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Issues and Feminist Actions in Response

Marriage & Divorce

Originally, women did not have some control over who got married and it was a contract between the father and husband. This caused many women to be in forced marriages, the Women's union made it aware of people the overwhelming number of suicides caused by this and consent was enforced (Halim 398). Dowry is central to marriage, yet many men could not afford to pay them, so the Women's Union and they campaigned for a lower amount (Halim 399). Their main concern was to make sure women would marry who they wanted to marry without the expensive dowries (Halim 399). They also published less spending, education for girls, and the reinstatement of marriage as a peaceful agreement (Halim 399). Many women were subjected to the dangers of abusive husbands because of the law that women had to be returned by police if disobedient and ran away (Halim 400). The Women's Union made sure that the idea of forcing a return on a women was repealed (Halim 400). The Republican Sisters took a different pathway by reshaping the perspective on women about respect and gender roles. They released the book called Focus on Personal Status law, it talked about creating change from Shar’ia laws (Halim 401). They supported a return to simple and inexpensive weddings and a focus on no guardianship in marriage. They also reimplanted the basic right to divorce women and handling divorces outside of court (Halim 402). Last, they campaigned for the deduction of dowry to be put into value as dignity for women (Halim 402).

Representation in Politics

In the early 1900s, female representation in politics declined due to the repressive nature of the colonial regime. Male suppression against women in these spaces increased after many African countries reached independence, even with the contributions women had made politically. Woman are now trying to overcome these obstacles written into law that put them at a disadvantage, through legal programs, women's movements, and the African National Congress (ANC) Women's League's demands for greater female political representation in South Africa. The post-cold war era of the 1990s removed women's fear and reluctance to speak up politically when pressures by contemporary national economic crises and political failure required their assistance.

There have been many instances of groups of Women fighting for and expressing their need to be involved and hold rights politically in Africa. During the first Liberian War in 1994, The Concerned Woman of Liberia was a politically involved group that arose alongside The Liberian Women's Initiative to encourage the warring groups and the government to bargain, and would conduct public protests when agreements were not being kept. Also, In the 1990s, the Lakoja State House in Nigeria carried workshops, where women would discusses the necessity and process for achieving changes in legislation for material and legal rights for women, with national recognition of women's rights under law and constitution.

Education

Women in many countries in Africa continue to be denied an education, with disparities starting in primary school and widening not long after that. According to Female education, early colonial forms of education for women in West Africa came from missionaries and institutions using religious teachings and basic western teachings in reading and writing. They ignored teaching women economic education, and instead taught European values of women's roles in society into educational spaces. These western teachings extended to post-colonial education, prioritizing men's education, which lead to wide disparities within education. 43.6% of men completed primary education compared to 35.4% of women, 6.0% of men completed secondary education compared to 3.3% of women, and 0.7% of men completed tertiary education compared to 0.2% of women. Colonial teachings caused families to prioritize women doing domestic labor compared to men, which carried on to post-colonial values. When Austerity programmes were introduced to African countries in the 1980s, it cut educational spending, and households had to choose who to send to schools, which caused many homes to prioritize housework over education for women and education for the men, leading to these low retention rates.

Organizations like the Batonga Foundation and the Umlambo Foundation in Sub-Sahara Africa focus on empowering and increasing women's access to education in Africa, while improving the quality of education to close this gap between men and women in the classroom. There also were policies specifically targeting girls education that began to be implemented in Benin, Botswana, the Gambia, Guinea, Lesotho, Mauritania and Namibia that began to shrink this gender gap.The UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization reported that the enrollment for women also rose with an increase of the proportion of teachers that were women. Although there have been promising improvements in providing an equal education for women, they are still behind many other places in the world in terms of women's education.

