuments of the age were built - large, single - or multi-room burial chambers with walls painted with quotes from the Psalms and with Christian symbols. | WP:SYNTH? |
| 25 | History of Christianity in Romania (Start class) | 1 March 2011 | No | Artifacts with Christian symbolism first appeared on sites to the south and east of the Carpathians after 565 when Sclavene raids against the Roman Empire resumed on a much larger scale. | Curta 2005, p. 191 | Soon after 565, however, the quantity of both coins and prestige goods of Roman provenance increased dramatically, as Slavic raiding resumed on a much larger scale. [...] Artifacts with Christian symbolism first appear on sites north of the Danube frontier during this period. | - |
| 26 | History of Christianity in Romania (Start class) | 1 March 2011 | No | All pots with incised signs seems to have played a symbolic role, as no site produced any significant quantity of such remains. | Teodor 2005, p. 239 | On the other hand, all pots with incised signs seem to have served some special purpose, as no site produced any significant quantity of such remains. The signs were therefore not just decoration; they played a symbolic role. | - |
| 27 | History of Christianity in Romania (Start class) | 1 March 2011 | No | Another ring bears the inscription "OMHARIVS", suggesting that the grave has a strong claim for recognition as that of a Gepid king, Omharus. | Todd 1992, p. 223 | One grave has a strong claim for recognition as that of a known Gepid king, Omharus. | - |
| 28 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 17 Jan 2009 | No | At the end of the 550s, the Avars migrated west, subjecting various Caucasian tribes and other groups north of the Sea of Azov and the Black Sea. | Fine 1991, p. 29 | ... the Turkic Avars, a nomadic group who, having lost a major war to other nomads in the east, had then migrated west, subjecting various Caucasian tribes and other groups north of the Sea of Azov and the Black Sea. [...] They appeared north of the Danube at the end of the 550s ... | - |
| 29 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 17 Jan 2009 | Partly | They were excellent soldiers and horsemen and were tightly organized with their ruler, called a khagan. A vast array of subject peoples (various Slavic and Bulgar tribes, and the remnants of the Huns) was below the Avars. In addition to subject peoples, they also had large numbers of vassal tribes while others were allies. | Fine 1991, p. 30 | The Avars were excellent soldiers and horsemen; they were tightly organized with their ruler called a khagan, supreme over various Avar groups. They made treaties with their neibhhors and fixed frontiers. Below them was a vast array of subject peoples, various Slavic and Bulgar tribes plus the remnants of the Huns. In addition to subject tribes, they also had large numbers of vassal tribes while other were allies. | This text is now compressed to "tightly organized soldiers and horsemen" and "A vast array of subject peoples, such as various Slavic and Bulgar tribes, and the remnants of the Huns, was below the Avars." |
| 30 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 15 Apr 2009 | Yes | Béla IV completely abandoned the old principle according to which the erection of fortresses was a royal prerogative. | Engel 2001, p. 104 | Béla completely abandoned the old principle according to which the erection and administration of fortresses was a royal prerogative. | - |
| 31 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 24 Jan 2009 | Yes | In 1235, a decision to launch a massive campaign in Eastern Europe was taken at a Kurultai, the great assembly of the Mongol chieftains. | Curta 2006, p. 408-409 | According to later sources based on oral information from members of Genghis Khan's family, a decision to launch a massive campaign in Eastern Europe was first taken in 1235 at the great assembly of the Mongol chieftains (quriltai). | - |
| 32 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 24 Jan 2009 | Yes | Batu's army entered Hungary across the Northern Carpathians, and Batu inflicted a crushing defeat upon King Béla IV's army in the Battle of Mohi on April 11, 1241. | Curta 2006, p. 410 | Batu and his most experienced general Sübödai led the main corps that entered Hungary from Galicia through the Voric'kil Pass across the northern Carpathians, which King Béla IV had just fortified. [...] On April 11, 1241, Batu inflicted a crushing defeat upon King Béla IV's army at Muhi. | - |
| 33 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 24 Jan 2009 | Yes | In 1241, a Tatar (Mongol) army led by Böček crossed the mountains of the Kara Ulagh ("Black Vlachs"). Böček defeated the Vlachs and one of their leaders, known as Mišlav. | Curta 2006, p. 411 | Crossing the mountains of the "Black Vlachs" (Kara Ulagh), Böček defeated the Vlachs and one of their leaders named Mišlav. | - |
| 34 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 21 Jan 2009 | Yes | In the 12th century many settlements in what is now southern and eastern Romania, as well as Moldova either diminished in size or disappeared altogether. | Curta 2006, p. 318 | On the other hand, archaeological evidence suggests that in the 1100s many settlements in what is now southern and eastern Romania, as well as Moldova, diminished in size or altogether disappeared. | The original edit was identical to the source. |
| 35 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 21 Jan 2009 | Yes | The 12th century witnessed a sudden increase in the number of strongholds in Bukovina, which suggest that the military frontier of the Principality of Galicia was on the upper courses of the rivers Dniester and Prut. | Curta 2006, p. 315-316 | On the other hand, the 1100s witnessed a sudden increase in the number of strongholds in Bukovina, which suggest that the military frontier of Galicia was on the upper courses of the rivers Dniester and Prut Rivers. | - |
| 36 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 18 Apr 2010 | Yes | No 12th-century settlements have so far been found in the steppe lands in eastern Wallachia and north of the Danube Delta. | Curta 2006, p. 318 | No twelfth-century settlements have so far been found in the steppe lands in eastern Wallachia and north of the Danube Delta. | - |
| 37 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 23 Jan 2009 | Yes | The withdrawal under Aurelian in 271 was largely of administrators and landowners, the poorer Dacians stayed on. | MacKendrick 1975, p. 143 | The withdrawal under Aurelian in 271 was largely of administrators and landowners, the poorer Dacians stayed on, making what use they could, without the protection of the Roman army, of the techniques they had learn from their conquerors. | - |
