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User:Madalibi/Korean historiography

< User:Madalibi
See also: Korean nationalist historiography and User:Madalibi/Korean nationalist historiography

Until the very late nineteenth century, the dominant form of historiography in Korea was Confucian historiography.

Before 1392 edit

History writing in pre-modern Korea was a temporary task for government officials and learned amateurs, rather than a profession. Confucian historiography drew heavily on the Confucian Classics emphasizing "form and practice" (ch'eyong kwang'ye).[1] Confucian historiography viewed history as a political tool to educate both rulers and educated subjects on how to act wisely in the present by reflecting on the past.[2]

Chinese and Confucian historiography edit

The earliest historical accounts of Korea come from the Chinese historiographical tradition and its Twenty-Four Histories, dating back the Records of the Grand Historian (109-91 BCE) by Sima Qian. References to what are now considered to be Korean progenitors, the Dongyi ("eastern barbarians"), are especially replete in the Book of the Later Han (compiled in the 5th century CE), Records of the Three Kingdoms (compiled in the 3rd century), and the Book of Wei (6th century).[3] No indigenous historical records from the ("Korean") Three Kingdoms[4] have survived, although the Nihon Shoki (720 CE) of Japan alludes to some Korean sources.[5] Historical literature from Later Silla (668-935) and early Goryeo (918-1392) have survived, and Seongjong of Goryeo (981–997) established a History Office (Sagwan, later Ch'unch'ugwan), based on the Tang Dynasty institution of the same function, to create and preserve historical records of each reign.[6][7] The most important historiographical work in Goryeo was the Samguk sagi, written by the scholar-official Kim Bu-sik (1075-1151) based on Zizhi Tongjian on other sources. Kim aimed to rectify the "deporable" state of Goryeo scholars knowing the Chinese classics and the history of the Dynasties in Chinese history, but not the history of "our [own] country" which he regarded as distinct from China,[6][8] a sentiment which Ch'oe Yŏng-ho identifies as "nationalistic", despite later nationalist criticism of Kim's work.[6] The Samguk sagi was divided in the style of the Chinese dynastic histories: annals, chronology, treatises, and biographies.[9] Kim Bu-sik wrote this history in a judgmental Confucian style, documenting "the good and wicked acts of rulers, the loyalty and evil-doings of subjects, the safety and peril of the country, and the peaceful and rebellious acts of the people" with the goal of providing guidance to readers on moral behavior.[2][10] A individual Buddhist monk working without state support compiled the Samguk yusa 140 years later, to which it is favorably compared to the sagi (on which it is partially based)[11] by later nationalist historians as a source. The Samguk yusa is a collection of folk beliefs, supernatural stories, and Buddhist accounts from the Three Kingdoms era, and had no ordered format until the nationalist historian Choe Nam-seon reorganized it in 1926.[12]

1392-1905 edit

Neo-Confucian historiography edit

As Joseon (Yi) dynasty (1392-1910) was founded on the Neo-Confucian ideology of Zhu Xi (1130-1200), the state was mindful to keep meticulous historical records and sponsor history writing that shored up its own legitimacy and which fulfilled other Neo-Confucian ideological purposes, such as the rectification of names.[13] During the early Joseon, histories focused on the concept of the Mandate of Heaven—how dynasties gained, maintained, or lost the legitimacy to rule. According to this narrative, the Emperor of China was the sole holder of the mandate, and rulers of peripheral realms, such as Korea, were merely kings.[14] In this tradition, Joseon officials wrote chronicles (p'yŏnnyŏnch'e) and annal-biographies (kijŏnch'e) as pedagogical aids to monarchs on how to rule morally and ethically.[15] To fulfill the Confucian duties of ancestor worship, Joseon officials led some inquiries into Korean geneaological origins, which foreshadowed Korean nationalist historiography's focus on tracing a "blood lineage" that connects modern Koreans to glorious ancestors.[16]

After the Manchu conquest of China overthrew the Ming dynasty (1368–1644), the Korean Neo-Confucian intelligentsia wrote annotated histories (kangmokpŏp sasŏ) to reinforce their sense of undisturbed superiority and legitimacy (Chŏngt'ongnon) in Korea after the Manchu "barbarians" vanquished the "civilized" Ming.[17] After a period of conceiving the peninsula as a "little China" which had inherited cultural orthodoxy from the Ming, these annotated histories declined in favor during the reigns of the Kangxi (1661–1722) and Qianlong (1735–1796) emperors in China, whose policies were more reconcilable with Confucian norms.[17] In the mid-eighteenth century, the dominant form of historical writing became historical treatises (kijŏnch'e), which used well-established Chinese historiographical techniques dating back to Sima Qian's Records of the Grand Historian. Such methods included recording the achievements (pon'gi) of reigning monarchs and leading families (sega), the lives of living officials (yŏljŏn), the tools of statecraft (chi), and important events (yŏnp'yo). As compared to before the Manchu conquest, these historical treatises stopped observing the Sino-Barbarian dichotomy which placed Korea and China into the same cultural category.[17]