Present Activism

Protests

Currently in Sudan, Sudanese women are uniting to protest against the Sudan government in hopes of achieving justice and equality for women (Sarai). There are large groups of protest that have taken place in the streets of Sudan where women are chanting and holding up signs demanding for a new government. The protesting women are fighting for a 50% representation of women in the government. However, currently the quota rate is 30%, which shows the lack of female representation in the government, resulting in a large toll on the lives of the Sudanese women. Although the Sudanese women are fighting to create change, the protests have brought great danger to the safety of women (Bhalla). The government's response to the protests have been several cases of rape on the protesting women that were committed by security forces (Bhalla). However, there has not been justice done for the cases, which has further driven the Sudanese women to protest and fight for their rights. Even with the dangers the protests bring on the women, the women continue to strive and fight for an equal representation of women in the Sudan government and to achieve equal rights and justice (Bhalla). Facebook Groups In addition to protests, Sudanese women have made private Facebook groups to find police officers who are actively punishing the women in the protests (Griffin). Their goal is to publicly expose the police officers in order for people to find the officer's home and physically attack them. Only women are allowed in the groups, in which they upload pictures of the officers and people can respond with his information so that people can locate him. The Facebook groups have posed such a threat to the officers, that it has made it difficult for them to show their faces in public without covering them (Griffin) . It is evident that the groups have given the Sudanese women a form of power over the government and have become crucial in their attempts to push for women representation in the government. Sovereign Council In attempts to female representation in Sudan's government, on August 21, 2019, there was a solemn ceremony that took place in Khartoum, Sudan where 11 people were sworn in to lead the country (Solomon). The 11 people sworn in were a part of a group named the sovereign council, in which two of them were women. This is significant in bringing more female representation in the government, which will allow for more rights given to the women and an opportunity for the women to voice their opinions more freely. Raja Nicola Issa Abdul-Masseh, a female member of the sovereign council, states, “We shall try to rebuild our country, we shall try to rebuild our economy, we shall begin to stop all the armed movements and work for peace and justice for all Sudanese on an equal basis regardless of race or religion or any political opinion or any affiliation” (Solomon). The two female members in the sovereign council are striving to bring more equality and justice for women in Sudan.

Prominent Nigerian feminists

Olufunmilayo Ransome-Kuti (1900 - 1978)

Serving as a teacher, an educationist, and a women's rights activist, Frances Abigail Olufunmilayo Ransome-Kuti is widely well known as one of Nigeria's earliest and foremost champions of women's rights during the colonial period. At a time where most girls were not granted access to Western education, Olufunmilayo had the distinction of being the first female student of St. John Primary School, Abeokuta, from 1906 to 1913. Being one of the first set of girls to attend school in Nigeria, Olufunmilayo was then sent to study abroad in England to finish her higher education at Wincham Hall College in Yorkshire. She studied Music, Education, Domestic Science and French, where in 1923, she returned to Nigeria fully equipped for a teaching career.

Although she participated in numerous domestic improvements in Nigeria, Olufunmilayo manifested remarkable contributions to the African women's movement that credited her the most fame. In 1944, Olufunmilayo, along with a few peers, founded the Abeokuta Ladies Club (ALC), essentially “designed as a social club made up of educated women like her who felt compelled to help other less privileged women.” In this club, these women would learn some vocational skills, where the ALC would encourage them to read and write. With other feminist organizations gradually merging with the Abeokuta Women's Union (AWU) in 1946, Mrs. Olufunmilayo was chosen as president of a coalition that became a formidable instrument for combating against all forms of discrimination towards African women.

During the colonial era, the Sole Native Authority (SNA), the system of government introduced by the colonial administration in Abeokuta, were the main proponents behind all oppression towards African women. All power resided at the hands of the traditional ruler and local elites. Where women were entirely excluded from Nigerian governance, which meant no female participation in communal affairs or Nigerian politics. Under colonialism, the women of Abeokuta naturally believed that their economic and communal roles were declining, while their taxes were steadily increasing. In 1949, Olufunmilayo Ransome-Kuti led a protest against the Sole Native Authority in Abeokuta, where the AWU argued for representation in local government and advocated for the abolition of the separate tax rate for women. As a result, the Egba Interim Council was formed, which included four (4) women representing the four sections of Abeokuta town.

Lady Kofoworola Aina Ademola (1913 - 2002)

An active volunteer and energetic social worker, Lady Kofoworola Aina Ademola has notably been recognized as a distinguished women's rights activist and remarkable educationist. Coming from a rather privileged background, Lady Kofoworola traveled to England and completed her secondary school education at Portway College. Soon after, she was granted admission to University of Oxford, where she graduated with a bachelor's degree in English. Lady Kofoworola has the honor of being the first African woman to be admitted to the University of Oxford, in 1933.

The most educated, elite women coming from Lagos were members of prominent Christian families of nineteenth and twentieth-century Nigeria. Nigerian pioneers like Charlotte Olajumoke Obasa, Oyinkan Abayomi, and Kofoworola Ademola, among others, completed a Western education in an array of subjects ranging from music, law, social science, to education, nursing and journalism in both Nigeria and abroad. Collectively, these women broke notable barriers and certain taboos that were social norms within the Victorian and post-Victorian era.

With a Western education from Oxford, Lady Kofoworola returned to Nigeria and briefly taught at Queen's College, Lagos. As a teacher, Kofoworola encouraged many of the girls to work hard in order to become achievers; her famous slogan was “brains have no gender”. With her passion towards girls’ education, Lady Kofoworola encouraged her communities to establish non-governmental organizations that stimulate the education of women. With gradual pace, she became one of the founding members of the Nigerian Association of University Women, whose sole aim was the ultimate encouragement of girls’ education in Nigeria.