| 38 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 17 Jan 2009 | Yes | The region had nevertheless been exposed to major hardships, and the withdrawal of troops from Dacia left its territory dangerously open to attack. | MacKendrick 1975, p. 161 | But Dobruja had suffered terribly, and the withdrawal of troops from Dacia left it dangerously open to attack. | The original edit was identical to the source. |
| 39 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 17 Jan 2009 | Yes | Especially outside the walled towns, the population were the victims of epidemics, economic stagnation, plundering troops, and arbitrary tax collecting. | MacKendrick 1975, p. 161 | Especially outside the walled towns, the Dobrujans were the victims of epidemic, economic stagnation, rapacious troops, and greedy tax-gatherers. | MOS:OPED |
| 40 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | Yes | Starting with Justinian’s reign, there was an increasing number of baptisteries (baptismal fonts) in the Balkans. | Curta 2006, p. 50 | It has been noted that starting with Justinian's reign, there was an increasing number of baptiseries (baptismal fonts) in the Balkans, often built next to older basilicas. | - |
| 41 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | Yes | The evidence of monastic sites is remarkably small. | Curta 2006, p. 52 | The evidence of monastic sites is remarkably small. | - |
| 42 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | Yes | After the middle of the 5th century, medium-sized estates completely disappeared (with just a few exceptions, mainly in the coastal areas). | Curta 2006, p. 43 | However, after the middle of the fifth century, medium-sized estates completely disappeared. With just a few exceptions, mainly in the coastal areas of Greece and Dalmatia, rural villas are conspicuously absent from all surveys of the archaeological research pertaining to the sixth-century Balkans. | WP:SYNTH |
| 43 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | Yes | By 500, most, if not all, major cities in the Balkans had contracted and regrouped around a fortified precinct, almost always dominated by a church building. | Curta 2006, p. 40 | By 500, most, if not all, major cities in the Balkans had contracted and regrouped around a fortified precinct, sometimes located on the highest elevation available, but almost always dominated by a church building. | - |
| 44 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | Yes | A relatively large number of small houses was built in the 6th century in every city of the region, often within the ruins of previously large buildings. | Curta 2006, p. 44 | Archaeologists promptly pointed out the relatively large number of small houses with walls of stone and clay built in the 500s in every city of the region, often within the ruins of previously large buildings of public use or of aristocratic houses. | - |
| 45 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | Yes | When Justinian I sought to re-establish Roman Illyricum in the 6th century, the essential foundation of strategically placed cities in the valleys created in the 1st and 2nd centuries, linked by policed roads and bridges, no longer existed. | Wilkes 1995, p. 266 | When the emperor Justinian sought to re-establish Roman Illyricum in the sixth century AD, that essential foundation of strategically placed cities in the valleys created in the first and second centuries AD, linked by policed roads and bridges, no longer existed. | - |
| 46 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | Yes | During his reign, relatively small forts were built along the Danube and in the immediate hinterland. Many forts on the mountain passes across the Stara Planina were comparatively larger. | Curta 2006, p. 45 | Along the Danube and in the immediate hinterland, relatively small forts were built, each with less than 1 ha of enclosed area and a garrison no larger than 500 men. [...] In the central Balkans, the program laid a stronger emphasis on mountain passes across the Stara Planina. Many forts in this region were comparatively larger (over 2 ha), each with an extra-fortified precinct in the middle. | - |
| 47 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | Yes | Inside the walls, houses were built; and no other buildings exist besides churches. | Curta 2006, p. 46 | Inside the walls, houses were built in stone bonded with clay that are not unlike those found in contemporary cities in the region. No other buildings exist besides churches, which were sometimes built against the walls or blocking the main entrance into the fort. | - |
| 48 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | Yes | After 620, occupation ceased on most urban or military sites in the central Balkans, whose existence may have continued in one form or another into the early 7th century. In several cases, there are clear signs of destruction by fire at some point after 600 AD. | Curta 2006, p. 70 | After 620, occupation ceased on most urban or military sites in the central Balkans (Ohrid, Caričin Grad, Bargala, Bitola, Pernik, and Veliko Tărnovo-Carevec), whose existence may have continued in one form or another into early seventh century. In several cases, there are clear signs of destruction by fire at some point after AD 600, which was often interpreted as the archaeological trace of widespread raids of Avars and Slavs. | - |
| 49 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | Yes | According to a recent study, there are 107 10th- to 11th-century sites in southern, and 87 in central Bessarabia (47(sic!) of those 87 sites also produced evidence of an 8th- to 9th century occupation, an indication of continuity); in Moldavia, to the west from the river Prut, field surveys identified 129 9th- to 10th-century sites attributed to the 'Dridu culture'. | Spinei 2009, p. 193-194 | According to a recent study, there are 107 tenth- to eleventh-century sites in southern, and 87 in central Bessarabia. Forty-eight of those 87 sites (56 percent) also produced evidence of an eighth to ninth-century occupation. an indication of continuity. [...] In Moldavia, to the west from the river Prtu, field surveys identified 129 ninth- to tenth-century sites attributed to the Dridu culture (Fig. 2), with 121 settlements, 4 cemeteries or isolated burial assemblages, and 4 coin finds. | - |
