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User:G.W./Constantine

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War against Maxentius edit

By the middle of 310 Galerius had had become too ill to involve himself in imperial politics.[1] As his last political act, Galerius decided to rescind his failed policies of persecution. In a letter to his provincials posted in Nicomedia on April 30 311, Galerius proclaimed an end to the persecutions, and a resumption of official religious toleration.[2] He died soon after.[3] Galerius' death destabilized what remained of the tetrarchic system.[4] Maximinus mobilized against Licinius, and seized Asia Minor. Licinius and Maximinus arranged a temporary peace on the Bosphorus soon thereafter.[5] While Constantine toured Britain and Gaul, Maxentius prepared for war.[6] He fortified northern Italy, and strengthened his support in the Christian community by allowing it to elect a new Bishop of Rome, Eusebius.[7]

Maxentius' rule was nevertheless insecure. His early support dissolved in the wake of heightened tax rates and depressed trade; riots broke out in Rome and Carthage;[8] and Domitius Alexander was able to briefly usurp his authority in Africa.[9] By 312, he was a man barely tolerated, not one actively supported,[10] even among Christian Italians.[11] In the summer of 311, Maxentius mobilized against Constantine while Licinius was occupied with affairs in the East. He declared war on Constantine, vowing to avenge his father's "murder".[12] Constantine, in an attempt to prevent Maxentius from forming a hostile alliance with Licinius,[13] forged his own alliance with the man over the winter of 311–12 by offering to him his sister Constantia in marriage. Maximin considered Constantine's arrangement with Licinius an affront to his authority. In response, he sent ambassadors to Rome, offering political recognition to Maxentius in exchange for a military support. Maxentius accepted.[14] According to Eusebius, inter-regional travel became impossible, and there was military buildup everywhere. There was "not a place where people were not expecting the onset of hostilities every day".[15]

 
The Porta Palatina (Palatine Towers), together with a stretch of the old city walls, where Constantine defeated Maxentius' troops in Turin

Against the recommendations of his advisers and generals, against popular expectation, that Constantine anticipated Maxentius, and struck first.[16] Even Constantine's soothsayers recommended against a hasty attack on Maxentius, noting that there had been unfavorable omens in the sacrifices. Constantine ignored all of them, and caught Maxentius by surprise.[17] None of Constantine's ancient apologists were not able to provide any specific justification for the invasion.[18] As early as weather permitted,[19] late in the spring of 312,[20] Constantine crossed the Alps with a quarter of his total army, a force equivalent to something less than 40,000 men.[21] The speed and surprise of his attack left a deep impression on Constantine's followers, strengthening their belief that Constantine had some form of supernatural guidance.[22] Having crossed the Cottian Alps at either the Mont Cenis[23] or Mont Genèvre pass,[24] he first came to Segusium (Susa, Italy), a heavily fortified town containing a military garrison, which shut its gates to him. Constantine ordered his forces set its gates on fire, scaled its walls, and took the town quickly. Constantine forbade the plunder of the town, and advanced into northern Italy.[25]

At the approach to the west of the important city of Augusta Taurinorum (Turin, Italy), Constantine encountered a large force of heavily armed Maxentian cavalry,[26] labeled clibanarii or cataphracti in the ancient sources.[27] In the ensuing battle Constantine spread his forces into a line, allowing Maxentius' cavalry to ride into the middle of his forces. As his forces broadly encircled the enemy cavalry, Constantine's own cavalry charged at the sides of the Maxentian cataphracts, beating them with iron-tipped clubs. Many Maxentian cavalrymen were dismounted, while most others were incapacitated by the blows. Constantine then commanded his foot soldiers to advance against the surviving Maxentian infantry, and cut them down as they fled.[28] Turin refused to give refuge to the retreating forces of Maxentius, and opened its gates to Constantine instead.[29] Other cities of the north Italian plain, recognizing Constantine's quick victories and merciful occupations, sent him embassies of congratulation for his victory. He moved on to Milan, where he was met with open gates and jubilant rejoicing. He resided there until the middle of the summer of 312 before moving on to Brixia (Brescia).[30]

