Alleged electoral manipulation in Pakistan

Electoral fraud in Pakistan has a history intertwined with military interventions and legal obstacles against political dissenters, impacting the democratic process. Since its inception in 1947, Pakistan experienced alternating phases of democracy and authoritarianism, with the first general elections held only in 1970. The early governance was managed by a Constituent Assembly, tasked with both administrative functions and drafting a constitution.

1977 Pakistani general election

Main article: 1977 Pakistani general election

  

The 1977 elections in Pakistan are widely regarded as rigged. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, maintaining some aspects of the prior military regime, called for elections for the national and provincial assemblies on the 7th and 10th of March 1977, respectively. These elections were marred by allegations of manipulation, including the dissolution and replacement of the governments in Balochistan and KPK with PPP-led administrations.

A notable strategy, the Larkana plan, involved setting up a special election cell within the federal ministry to influence election outcomes, collaborating with district administrations for this purpose. This led to accusations of systematic rigging. The opposition, consolidated under the Pakistan National Alliance (PNA), faced obstacles as state resources and intelligence were allegedly used to skew results in favor of Bhutto and the PPP.

Due to these malpractices, several PPP candidates for both the National and Provincial Assemblies were declared winners unopposed. In a notable case, Jan Muhammad Abbasi, Bhutto's challenger in Larkana, was arrested before he could file his nomination, leading to Bhutto's uncontested victory. In the face of growing political unrest, the government's crackdown involved the arrest and detention of opposition candidates. The crisis escalated and it resulted in Zia-ul-Haq deposed the elected government on 5th July 1977 and impose martial law.  

1985 Pakistani general election

Main article: 1985 Pakistani general election

  

The 1985 elections in Pakistan, initially slated for 1977, were postponed following General Zia-ul-Haq's coup, pledging elections within 90 days. These elections, notably partyless, barred political parties from fielding candidates due to a constitutional amendment.

Observers such as Nusrat Javeed have noted the contrast between the nonpartisan nature of the 1985 elections and the specific political obstacles encountered in the 2024 elections. Tahir Mehdi attributed the current trend where independent candidates align with political parties’ post-election to the precedents set in 1985, suggesting this practice undermined parliamentary democracy and electoral integrity. Mazhar Abbas argued that the lack of party-based elections amounted to inherent pre-poll rigging, deepening societal divisions along feudal and caste lines.

1990 Pakistani general election

Main article: 1990 Pakistani general election

  

The manipulation of the 1990 election in Pakistan can be traced back to the pre-1988 electoral landscape, with the formation of the Islami Jamhoori Ittehad (IJI), a coalition of nine parties. This alliance, orchestrated by former ISI Chief Hamid Gul, aimed to counter Benazir Bhutto's political influence. Despite being rapidly assembled, the IJI failed to secure a victory in the 1988 elections.

By 1990, the IJI had strengthened its position, with its chairman, Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi, serving as the caretaker minister for the elections, aiming to influence the outcome.

In 2012, the Supreme Court of Pakistan recognized substantial evidence of rigging in the 1990 elections, implicating Ghulam Ishaq Khan, Aslam Baig, and Asad Durrani. The court also highlighted the illegal distribution of Rs 140 million from the state treasury to opposition politicians by Younas Habib, aimed at preventing a PPP victory.

The Supreme Court's ruling in the Asghar Khan case was a significant judicial acknowledgment of election rigging. Mazhar Abbas referred to the 1990 elections as "the mother of all rigging." In addition to financial manipulation, there were efforts to tarnish Benazir Bhutto's public image through character assassination and negative propaganda.

1997 Pakistani general election

Main article: 1997 Pakistani general election

 

In 1997, Sharif won the election, securing 137 out of 217 National Assembly seats, while Bhutto's Pakistan People's Party (PPP) saw its seats dramatically reduce from 89 to 18. The PPP's decline was influenced by factors including the assassination of Murtaza Bhutto, allegations of corruption against Asif Ali Zardari, and a crackdown on the PPP following Benazir Bhutto's government dismissal and subsequent actions against PPP affiliates.

Historian Nadeem F. Paracha and journalist Tahir Mehdi have highlighted the 1997 elections' controversial aspects. The crackdown on the PPP and the narrative of corruption against Zardari were key factors contributing to Sharif's overwhelming parliamentary majority.  

2002 Pakistani general election

Main article: 2002 Pakistani general election

In 2002, Pakistan's political dynamics shifted when Pervez Musharraf, holding dual roles as Army Chief and President, conducted elections. The event was notable for the direct involvement of military influence in the electoral process, a contrast to previous instances of behind-the-scenes manipulation.

The elections resulted in a victory for the PML-Q, a party established shortly before the elections, consisting of politicians primarily drawn from traditional political parties such as the PPP and PML-N. To further control the political landscape, the Musharraf-led government introduced the Political Parties Order, 2002, imposing criteria that effectively disqualified the leadership of the PPP and PML-N from participating in the elections. The administrative machinery, from the police to vote counters, was reportedly aligned with state interests, suggesting widespread rigging.

Journalist Zarrar Khuhro described the elections as heavily manipulated, with disenfranchisement disguised as electoral reform. One controversial reform was the requirement for candidates to hold graduate degrees, a stipulation that excluded many potential candidates due to the educational standards in Pakistan. However, an exception was made for religious scholars, equating madrassah certificates with graduate degrees, thereby favoring the pro-Musharraf Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal alliance and introducing a bias in candidate eligibility.