| 50 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | Yes | From the 6th and 7th century, Maltese crosses worn (especially by women) either as pectorals or attached to dress pins and earrings were found e.g., at Bucharest and Ruginoasa. Moulds found north of the Danube demonstrate that such crosses were produced locally. The distribution of Maltese crosses overlaps that of ceramic artifacts (pots, and spindle whorls) with incised crosses, images of fish, and Christian inscriptions; handmade pots with such decoration are indisputably of local production. | Curta 2005, p. 185 | By contrast, Maltese crosses worn (especially by women) either as pectorals or attached to dress pins and earings were found in much humbler contexts, often in association with ordinary effects, such as glass beads or cross-bow brooches (figs. 8.5-8). Molds found in sixth-century forts demonstrate that such crosses were produced locally. Identical molds were found, however, on contemporary sites north of the Danube, and there is also evidence of crosses produced here. In addition the distribution of Maltese crosses overlaps that of ceramic artifacts (pots and spindle whorls) with incised crosses, sometimes followed by wavy lines, or swastikas (fig. 8.9). There are also images of fish and even short inscriptions. [...] Handmade pots with such decoration are indisputably of local production. | - |
| 51 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | Yes | Humbler signs of Christian devotion, such as mold-made clay lamps with cross-shaped handles, are rare on 6th- to 7th-century sites in Romania and Moldavia. | Curta 2005, p. 186 | For example, humbler signs of Christian devotion, such as mold-made clay lamps with cross-shaped handles, are rare on sixth- to seventh-century sites in Romania, Moldova, and Ukraine. | - |
| 52 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | Yes | But there is a recurrent inconsistency in the literary sources regarding their ethnic names: the Greek sources use the name 'Getae', while the Latin ones seem to prefer the name 'Dacians', but some of the Latin authors made a distinction between them. | Oltean 2007, p. 44 | There is, for example, a recurrent inconsistency in the literary sources regarding their ethnic name. Most Romanian commentators agree that the Greek sources use the name 'Getae', while the Latin ones seem to prefer the name 'Dacians' (Stefan 1964, XIII). Yet some Latin authors also name them Getae and some of them even made a distinction between the two (Pliny the Elder IV.12.80; Lucanus Phar. II.52-4). | - |
| 53 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | Yes | Since the very first detailed account by Herodotus (c. 484 - 430/420 BC), the Getae are acknowledged as belonging to the Thracian tribes. | Oltean 2007, p. 45 | Since the very first detailed account by Herodotus they are acknowledged as belonging to the Thracian tribes ... | - |
| 54 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | Yes | Aspects of continuity have been detected in architecture, such as the persistence of traditional forms of sunken houses and storage pits in several locations where continuity of site occupation was not necessarily applicable (e.g., at Obreja, which is a post-conquest foundation). | Oltean 2007, p. 213 | Other aspects of continuity have been detected in architecture, such as the persistence of traditional forms of sunken houses and storage pits in several locations where continuity of site occupation was not necessarily applicable (e.g., at Obreja, which is a post-conquest foundation). | - |
| 55 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | Yes | In a study area covering middle-Mureş valley and the plain of Haţeg, some 46 sites have been documented on the same location in both 'La Tène' and Roman periods, and future research could prove their continuous occupation more explicitly. | Oltean 2007, p. 213 | Some 46 sites have been documented on the same location in both La Tene and Roman periods (see Figure 6.2), and future research could prove their continuous occupation more explicitly. | - |
| 56 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | Yes | Late pre-Roman native occupation of villa sites has been documented by excavation at Răhău, Şeuşa and Chinteni; another example of a relationship between a villa site and a late pre-Roman and Daco-Roman settlement is at Vinţu de Jos. | Oltean 2007, p. 206 | Late pre-Roman native occupation of villa sites has been documented by excavation at Rahau, Seusa (see Haynes and Hanson 2004, 23) and, outside the study area, at Chinteni (interestingly, under the remains of the house from the earlier phases - Alicu 1998, 132). Another example of a relationship between a villa site and a late pre-Roman and Daco-Roman settlement is at Vintu de Jos ... | - |
| 57 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | Yes | Archaeological evidence included sporadic finds of handmade Dacian ceramic fragments in the pars rustica of several villas, which represent mainly storage vessels. | Oltean 2007, p. 205 | Archaeological evidence included sporadic finds of handmade Dacian ceramic fragments in the pars rustica of several villas, which represent mainly storage vessels. | - |
| 58 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | Yes | The nature of change under Roman rule in Dacia as reflected in material culture is very similar to that experienced by other Roman provinces. | Oltean 2007, p. 226 | The nature of change under Roman rule in Dacia as reflected in material culture is very similar to that experienced by other Roman provinces. | - |
| 59 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | Yes | The wider landscape experienced substantive changes: the emergence of Roman-type urbanism, a large increase in settlement numbers and settlement density. | Oltean 2007, p. 210 | The wider landscape experiences substantive changes: the emergence of Roman-type urbanism, a large increase in settlement numbers and settlement density, diversification in the range and function of settlements, and probably also diversification in the organisation and division of the land itself. | - |
| 60 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | Yes | The rural indigenous communities, with sunken houses and storage pits, look similar architecturally to the pre-conquest lowland villages (e.g., at Vinţu de Jos, Lancrăm). | Oltean 2007, p. 226 | But the very particular type of architecture seen in the Orastie Mountains cannot be traced in any of the identified native-type settlements of Roman date. On the contrary, these look similar architecturally to the pre-conquest lowland villages (with sunken houses and storage pits, e.g. Vintu de Jos, Lancram). | - |