Brescia sent a small force against Constantine,[31] which fled after a single charge.[32] Constantine advanced to Verona, where the Brescian force regrouped with a large Maxentian force.[33] The Maxentian force was led by Ruricius Pompeianus, Maxentius' praetorian prefect and a skilled soldier.[34] Ruricius was in a strong position, as Verona was surrounded by the fast-flowing Adige: direct assault was impossible. Constantine sent a small force to cross the river at a point north of the city. Ruricius sent a large detachment to counter Constantine's expeditionary force, but it was defeated. Constantine's forces successfully surrounded the town and laid siege.[35] Ruricius gave Constantine the slip and returned with a larger force to oppose Constantine. Constantine refused to let up on the siege, and sent only a small force to oppose him. In the desperately-fought encounter that followed, Ruricius was killed and his army destroyed.[36] Verona surrendered soon afterwards, followed by Aquileia,[37] Mutina (Modena),[38] and Ravenna.[39] The road to Rome was now wide open to Constantine.[40]

 
The Milvian Bridge (Ponte Milvio) over the Tiber, north of Rome, where Constantine and Maxentius fought in the Battle of the Milvian Bridge

Maxentius prepared for the same type of war he had waged against Severus and Galerius: he sat in Rome and prepared for a siege.[41] He was well-stocked with African grain, still controlled Rome's praetorian guards, and with the Aurelian Walls around the city, Rome was considered impregnable.[42] Maxentius left Venetia, Etruria, and Umbria—all the territory between the Po and Rome—undefended, and Constantine received those regions' open support.[43] The Milvian Bridge (Ponte Milvio) and all other bridges across the Tiber were cut, reportedly on the counsel of the gods. Constantine progressed slowly,[44] along the Via Flaminia,[45] allowing the weakness of Maxentius to draw his regime further into turmoil.[44] His advance sowed discontent amongst the Romans: at chariot races on October 27, the crowd openly taunted Maxentius, shouting that Constantine was invincible.[46] Maxentius, realizing the hostility of his own population, changed tactics: he built a temporary boat bridge across the Tiber,[47] and took his wife and son to a private house.[48] He approached the keepers of the Sibylline Books, the quindecimviri sacris faciundis, for guidance. The keepers found in them a prophecy stating that, on October 28, the very same day and the sixth anniversary of Maxentius' reign, "the enemy of the Romans" would die. Inspired with a new feeling of confidence, he advanced north to meet Constantine.[49]

Maxentius organized his forces—still twice the size of Constantine's—in long lines facing the battle plain, with their backs to the river.[50] When Constantine's army made its appearance, some of its soldiers bore unusual markings on their shields: instead of the traditional pagan standards, a new sign, the labarum, was mounted.[51] According to Lactantius, Constantine was visited by a dream the night before the battle, wherein he was advised "to mark the heavenly sign of God on the shields of his soldiers...by means of a slanted letter X with the top of its head bent round, he marked Christ on their shields."[52] Eusebius describes another version, where, while marching at midday, "he saw with his own eyes in the heavens a trophy of the cross arising from the light of the sun, carrying the message, Conquer By This".[53] During the following night, in a dream, Christ appeared with the heavenly sign and told him to make standards for his army in that form.[54] Although Eusebius is vague about when and where this event took place, it enters his narrative during Constantine's preparations for war against Maxentius.[55] Eusebius describes the sign as Chi (Χ) traversed by Rho (Ρ), or ☧.[56] The Eusebian description of the vision may be explained as an example of the meteorological phenomenon known as the "solar halo", which can produce similar effects.[57]

 
The Battle of the Milvian Bridge by Giulio Romano

Constantine deployed his own forces in along the whole length of Maxentius' line. He ordered his cavalry to charge, and they broke Maxentius' cavalry. He then sent his infantry against Maxentius' infantry, pushing many into the Tiber where they were slaughtered and drowned.[58] Maxentius' troops were broken before the first charge.[59] Maxentius' horse guards and praetorians initially held their position, but broke under the force of a Constantinian cavalry charge; they also broke ranks and fled to the river. Maxentius rode with them, and attempted to cross the bridge of boats, but he was pushed by the mass of his fleeing soldiers into the Tiber, where he drowned.[60]