In order to increase the rather limited opportunities for Nigerian girls in secondary education, Lady Kofoworola was heavily involved in founding new secondary schools for girls. An example could be the New Era Girls’ College, a secondary school where she served as the Headmistress. Lady Kofoworola was a prominent volunteer for the Red Cross Society where she served as the first Nigerian Director of the Western Region branch. In recognition of her contribution in several respected fields, Lady Kofoworola was bestowed with many honors. In 1959, she became a Member of the British Empire (MBE), where she was later granted, Officer of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (OFR).

South Sudanese Feminism

Background History of Sudanese Feminism In Sudan, religion is an integral part of how the lives of women are governed (Halim 389). Since most of the population in Sudan follows the Islamic faith, they adhere to Sharia, the religious law enforced through the lens of the Quran (Hale 90). The Sharia law was implemented by President Gaafar Mohamed Nimeiry as a way to gain support in a time of instability (Halim 392). It creates rules for the Sudanese people that would silence the unrest, especially concerning the control over women's conduct. Although this regime was ended by a brief democracy, it did nothing to combat the Sharia laws (Halim 390). Many regimes have stated the equality of sexes in their constitutions, still, women's rights are targets during times of instability (Halim 390).

Sudanese Feminist Groups

The Sudanese Women's Union (SWU) was one of the most influential organizations during the 1940s when Sudan was under Anglo-European rule (Halim 391). The creation of the SWU occurred simultaneously with the national movement, both combined their efforts to separate from Anglo-Egyptian rule (Halim 391). The founders of the SWU, Al Amin and Ahmed Abdel Mageid explained that due to prejudices about women's participation in public activities, they were not allowed to join the Graduates congress (Halim 391). The union was seen as a social organization that was concerned with women in the domestic sphere (Halim 391). Progress was made through a restricted right to vote under the pretense, the women were educated. They also created a magazine called the “Women’s Voice” which was a political outlet encouragement of democracy and women's rights (Halim 392). Still, women part of the SWU denied any involvement with The Sudanese Communist party, regardless of their political activity (Halim 392). The SCP was the first to allow women to join, attracting educated women (Halim 392). The idea of political membership is what divided the SWU, and created the Patriotic women's front (Halim 392). The SWU women were left very susceptible to imprisonment and harassment because of their involvement in politics (Badri 9). The Nimeri regime, even covered up the SWU's effort by putting out their successes like first woman minister and woman judges. Then he implemented the September laws that made women inferior to men. In the late 1980s, women's feminist movement was at a halt due to the military government, still the Women's voice continued to highlight the injustices of the regime (Halim 393).

The Republican Sisters

This women's organization was based on the Republican party of brothers based on the battle against the first military regime in Sudan (Halim 393). They were supported by their male counterparts, and together campaigned for equal rights. The brothers were a huge part of the struggle for equality and supports women during their speeches and distribute their publications (Halim 395). They traveled around cities and held campaigns and debates to question attitudes against women (Halim 394). Their objective was to spread their theories and encourage a new perspective about women's rights. The Republican women faced grave injustices by the security bureau and ultimately ended in the leader's death (Halim 395). Usatdh Mahmoud started the party in 1945 and started to publicize his book The Second Message of Islam, he wrote about the rules of Islam and the implementation of equality of sexes (Halim 393). Ustadh published motivation for women's rights through lectures, discussions, and pushing women to be part of intellectual spaces (Halim 395).

Goals of the Sudanese Feminist Groups

Women groups were seen as a method of westernizing Muslim life (Halim 395). Women in the Union fought hard for equal pay pension and the accessibility to work (Halim 395). They argued it was the traditions in place that restricted women's rights and wanted to separate religion and traditional practices (Halim 396). The main demands of the SWU were the emancipation of women, higher status through education, night-schools to teach literacy, equal pay, and fighting against traditionalist practices. The Republican Sisters believed equality was a part of religion that was a natural right (Halim 396). They took their goals further and also fought against laws that oppressed women. The women's union work was focused on creating change through politics and Republication strived for legal action (Halim 396).

South Sudanese Feminism

Background History of Sudanese Feminism In Sudan, religion is an integral part of how the lives of women are governed (Halim 389). Since most of the population in Sudan follows the Islamic faith, they adhere to Sharia, the religious law enforced through the lens of the Quran (Hale 90). The Sharia law was implemented by President Gaafar Mohamed Nimeiry as a way to gain support in a time of instability (Halim 392). It creates rules for the Sudanese people that would silence the unrest, especially concerning the control over women's conduct. Although this regime was ended by a brief democracy, it did nothing to combat the Sharia laws (Halim 390). Many regimes have stated the equality of sexes in their constitutions, still, women's rights are targets during times of instability (Halim 390).