| 61 | Origin of Romanians (B class) | 13 Dec 2009 | Yes | There is persistence of certain elements of native material culture, particularly pottery, in varied archaeological context (e.g., 'jar'-shaped cooking pot, 'Dacian mug' were present even in Roman forts). | Oltean 2007, p. 225 | There is persistence of certain elements of native material culture, particularly pottery, in varied archaeological contexts. The tall 'jar'-shaped cooking pot is still produced, reflecting some pre-Roman culinary habits still in force in Daco-Roman contexts, and the ubiquitous 'Dacian mug' is present even in Roman forts (Tentea and Marcu 1997) ... | - |
| 62 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 17 Jan 2009 | Yes | The overwhelming majority of Chernyakhov settlements were open and unfortified, and they were of varying size. | Heather 1997, p. 70 | The overwhelming majority of Černjachov settlements are open, unfortified, villages of varying size, so that the few fortified settlemetns, such as Alexandrovka (figure 3.1), stand out. | - |
| 63 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 17 Jan 2009 | Yes | The populations of these villages derived their subsistence from mixed farming, with a high priority being given to the production of cereals, and at the same time, considerable effort was put into animal husbandry. | Heather 1997, p. 77 | The populations of these villages derived their subsistence from mixed farming, with a high priority being given to the production of cereals. [...] At the same time, considerable effort was put into animal husbandry. | - |
| 64 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 17 Jan 2009 | Yes | In 341 Wulfila was ordained a bishop to the already existing Christian community in Gothic territories. Many of these Christians were descended from Christian Roman prisoners. Wulfila was ultimately expelled with many other Christians after having engaged in missionary work, but Christians still lived north of the Danube and maintained close contacts with those who lived south of the river. | Heather 1997, p. 61 | Ulfila was ordained bishop to minister to those who were already Christian in Gothic territories. Many of these, like himself, it would seem, were descended from Christian Roman prisoners taken in third-century raids. He also, however, engaged in missionary work, and this may have been the cause of the trouble. Whatever the case, Ulfilas was expelled with many other Christians from the lands of the Tervingi. This was not, however, the end of the story. Christians still lived north of the Danube, and maintained close contacts with Christians south of the river inside the Roman Empire. | - |
| 65 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 17 Jan 2009 | Yes | In the next 30 years, numerous Gothic groups met varying fates. Some of them delayed conquest, or perhaps avoided it altogether, by establishing themselves in geographically protected ecological niches in Transylvania, but most (if not all) of the Goths who remained north of the Danube ended up under Hunnic control. | Heather 1997, p. 128 | The Huns took over 30 years to establish themselves at the heart of Europe. In the course of this period, numerous Gothic groups met varying fates. Some delayed conquest, or perhaps avoided it altogether, by establishing themselves in geographically protected ecological niches in Transylvania or along the Pontic coast. Others were overwhelmed more quickly. But however long it took, most, if not all, of the Goths who remained north of the Danube ended up under Hunnic control. | - |
| 66 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 17 Jan 2009 | Yes | In Transylvania, the Avar cemeteries cluster around the salt mines which suggest that the Avars controlled the salt mine district. | Madgearu 2005, p. 103 | It has long been noted that Avar and Magyar cemeteries in Transylvania cluster around the salt mines (fig. 3.1). [...] The distribution of these cemeteries suggests that both Avars and Magyars controlled the salt mine district. | - |
| 67 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 17 Jan 2009 | Yes | The salt production implies the existence of a subject sedentary population. The involvement of the Slavs in salt extraction and trade is documented by Romanian and Hungarian loanwords of Slav origin, e.g. both the Romanian and the Hungarian world for 'salt mine' (ocnă and akna respectively) were borrowed from the Slavs. | Madgearu 2005, p. 104 | Salt production implies the existence of a subject sedentary population, most probably Slavs and Romanians. [...] The involvement of the Slavs in salt extraction and trade is documented by several Romanian words and place-names of Slavic origin, such as ocnă (salt mine ) , Slănic, and Slatina. | Kristó 2003, p. 36 is cited for the Hungarian word. |
| 68 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 17 Jan 2009 | Yes | The chronology of spurs excavated in Transylvania also suggests the existence of cavalry troops. | Madgearu 2005, p. 106 | Moreover, the chronology of the Transylvanian spurs suggests the existence of cavalry troops of Slavs and, perhaps, Romanians in Avar service. | - |
| 69 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 17 Jan 2009 | Yes | Nothing indicates that its author had any reason to forge anything, and thus treating the Gesta as a forgery is a mistake. | Madgearu 2005, p. 110 | But it would be a mistake to treat the Gesta as a forgery, for nothing indicates that its author had any reason to forge anything. | - |
| 70 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 12 March 2009 | Yes | As described in late 9th century Muslim sources, for the winter they withdrew to dwellings in river valleys, especially at river mouths: these were the sites of permanent settlements or villages. | Kontler 1999, p. 45 | As described in late ninth century Moslem sources, for the winter they withdrew to dwellings in river valleys, especially at river mouths: these were the sites of permanent settlements or villages. | - |