Precursors of nationalism edit

During the later half of the Joseon dynasty, a trend of private individuals compiling their own histories emerged contemporaneously with the silhak, or "pragmatic learning" movement. Such historians who acted without government support or sanction included An Chŏngbok, Han Ch'i-yun, and Yi Kŭng-ik.[18] In the 17th century, and especially after the Manchu conquest of China, some Joseon historians such as Seongho Yi Ik and An Chŏngbok began to challenge the China-centered writings of scholar-officials, arguing that Korea could have a court "at least on par if not above the Chinese court".[14] The most representative silhak historiographical work is Seongho Yi Ik's Tongsa Kangmok (Essentials of the History of the Eastern Country), which although written in a neo-Confucian framework, demonstrate a more critical than apologetic tone towards the early Joseon dynasty and its establishment.[19]

Nationalist historiographical ideas began to arise in the works of the scholars Park Ji-won (1737–1805), Yu Deuk-gong (1749–1807), and Yi Chong-hwi (1731–1786). Park Ji-won argued that the prevailing Korean historians of his day were beholden to Zhu Xi's Neo-Confucian framework, which placed China at the center of the international system.[20] Yi Kyu-gyŏng (李圭景, 1788–1856) wrote an appeal to intellectuals to write a comprehensive history of Korea within a nationalist framework.[20] Yi Kwang-su (1892–1950), a Korean intellectual who searched history in order to explain the supposed degeneration of the "great and civilized Korean race", likewise blamed the Confucian yangban scholar-officials for toadying to China.[21] Some late Joseon intellectuals wistfully wrote of the "old lands of [Goguryeo]" (the majority of them laying north of Joseon), which preceded Shin Chaeho's same irredentist historiography that justified itself with the ideas of Dangun and the minjok rather than previous dynastic connection.[22] The role of the yangban class in history-writing faded with the Gabo Reform in the late Joseon. A nationalistic "new historical" style or studies (shin sach'e, shin sahak) emerged from the textbooks written by the chungin, or middle class. Written in a compressed, colloquial style, the new historical style did not cite sources, and often accepted tales from the Nihon Shiki without question. Until the Japan–Korea Treaty of 1905, which turned Korea into a protectorate of Japan, these histories treated Japan positively, asserting Korea's independence instead against China.[1]

The rise of nationalist historiography edit

Main article: Korean nationalist historiography

Notes edit

  1. ^ a b Han 1992, pp. 65–67
  2. ^ a b Schultz 2004, p. 7
  3. ^ Ch'oe 1980, p. 2
  4. ^ Ch'oe 1980 means the "Three Kingdoms" of Goguryeo, Baekje, and Silla that are the focus of the Samguk Sagi and Samguk Yusa. It is not to be confused with the Three Kingdoms of Wei, Shu, and Wu, which are the Three Kingdoms of the Records of the Three Kingdoms, which nonetheless does cover the history of the other Three Kingdoms.
  5. ^ Ch'oe 1980, p. 3
  6. ^ a b c Ch'oe 1980, pp. 5–6
  7. ^ Schultz 2004, p. 5
  8. ^ Schultz 2004, pp. 7–8
  9. ^ Schultz 2004, p. 6
  10. ^ Ch'oe 1980, pp. 7–8, 19
  11. ^ Schultz 2004, p. 4
  12. ^ Ch'oe 1980, p. 9
  13. ^ Ch'oe 1980, pp. 9–10, 13
  14. ^ a b Schmid 1997, p. 29
  15. ^ Em 1999, pp. 341–342
  16. ^ Pai 2000, p. 115
  17. ^ a b c Han 1992, pp. 62–64
  18. ^ Ch'oe 1980, p. 14
  19. ^ Kim 1970, p. 5
  20. ^ a b Shin 2000, p. 11
  21. ^ Pai 2000, p. 259
  22. ^ Schmid 2000b, pp. 233, 237

Works cited edit

  • Ch'oe, Yŏng-ho (1980), "An Outline History of Korean Historiography", Korean Studies, 4: 1–27, doi:10.1353/ks.1980.0003.
  • Em, Henry H. (1999), "Minjok" as a Modern and Democratic Construct: Sin Ch'aeho's Historiography", in Shin, Gi-wook; Robinson, Michael (eds.), Colonial Modernity in Korea, Cambridge: Harvard University Asian Center, pp. 336–361, ISBN 0674142551.
  • Han, Young-woo (1992), "The Establishment and Development of Nationalist History", Seoul Journal of Korean Studies, 5: 61–104.
  • Kim, Chol-choon (1970), In Search of National Identity: The Case of Korean History, vol. 10, Korea Journal, pp. 4–9.
  • Pai, Hyung Il (2000), Constructing "Korean" Origins: A Critical Review of Archaeology, Historiography, and Racial Myth in Korean State Formation Theories, Harvard University Asia Center.
  • Schmid, Andre (1997), "Rediscovering Manchuria: Sin Ch'aeho and the Politics of Territorial History in Korea", Journal of Asian Studies, 56 (1): 26–46, doi:10.2307/2646342, JSTOR 2646342.
  • Schmid, Andre (2000b), "Looking North toward Manchuria", The South Atlantic Quarterly, vol. 99, no. 1, Duke University Press, pp. 219–240 {{citation}}: Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help).
  • Schultz, Edward J. (2004), "An Introduction to the Samguk Sagi", Korean Studies, 28, University of Hawaii Press: 1–13, doi:10.1353/ks.2005.0026.
  • Shin, Yong-ha (2000), Modern Korean history and nationalism, Korean Studies, Jimoondang.