Sudanese Feminist Groups

The Sudanese Women's Union (SWU) was one of the most influential organizations during the 1940s when Sudan was under Anglo-European rule (Halim 391). The creation of the SWU occurred simultaneously with the national movement, both combined their efforts to separate from Anglo-Egyptian rule (Halim 391). The founders of the SWU, Al Amin and Ahmed Abdel Mageid explained that due to prejudices about women's participation in public activities, they were not allowed to join the Graduates congress (Halim 391). The union was seen as a social organization that was concerned with women in the domestic sphere (Halim 391). Progress was made through a restricted right to vote under the pretense, the women were educated. They also created a magazine called the “Women’s Voice” which was a political outlet encouragement of democracy and women's rights (Halim 392). Still, women part of the SWU denied any involvement with The Sudanese Communist party, regardless of their political activity (Halim 392). The SCP was the first to allow women to join, attracting educated women (Halim 392). The idea of political membership is what divided the SWU, and created the Patriotic women's front (Halim 392). The SWU women were left very susceptible to imprisonment and harassment because of their involvement in politics (Badri 9). The Nimeri regime, even covered up the SWU's effort by putting out their successes like first woman minister and woman judges. Then he implemented the September laws that made women inferior to men. In the late 1980s, women's feminist movement was at a halt due to the military government, still the Women's voice continued to highlight the injustices of the regime (Halim 393).

The Republican Sisters

This women's organization was based on the Republican party of brothers based on the battle against the first military regime in Sudan (Halim 393). They were supported by their male counterparts, and together campaigned for equal rights. The brothers were a huge part of the struggle for equality and supports women during their speeches and distribute their publications (Halim 395). They traveled around cities and held campaigns and debates to question attitudes against women (Halim 394). Their objective was to spread their theories and encourage a new perspective about women's rights. The Republican women faced grave injustices by the security bureau and ultimately ended in the leader's death (Halim 395). Usatdh Mahmoud started the party in 1945 and started to publicize his book The Second Message of Islam, he wrote about the rules of Islam and the implementation of equality of sexes (Halim 393). Ustadh published motivation for women's rights through lectures, discussions, and pushing women to be part of intellectual spaces (Halim 395).

Goals of the Sudanese Feminist Groups

Women groups were seen as a method of westernizing Muslim life (Halim 395). Women in the Union fought hard for equal pay pension and the accessibility to work (Halim 395). They argued it was the traditions in place that restricted women's rights and wanted to separate religion and traditional practices (Halim 396). The main demands of the SWU were the emancipation of women, higher status through education, night-schools to teach literacy, equal pay, and fighting against traditionalist practices. The Republican Sisters believed equality was a part of religion that was a natural right (Halim 396). They took their goals further and also fought against laws that oppressed women. The women's union work was focused on creating change through politics and Republication strived for legal action (Halim 396).

Examples of African feminism

Feminism in Nigeria

Although noteworthy feminist movements have sprouted across the African continent, the feminist movement in Nigeria serves as a prime example of African feminism. Following the 1982 national conference, the inauguration of the organization Women in Nigeria (WIN) presented feminism in its present form - consistent, organized, with clear objectives and ideology. In spite of rough beginnings, many scholars pay tribute to WIN for acting as training grounds for the emergence of organized feminist struggles in Nigeria.

During its first ten years, WIN facilitated the development of many of the self-identified feminists in Nigeria today. WIN adopted an open membership policy of ‘come one - come all’, where anyone, male or female, was accepted as long as such a person accepted the provisions of WIN's Constitution. WIN's open membership policy allowed the entry of many persons who had no clue about the core values of feminism and principles of gender justice.

From its inception, Women in Nigeria sponsored research projects while engaging in policy advocacy and activism that holistically aimed towards enhancing the socioeconomic conditions under which many women in Nigeria experienced. Furthermore, the uniqueness of WIN derives from its consciousness of both class and gender in relation to the struggle for the emancipation of Nigerian women. Therefore, WIN recognized the Nigerian female experience as essentially as “double jeopardy,” where exploitation and oppression of women marked as dual forms of injustices, both as members of the subordinate class and as women.

WIN to NFF

In January 2008, the Nigerian feminist movement inaugurated the Nigerian Feminist Forum (NFF) - which established a larger and more coherent coalition than WIN. In the early 2000s, the NFF was created after an incubation period that started with the launching of the African Feminist Forum (AFF) in Accra, Ghana. The AFF published the Charter of the Feminist Principles which serves as an informative guide for African Feminists that clearly states how African feminists define themselves, it delivers the understanding of Feminism and Patriarchy, and amplifies the identity, ethics and proper knowledge of feminist leadership across the continent of Africa.

After much success at the grassroots level, the NFF effectively expanded and replaced Women in Nigeria (WIN) as the official Nigerian Feminist Movement. Furthermore, these newly evolved Nigerian feminist movements took part of the continental (Pan African) feminist movement, where thousands of feminist activists from all over the region were brought together to fight against the Patriarchy.