| 71 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 12 March 2009 | Yes | But before the middle of the century, no particular family is known to have risen to prominence in Transylvania. Instead the region was dominated by the king's men known to contemporary sources as "castle warriors" (iobagiones castri), a social group associated with the increasing number of royal castles, many of which were established as seats of new counties. | Curta 2006, p. 401 | Before the middle of the 13th century, Transylvania was dominated by the king’s men known to contemporary sources as "castle warriors" (in Medieval Latin documents, iobagiones castri), a social group associated with the increasing number of royal castles. | - |
| 72 | Romania in the Early Middle Ages (GA class) | 12 March 2009 | Yes | However, even the relatively independent "castle warriors" were high-placed subjects within the manorial system. In contrast with them, the "royal servants" (servientes regni) were independent landholders, small or great, and possessed subjects, few or many. | Kontler 1999, p. 76 | 'Servants' by name, they were in fact the freest agents in a society where even the relatively independent jobbágy warriors were high-placed subjects within the manorial system: the servientes themselves were landlords, small or great, and possessed subjects, few or many, and called themselves 'servants of the king' because it was only to the king that they owed service and obedience - not as their landlord but as the ruler of the country. | - |
| 73 | Literary sources for the origin of the Romanians (GA class) | 28 Aug 2009 | Yes | A number of political leaders spoke two or more languages, and only in exceptional cases is this fact mentioned in our sources. For example, the Bulgar leader Mavros who had escaped from the Avar khanate in the late 7th century spoke four languages: Greek, Latin, Slavic and Bulgarian, and this versatility made his secret plots against Thessalonica so dangerous. | Pohl 1998, p. 26 | A number of political leaders spoke two or more languages, and only in exceptional cases is this fact mentioned in our sources. [...] The Bulgar leader Mavros who had escaped from the Avar khanate in the late seventh century spoke four languages: Greek, Latin, Slavic and Bulgarian, and this versatility made his secret plots against Thessalonica so dangerous. | - |
| 74 | Literary sources for the origin of the Romanians (GA class) | 28 Aug 2009 | Yes | Nevertheless, contemporary sources attest the use of more than one language by individuals whom their authors viewed as Antes or Sclavenes: the "phoney Chilbudius" was able to claim successfully a false identity, that of a Roman general, because he spoke Latin fluently. | Curta 2007, p. 344 | First, contemporary sources attest the use of more than one language by individuals whom their authors viewed as Antes or Sclavenes. The "phoney Chilbudius" was able to claim successfully a false identity, that of a Roman genral, because he spoke Latin fluently, and Perbundos, the "king" of the Rynchines, had a thorough command of Greek. | - |
| 75 | Literary sources for the origin of the Romanians (GA class) | 30 Dec 2008 | No | Modern commentators use the desperation and stubbornness of Dacian resistance to explain the unbelievable treatment applied to the natives after the Roman conquest, as described by the literary sources, including severe depopulation and deliberate ethnic cleansing. | Oltean 2007, p. 55 | It is the desperation and stubbornness of Dacian resistance, illustrated in the siege and conquest of Sarmizegetusa Regia and the final suicide of the king Decebalus, that is used by modern commentators to explain the unbelievable treatment applied to the natives after the conquest, as described by the literary sources, including severe depopulation (500,000 prisoners mentioned in a few fragments of Crito's Getica) and deliberate ethnic cleansing (Bennett 1997, 101; see discussion in Ruscu 2004). | - |
| 76 | Literary sources for the origin of the Romanians (GA class) | 30 Dec 2008 | Yes | The oldest Turkish chronicle, the Oghuz-name, which is preserved in a copy incorporated into a 17th-century text, relates that Kipchak, the eponymous hero of the Cumans, had defeated many nations, including the Ulâq (Vlachs), no doubts those previously mentioned in Norse sources. | Curta 2006, p. 306 | The oldest Turkish chronicle, the Oghuz-name, which is preserved in a copy incorporated into a seventh-century text, relates that Kipchak, the eponymous hero of the Cumans, had defeated many nations, including the Vlachs (Ulâq), no doubts those previously mentioned in Norse sources. | - |
| 77 | Literary sources for the origin of the Romanians (GA class) | 30 Dec 2008 | Yes | The Vlachs are mentioned in connection with the events of the rebellion of 1066-1067 against a tax surcharge imposed by Emperor Constantine X Doukas (1059-1067). The leaders of the rebellion were all prominent men of Larissa (in Thessaly), two of whom are specifically mentioned as being Vlachs, and Bulgarians are also mentioned among the rebels. The source implies that the Vlachs had more or less permanent settlements in the mountains of Bulgaria and they were possibly involved in transhumant pastoralism. | Curta 2006, p. 280 | Such was the position of Nikulitzas Delphinas, Kekaumenos' father-in-law, who, although governor of Larisa, found himself - apparently unwillingly - at the head of a revolt against a tax surcharge imposed by Emperor Constantine X (1059-1067). [...] The leaders of that rebellion were all prominent men of Larisa, two of whom are specifically mentioned by Kekaumenos as being Vlachs: Slavota Karmalakis and a certain Beriboes (Berivoi), in whose house the conspirators used to gather to discuss their plans. [...] In anticipation of serious military turbulence, the Vlachs had sent their wives and children to the "mountains of Bulgaria", which may suggest that they had more or less permanent settlements there and were possibly involved in transhumant pastoralism. Among the rebels of 1066-1067, Kekaumenos also mentions "Trikkalites" (inhabitants of neighboring Trikkala) and Bulgarians. | - |
| 78 | Literary sources for the origin of the Romanians (GA class) | 30 Dec 2008 | Yes | A Jewish explorer describes the Vlachs as mountain people in Boeotia. He learned about the Vlachs living in the mountain region near Lamia (in Phthiotis, Greece), a region he called "Wallachia". | Curta 2006, p. 357 | While the author of the Deeds of the Hungarians made the Vlachs the inhabitants of the rich lowlands of Transylvania, his Jewish contemporary from Tudela described them as mountain people in Boeotia. Traveling through Greece in 1165, Benjamin of Tudela learned about the Vlachs living in the mountain region in the hinterland of Sinon Potamo (near Lamia, in Phtiotis), a region he called "Vlachia". | - |