  1. ^ Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 31–35; Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica 8.16; Elliott, Christianity of Constantine, 43; Lenski, "Reign of Constantine" (CC), 68; Odahl, 95–96, 316.
  2. ^ Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 34; Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica 8.17; Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 304; Jones, 66.
  3. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 39; Elliott, Christianity of Constantine, 43–44; Lenski, "Reign of Constantine" (CC), 68; Odahl, 95–96.
  4. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 41; Elliott, Christianity of Constantine, 45; Lenski, "Reign of Constantine" (CC), 69; Odahl, 96.
  5. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 39–40; Elliott, Christianity of Constantine, 44; Odahl, 96.
  6. ^ Odahl, 96.
  7. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 38; Odahl, 96.
  8. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 37; Curran, 66; Lenski, "Reign of Constantine" (CC), 68; MacMullen, Constantine, 62.
  9. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 37.
  10. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 37–39.
  11. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 38–39; MacMullen, Constantine, 62.
  12. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 40; Curran, 66.
  13. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 41.
  14. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 41; Elliott, Christianity of Constantine, 44–45; Lenski, "Reign of Constantine" (CC), 69; Odahl, 96.
  15. ^ Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica 8.15.1–2, qtd. and tr. in MacMullen, Constantine, 65.
  16. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 41; MacMullen, Constantine, 71.
  17. ^ Panegyrici Latini 12(9)2.5; Curran, 67.
  18. ^ MacMullen, Constantine, 70–71.
  19. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 41.
  20. ^ Odahl, 101.
  21. ^ Panegyrici Latini 12(9)5.1–3; Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 41; MacMullen, Constantine, 71.
  22. ^ Curran, 67.
  23. ^ Odahl, 101.
  24. ^ MacMullen, Constantine, 71.
  25. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 41; Odahl, 101.
  26. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 41; Jones, 70; MacMullen, Constantine, 71; Odahl, 101–2.
  27. ^ Jones, 70; MacMullen, Constantine, 71; Odahl, 102.
  28. ^ Panegyrici Latini 12(9)5–6; 4(10)21–24; Jones, 70–71; MacMullen, Constantine, 71; Odahl, 102, 317–18.
  29. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 41; Jones, 71; Odahl, 102.
  30. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 41–42; Odahl, 103.
  31. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 42; Jones, 71; MacMullen, Constantine, 71; Odahl, 103.
  32. ^ MacMullen, Constantine, 71.
  33. ^ Jones, 71; MacMullen, Constantine, 71; Odahl, 103.
  34. ^ Jones, 71; Odahl, 103.
  35. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 42; Jones, 71; Odahl, 103.
  36. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 42; Jones, 71; Odahl, 103–4.
  37. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 42; Jones, 71; Lenski, "Reign of Constantine" (CC), 69; MacMullen, Constantine, 71; Odahl, 104.
  38. ^ Jones, 71; MacMullen, Constantine, 71.
  39. ^ MacMullen, Constantine, 71.
  40. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 42; Curran, 67; Jones, 71.
  41. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 42; Jones, 71; Odahl, 105.
  42. ^ Jones, 71.
  43. ^ Odahl, 104.
  44. ^ a b Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 42.
  45. ^ MacMullen, Constantine, 72; Odahl, 107.
  46. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 42; Curran, 67; Jones, 71–72; Odahl, 107–8.
  47. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 42–43; MacMullen, Constantine, 78; Odahl, 108.
  48. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 42–43.
  49. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 43; Jones, 72; Odahl, 108.
  50. ^ Odahl, 108.
  51. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 43; Digeser, 122; Jones, 72; Odahl, 106.
  52. ^ Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecutorum 44.4–6, tr. J.L. Creed, Lactantius: De Mortibus Persecutorum (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984), qtd. in Lenski, "Reign of Constantine" (CC), 71.
  53. ^ Eusebius, Vita Constantini 1.28, tr. Odahl, 105. Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 43; Drake, "Impact of Constantine on Christianity" (CC), 113; Odahl, 105.
  54. ^ Eusebius, Vita Constantini 1.27–29; Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 43, 306; Odahl, 105–6, 319–20.
  55. ^ Drake, "Impact of Constantine on Christianity" (CC), 113.
  56. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 306; MacMullen, Constantine, 73; Odahl, 319.
  57. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 306; Drake, "Impact of Constantine on Christianity" (CC), 114; Nicholson, 311.
  58. ^ Odahl, 108.
  59. ^ MacMullen, Constantine, 78.
  60. ^ Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 43; Lenski, "Reign of Constantine" (CC), 70; MacMullen, Constantine, 78; Odahl, 108.
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