Further reading edit

  • Allen, Chizuko T. (November 1990), "Northeast Asia Centered Around Korea: Ch'oe Namsŏn's View of History", The Journal of Asian Studies, 49 (4): 787–806, doi:10.2307/2058236, JSTOR 2058236{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link).
  • Armstrong, Charles K. (1995), "Centering the Periphery: Manchurian Exile(s) and the North Korean State", Korean Studies, 19, University of Hawaii Press: 1–16, doi:10.1353/ks.1995.0017.
  • Atkins, E. Taylor (2010), Primitive Selves: Koreana in the Japanese Colonial Gaze, 1910-1945, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.
  • Breuker, Remco; Koh, Grace; Lewis, James B. (2012), "The Tradition of Historical Writing in Korea", in Sarah Foot and Chase B. Robinson (eds.) (ed.), The Oxford History of Historical Writing, Volume 2: 400–1400, Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 119–37, ISBN 9780199236428 {{citation}}: |editor-last= has generic name (help).
  • Ch'oe, Yŏng-ho (May 1981), "Reinterpreting Traditional History in North Korea", The Journal of Asian Studies, 40 (3): 503–52, doi:10.2307/2054553, JSTOR 2054553{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link).
  • David-West, Alzo (2010), "Between Confucianism and Marxism-Leninism: Juche and the Case of Chŏng Tasan", Korean Studies, 35, University of Hawaii Press.
  • De Ceuster, Koen (2001), "The Nation Exorcised: The Historiography of Collaboration in South Korea", Korean Studies, 25 (2): 207–243, doi:10.1353/ks.2001.0015.
  • De Ceuster, Koen (2010), "When History is Made: History, Memory, and the Politics of Remembrance in Contemporary Korea", Korean Histories, 2 (1): 13–33.
  • Doak, Kevin M. (2001), "Narrating China, Ordering East Asia: The Discourse on Nation and Ethnicity in Imperial Japan", in Chow, Kai-Wing; Doak, Kevin M.; Fu, Poshek (eds.), Constructing Nationhood in Modern East Asia: Narrative Schemes, Nostalgia and Ambiguity of Identities, University of Michigan Press, pp. 85–117.
  • Jager, Shila Miyoshi (2003), Narratives of Nation Building in Korea: A Genealogy of Patriotism, M. E. Sharpe, ISBN 9780765638960.
  • Karlsson, Anders (December 2009), Northern Territories and the Historical Understanding of Territory in Late Chosŏn, Working Papers in Korean Studies, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link).
  • Kawashima, Fujiya (1978), "Historiographic development in South Korea: State and society from the Mid-Koryŏ to the Mid-Yi dynasty", Korean Studies, 2, University of Hawaii Press: 29–56, doi:10.1353/ks.1978.0005.
  • Kim, Bongjin (2011), "Sin Ch'ae-ho: 'A Critique of Easternism,' 1909.", in Saaler, Sven; Szpilman, Christopher W.A. (eds.), Pan-Asianism: A Documentary History, Volume 1: 1850–1920, Rowman & Littlefield, pp. 191–194.
  • Kim, Seonmin (June 2007), "Ginseng and Border Trespassing Between Qing China and Chosŏn Korea", Late Imperial China, 28 (1): 33–61, doi:10.1353/late.2007.0009{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link).
  • Palais, James (1998), "Nationalism: Good or Bad?", in Pai, Hyung Il; Tangherlini, Timothy R. (eds.), Nationalism and the Construction of Korean Identity, Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California.
  • Robinson, Michael (1984), "National Identity and the Thought of Sin Ch'ae-ho: Sadaejuǔi and Chuch'e in History and Politics", Journal of Korean Studies, 5: 121–142, doi:10.1353/jks.1984.0003.
  • Schmid, Andre (2002), Korea Between Empires, 1895-1919, Columbia University Press.
  • Schmid, Andre (2000a), "Colonialism and the 'Korea Problem' in the Historiography of Modern Japan: A Review Article", The Journal of Asian Studies, 59 (4): 951–976, doi:10.2307/2659218, JSTOR 2659218 {{citation}}: Unknown parameter |month= ignored (help).
  • Simons, G. L. (1999), Korea: The Search for Sovereignty, Palgrave MacMillan
  • Walraven, Boudewijn (2001), "The Parliament of Histories: New Religions, Collective Historiography, and the Nation", Korean Studies, 25 (2), University of Hawaii Press: 157–178, doi:10.1353/ks.2001.0024.
  • Wells, Kenneth M. (2001), "The Nation, the World, and the Dissolution of the Shin'ganhoe: Nationalist Historiography in South Korea", Korean Studies, 25 (2), University of Hawaii Press: 179–206, doi:10.1353/ks.2001.0025.
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