| 79 | Literary sources for the origin of the Romanians (GA class) | 30 Dec 2008 | Yes | The revolt was sparked by a tax that Emperor Isaac II Angelos (1185-1195, 1203-1204) decided to levy in order to cover the expenses for his wedding. | Curta 2006, p. 358 | According to Choniates, what sparked the revolt was a tax that Emperor Isaac II Angelos decided to levy in order to cover the expenses for his wedding to the daughter of the Hungarian king Béla III. | - |
| 80 | Literary sources for the origin of the Romanians (GA class) | 30 Dec 2008 | Yes | The rebels were the descendants of a group of captives brought to the Avar heartland from the Balkan raids of the early 7th century and settled in the environs of the former city of Sirmium (today Sremska Mitrovica in Serbia). | Curta 2006, p. 106 | The rebels were descendants of a group of captives brought to the Avar heartland from the Balkan raids of the early seventh century and settled in the environs of the former city of Sirmium. | - |
| 81 | Roman Dacia (GA class) | 6 Aug 2009 | Yes | Burebista was perceived as a powerful dynast at the borders of the empire, important enough to play a role not just within the boundaries of his kingdom but also in the political games of Rome (for example, his last-hour ally of Pompey before the battle of Pharsalus). | Oltean 2007, p. 43 | These [...] show that Burebista was perceived as a powerful dynast at the borders of the empire, important enough to play a role not just within the boundaries of his kingdom but also in the political games of Rome (for example, his last-hour ally of Pompey before the battle of Pharsalus and a planned target for reprisals by Caesar - see Lica 2000, 71-92). | - |
| 82 | Roman Dacia (GA class) | 6 Aug 2009 | Yes | Often they were diplomatic partners and played active parts in the political games of Rome, often as amicii et socii ("friends and partners"), possibly of Rome herself but usually of individual Roman leaders. | Oltean 2007, p. 51 | Often the Dacians and the Getae were diplomatic partners and played active parts in the political games of Rome, often as amicii et socii, possibly of Rome herself but usually of individual Roman leaders. | - |
| 83 | Roman Dacia (GA class) | 6 Aug 2009 | Yes | The handing of hostages to the Romans (usually members of kings' families) might have started as early as 71 BC and continued later under Octavianus Augustus and throughout the 1st century AD. | Oltean 2007, p. 52 | A particular and more involving aspect of the deditio was the handing of hostages to the Romans (usually members of kings' families - women and children). This practice might have started as early as 71 BC with M. Terentius Varro Lucullus and continued later under Octavianus Augustus and throughout the firsst century AD. | - |
| 84 | Roman Dacia (GA class) | 6 Aug 2009 | Yes | In turn the presence in Dacia of individuals from the Roman Empire as merchants, craftsmen and runaways (slaves or freemen) has been accepted by literary sources. | Oltean 2007, p. 52 | In turn the presence in Dacia of individuals from the Roman Empire as merchants, craftsmen and runaways (slaves or freemen) has been accepted by literary sources. | - |
| 85 | Roman Dacia (GA class) | 6 Aug 2009 | Yes | The economic relations induced multiple influences through active exchange of goods and technologies, especially in the area of Orăştie Mountains. | Oltean 2007, p. 52 | The economic relations induced multiple influences through active exchange of goods and technologies, especially in the area of Orastie Mountains (Glodariu 1976; Florea 1998, 31). | - |
| 86 | Roman Dacia (GA class) | 6 Aug 2009 | Yes | The Roman armies under Trajan's command crossed the Danube into the Dacian territory targeting directly the core are in the Orăştie Mountains. | Oltean 2007, p. 54 | The Roman armies under his command crossed the Danube into the Dacian territory targeting directly the core are in the Orastie Mountains. | - |
| 87 | Roman Dacia (GA class) | 6 Aug 2009 | Yes | Julius Caesar planned an expedition against the Parthians and en route hoped to cut short the political development of the Dacians under Burebista. | Burns 2003, p. 195 | Caesar had planned an expedition against the Parthian Persians and en route hoped to cut short the political development of the Dacians under their leader Burebista, but fate did not treat either leader kindly. Both fell to assassins. | - |
| 88 | Roman Dacia (GA class) | 6 Aug 2009 | Yes | The Flavian dynasty, particularly Domitian (81-96), engaged Roman troops along the lower and middle Danube in what amounted to an opening skirmish against the Dacians. But real hostilities did not begin in earnest until Trajan attacked the Dacians with the full weight of Roman might. | Burns 2003, p. 183 | The Flavian dynasty, particularly Domitian, also engaged Roman troops along the lower and middle Danube in what amounted to an opening skirmish against the Dacians. Little by little what had been merely a psychological segregation became a physical demarcation, but real hostilities between external barbarians did not begin in earnest until Trajan (A.D. 98-117) attacked the Dacians with the full weight of Roman might. | - |
| 89 | Roman Dacia (GA class) | 6 Aug 2009 | Yes | But, except for Trajan’s efforts to recruit settlers for Dacia, the government did very little to encourage civilians moving into newly conquered areas. | Burns 2003, p. 149 | Except for Trajan’s efforts to recruit settlers for Dacia, the government did very little to encourage civilians moving into newly conquered areas. | - |
| 90 | Roman Dacia (GA class) | 6 Aug 2009 | Yes | Archaeological evidence from hillforts and other types of settlement, especially from the Oraştie Mountains, shows deliberate destruction: continuity of occupation is likely to have been the exception rather than the rule. | Oltean 2007, p. 210 | Archaeological evidence from hillforts and other types of settlement, especially from the Orastie Mountains, shows deliberate destruction. [...] But the hillforts are unlikely to present a picture other than that of destruction and abandonment after the wars of conquest and, therefore, continuity of occupation is likely to have been the exception rather than the rule. | - |
| 91 | Roman Dacia (GA class) | 6 Aug 2009 | Yes | The continuous occupation was documented largely by pottery; other aspects of continuity have been detected in architecture, such as the persistence of traditional forms of sunken houses and storage pits in several locations including where continuity of site occupation was not necessarily applicable (e.g., Obreja, which is a post-conquest foundation). Some 46 sites have been documented on the same location in both La Tène and Roman periods, and future research could prove their continuous occupation more explicitly. | Oltean 2007, p. 213 | Some 46 sites have been documented on the same location in both La Tene and Roman periods (see Figure 6.2), and future research could prove their continuous occupation more explicitly. One such example is at Hunedoara where traces of both Dacian and Roman occupation have been identified on the Sampetru Hill near the medieval castle. This was documented largely by pottery [...] Other aspects of continuity have been detected in architecture, such as the persistence of traditional forms of sunken houses and storage pits in several locations including where continuity of site occupation was not necessarily applicable (e.g., Obreja, which is a post-conquest foundation). | - |
| 92 | Roman Dacia (GA class) | 6 Aug 2009 | Yes | The occupation army of Dacia – estimated, at its height, at over 50,000 men – has been the subject of much debate. In 102 when his first war ended in Dacia, Trajan left one legion at Sarmizegetusa Regia. After the wars ended there were two legions in the area, the Legio XIII Gemina based at Apulum and the Legio IV Flavia Felix at Berzobis. A third possible legion involved was the Legio I Adiutrix, but so far neither its precise location nor chronology of occupation in Dacia have been confirmed, or, indeed, whether it was present in full or just through vexillationes. The Legio IV Flavia Felix was moved at a later date by Hadrian from Berzobis to Singidunum in Upper Moesia on the Danube, so the presence of only one legion seems to have looked sufficient for the rest of the first half of the 2nd century. This proved to be wrong during the events of the Marcomanic Wars, when the Legio V Macedonica had to be transferred permanently from Troesmis (Igliţa, Romania) in Lower Moesia to Potaissa in Dacia. | Oltean 2007, p. 56 | The occupation army of Dacia has been the subject of much debate. In 102 when his first war ended in Dacia, Trajan left one legion at Sarmizegetusa Regia. After the wars ended there were two legions in the area, the XIII Gemina based at Apulum and the IV Flavia Felix at Berzobis. A third possible legion involved was the I Adiutrix, but so far neither its precise location nor chronology of occupation in Dacia have been confirmed, or, indeed, whether it was present in full or just through vexillationes (Piso 1993a, 7-8). The IV Flavia Felix was moved at a later date by Hadrian from Berzobis to Singidunum in Upper Moesia on the Danube, so the presence of only one legion seems to have looked sufficient for the rest of the first half of the second century AD. This proved to be wrong during the events of the Marcomanic Wars, when the V Macedonica had to be transferred permanently from Troesmis in Lower Moesia to Potaissa in Dacia. | - |
| 93 | Roman Dacia (GA class) | 6 Aug 2009 | Yes | The numerous auxiliary units attested in the Dacian provinces during the period of Roman occupation, mainly through epigraphic evidence, contributed to building the image of Roman Dacia as a heavily militarized province. Various military diplomas mention no less than 58 units, most of them coming into Dacia from the neighboring provinces (the Moesias and the Pannonias), covering a complete range of troops: alae and cohortes militariae and quingenariae as well as numeri, along with significant variation in their ethnic origin. However, this does not mean that all these troops were stationed in Dacia at the same time and throughout the entire period of Roman occupation. | Oltean 2007, p. 56 | The numerous auxiliary units attested in the Dacian provinces during the period of Roman occupation, mainly through epigraphic evidence, contributed to building the image of Roman Dacia as a heavily militarized province. Various military diplomas mention no less than 58 units, most of them coming into Dacia from the neighboring provinces (the Moesias and the Pannonias), covering a complete range of troops: alae and cohortes militariae and quingenariae as well as numeri, along with significant variation in their ethnic origin (Russu 1975, 142-51). However, this does not mean that all these troops were stationed in Dacia at the same time and throughout the entire period of Roman occupation. | - |
| 94 | Roman Dacia (GA class) | 6 Aug 2009 | Yes | The settlement pattern of Roman Dacia is traditionally interpreted as consisting of urban-satus settlements (coloniae and municipia) and of rural settlements as villas and villages (vici). | Oltean 2007, p. 119 | The settlement pattern of Roman Dacia is traditionally interpreted as consisting of urban-status settlements (colonia and municipia) and of rural settlements as villas and villages (vici), but previous interpretations of the non-urban settlement pattern of Roman Dacia fail to address a number of issues in a satisfactory manner. | - |
| 95 | Roman Dacia (GA class) | 6 Aug 2009 | Yes | The two major towns of Dacia (Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa and Apulum) clearly demonstrate a level of Roman architectural and socio-economic development rivaling that seen anywhere in the western empire. | Oltean 2007, pp. 174-175 | Therefore, both towns clearly demonstrate a level of Roman architectural and socio-economic development rivaling that seen anywhere in the western empire. | - |
| 96 | Roman Dacia (GA class) | 6 Aug 2009 | Yes | The canabae legionis emerged immediately in its vicinity; and already in the Trajanic period a civilian settlement also emerged some 2 leuga (c. 4,4 kilometers) away from the fort by the Mureş River. | Oltean 2007, p. 170 | The canabae legionis emerged immediately in its vicinity and ended up surrounding the legionary fort to the north, east and south and extending for at least 500–700 metres. Already in the Trajanic period a civilian settlement also emerged some two leuga away from the fort by the river Mures, an area currently occupied by the Partos suburb of Alba Iulia (Figure 5.35) (Diaconescu 2004b, 112–13). | - |
| 97 | Roman Dacia (GA class) | 6 Aug 2009 | Yes | When Septimius Severus finally gave municipal status to a part of the canabae (which subsequently may have also reached colonial rank), the town was a clear competitor to Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa. | Oltean 2007, p. 170 | When Septimius Severus finally gave municipal status to a part of the canabae (Municipium Septimium which subsequently may have also reached colonial rank, Figures 5.34 and 5.36B), given that after the provincial re-organisation by Hadrian it became the seat of the provincial governor, the town was a clear competitor to Sarmizegetusa itself as a provincial capital. | - |
| 98 | Roman Dacia (GA class) | 6 Aug 2009 | Yes | Its status at the top of the settlement pattern of the province ensured by its charter (further reinforced by the later acquisition of ius Italicum) is reinforced by its significant administrative role. | Oltean 2007, p. 165 | Its status at the top of the settlement pattern of the province ensured by its charter (further reinforced by the later acquisition of ius Italicum) is reinforced by its significant administrative role. | - |
| 99 | Roman Dacia (GA class) | 6 Aug 2009 | Yes | It is often difficult to define the boundary between these 'Romanised' villages and most of the sites that fall under the category of 'small towns'. | Oltean 2007, p. 150 | It is often difficult to define the boundary between these 'romanised' villages and most of the sites that fall under the category of 'small towns'. | - |
| 100 | Roman Dacia (GA class) | 6 Aug 2009 | Yes | Therefore, identifying such sites has tended to focus on those beyond a purely subsistence economic level and, at least in part, involved in trade and industry. | Oltean 2007, pp. 150-151 | Therefore, identifying such sites has tended to focus on those which operated beyond a purely subsistence economic level and, at least in part, were involved in trade and industry (as opposed to villages with a primarily agricultural function; Hingley 1991, 76). | - |
| 101 | Roman Dacia (GA class) | 6 Aug 2009 | Yes | The itinerary depicted by the Tabula Peutingeriana mentions the following settlements along the main route within the province: Aquae (Călan, Romania), Petris, Germisara (Cigmău, Romania), Blandiana and Brucla. | Oltean 2007, pp. 152-153 | Apart from the main towns (Sarmizegetusa and Apulum), the itinerary depicted by the Tabula Peutingeriana mentions the following settlements along the main route within the province: Aquae, Petris, Germisara, Blandiana (between Sarmizegetusa and Apulum) and Brucla (beyond Apulum towards Potaissa). | - |
| 102 | Roman Dacia (GA class) | 6 Aug 2009 | Yes | In cases of Aquae and Germisara their functional complexity is evident: both were based on natural springs still in use today. | Oltean 2007, p. 153 | In the cases of Aquae (Calan-Bai) and Germisara (Cigmau) their functional complexity is evident. Both were based on natural springs still in use today. | - |
| 103 | Roman Dacia (GA class) | 6 Aug 2009 | Yes | The identifications of Petris, Blandiana and Brucla have not yet been confirmed epigraphically. If Petris was, indeed, located at Uroi (Romania), it would have been primarily an industrial centre, which would have also been an important site for trade and the communication network. | Oltean 2007, pp. 153,155 | The identifications of Petris (Uroi), Blandiana and Brucla (Aiud) have not yet been confirmed epigraphically. If Petris was, indeed, located at Uroi (Figure 5.26) and perhaps extended on both sides of the river, it would have been primarily an industrial centre, which would have also been an important site for trade and the communication network. | - |
| 104 | Roman Dacia (GA class) | 6 Aug 2009 | Yes | In Dacia, there are a lot of settlements supposedly connected with military sites (military vici). Unfortunately, in many cases this is merely an assumption where a fort is known, or where a fort is assumed. However, few of these sites have been examined in any detail; in the mid-Mureş valley, civilian settlements were identified outside the auxiliary forts at Micia (Veţel, Romania), Cigmău, Războieni and Orăştioara de Sus. | Oltean 2007, p. 155 | In Dacia, there are a lot of settlements supposedly connected with military sites (military vici). Unfortunately, in many cases this is merely an assumption where a fort is known, or where a fort is assumed on the basis of finding a stamped brick with the name of a military troop in an otherwise civilian context. However, few of these sites have been examined in any detail. In the mid-Mures valley, civilian settlements were identified outside the auxiliary forts at Micia, Cigmau, Razboieni and Orastioara de Sus. | - |
| 105 | Roman Dacia (GA class) | 6 Aug 2009 | Yes | During the period of Roman occupation, the settlement pattern of the Mureş valley shows a significant shift towards nucleation. | Oltean 2007, p. 143 | During the period of the Roman occupation, the settlement pattern of the study area shows a significant shift towards nucleation. | - |
| 106 | Roman Dacia (GA class) | 6 Aug 2009 | Yes | In central Dacia, there are approximately 10 villages (aggregated settlements) of most likely agricultural function, and a further 18 sites may also fit into this category. The layout of all these examples follows two main types. On one hand, there are the examples built in a traditional manner (e.g., Obreja, Vinţu de Jos, Radeşti), many still with largely sunken houses and in a few examples showing evolution towards surface timber constructions; on the other hand, there are those built in the Roman fashion. | Oltean 2007, p. 144 | In central Dacia, there are approximately 10 villages (aggregated settlements) of most likely agricultural function, and a further 18 sites may also fit into this category (Figure 5.17). The layout of all these examples follows two main types. On one hand, there are the examples built in a traditional manner, many still with largely sunken houses and in a few examples showing evolution towards surface timber constructions. On the other hand, there are those built in the Roman fashion, of a structure resembling some of the vici described by Rorison in Gaul (2001). | - |
| 107 | Roman Dacia (GA class) | 6 Aug 2009 | Yes | The total number of villas within central Dacia is uncertain, much like elsewhere in the province. Less than 30 appear on the published heritage lists throughout the province, but this is considered to be a large underestimation. | Oltean 2007, p. 122 | The total number of villas within central Dacia is uncertain, much like elsewhere in the province. Less than 30 appear on the published heritage lists throughout the province (http://map.cimec.ro visited 6 December 2006), but this is clearly an underestimate. | - |
- ^ Yes - the edit is still present in the current version of the article