Proto-Algonquian is one of the best-reconstructed proto-languages of the Americas. As it broke up, its daughters, such as Cree, Menominee, Ojibwe and Arapaho, changed the original phonology of Proto-Algonquian and gave rise to new languages. Notable changes include the merger of *θ and *r in most descendant languages, the merger of short *i and *e in Cree and Ojibwe, the far-reaching and unexpected sound shifts of Plains Algonquian languages, and the simplification of original clusters in the Algonquian languages.
Consonants and clusters edit
Proto-Algonquian is reconstructed as having eleven consonants: *p, *t, *č, *k, *m, *n, *θ (sometimes reconstructed as *ɬ [1]), *s, *š, *h, and *r (sometimes reconstructed as *l [2]); additionally, *ʔ (likely a merger of preconsonantal *p and *k) appeared in clusters. Two semivowels *w and *y also existed in Proto-Algonquian, but are best considered prevocalic allophones of *o and *i respectively. (However, because they or their reflexes are usually treated as full consonants in the daughters, they will be treated as such here.) Between vowels, clusters of up to three consonants were allowed; the mainstream view is that the following clusters were permitted:[3]
| p | k | t | č | θ | s | š | r | m | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| ʔ | *ʔt | *ʔč | *ʔθ | *ʔs | *ʔš | *ʔr | *Hm | ||
| h | *hp | *hk | *ht | *hč | *hθ | *hs | *hš | (*hr) | |
| N | *mp | *nk | *nt | *nč | *nθ | *ns | *nš | *nr | |
| č | *čp | *čk | |||||||
| š | *šp | *šk | (*št) | ||||||
| θ | *θp | *θk | |||||||
| s | *sp | *sk | |||||||
| r | *rk |
Clusters beginning with *s and *r in the table above (as according to Ives Goddard[4]) are reconstructed as beginning with the arbitrary symbols *x and *ç, respectively, by Bloomfield. The cluster written *Hm in the table above has a reflex of p or m in most of the daughter languages, but has a reflex of hm in Munsee Delaware. Additionally, any consonant or cluster of consonants could be followed by the semivowels *w or *y, with *čw and *hy not occurring, and with *t and *θ replaced regularly by *č and *š before *i, *i· and *y.[5] *št and *hr were of limited distribution.
In the following table, the most common reflexes of Proto-Algonquian single consonants (those not members of a cluster) in selected daughter languages are compared. Some unusual outcomes with more complicated conditions are not included (such as the contraction of initial and postconsonantal *we and *ye to o and i in the non-Eastern languages.)
| PA | Eastern | Central | Plains | |||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Massachusett | Delaware | Shawnee | Fox | Menominee | Ojibwe | Cree | Arapaho | Blackfoot | Cheyenne | |
| *p | p | p | p | p | p | b | p | k; č1 | p | Ø3; hp4; p |
| *t | t | t | t | t | t | d | t | t | t, st7, ts1 | t; ht4 |
| *č | č | č | č | č | c /č/ | j /ǯ/ | c | θ | s3, t, st7, ts1 | s |
| *k | k, ty 5 | k | k | k | k | g | k | Ø | k, ks6 | k; hk4 |
| *m | m | m | m | m | m | m | m | b1; w2 | m | m |
| *n | n | n | n | n | n | n | n | n | n | n |
| *θ | n | l | l | n | n | n, zh /ž/6 | t | θ | t, st7, ts1 | t |
| *s | s | s | θ | s | s | z | s | n3; h | s3, xs | h |
| *š | s | š | š | š | s | zh /ž/ | s | s, x2 | s3, t, st7, ts1 | š |
| *h | h | h | h | h | h | ', h /ʔ/ ⟨h⟩ | h | h | /ʔ/ | h |
| *r | n | l | l | n | n | n, zh /ž/6 | y | n | s3, t, st7, ts1 | t |
| *w | w; Ø4 | w | w | w | w | w | w | n | w, y8, Ø9 | v3, 4 |
| *y | y; Ø4 | y | y | y | y | y | y | n | s, y10, Ø11 | t3, n |
1 Before a front vowel (i, i·, e or e·).
2 Before a back vowel (a, o, a· or o·).
3 Word-initially.
4 Between vowels.
5 Before PA *ē (occasionally also before *i, *ī).
6 Before *i, *i·, or *y.
7 After *i(·) or *#e.
8 Between a consonant and *i#.
9 After a consonant.
10 After a consonant and before a back vowel.
11 After a consonant and before a front vowel.
The following table gives the most common outcomes of Proto-Algonquian clusters, as well as post-consonantal *w and *y. If <?> appears in a table, the outcome is unattested in the literature.
| PA | Eastern | Central | Plains | |||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Massachusett | Delaware | Shawnee | Fox | Menominee | Ojibwe | Cree | Arapaho | Blackfoot | Cheyenne | |
| *ʔt | ʰt | ht | ʔt | ht | qt /ʔt/ | t | st | t2 | xt, sst4 | ʔt |
| *ʔč | ʰč | hč | ʔč | hč | qc /ʔč/ | ch /č/ | sc | θ2 | ? | ʔs |
| *ʔθ | š | x | ʔθ | s | qn /ʔn/ | s, sh /š/3 | st | s2 | /ʔ/~y~Ø | ʔh |
| *ʔs | s, ʰs | s | ʔθ | s | qs /ʔs/ | s | s | hʔ | ? | ʔh |
| *ʔš | s, š | x | ʔš | s | qs /ʔs/ | sh /š/ | s | s2 | /ʔ/~y~Ø | ʔ |
| *ʔr | š, n(?) | hl | ʔθ | s | qn /ʔn/ | s, sh /š/3 | hy | n2 | ? | ʔh |
| *hp | ? | hp | ? | ? | hp | p | hp | k; č1 | xp, ssp4 | hp |
| *hk | k | h | ʔk | hk | hk | k | hk | Ø | xk, ssk4 | hk |
| *ht | t | ht | ʔt | ht | ht | t | ht | t | ? | ht |
| *hč | ? | hč | ʔč | hč | hc /hč/ | ch /č/ | hc | ? | ? | s |
| *hθ | š | x | ʔθ | s | hn | s, sh /š/3 | ht | s | sst | h |
| *hs | s | s | ʔθ | s | hs | s | s | h | ss | h |
| *hš | ? | x | ʔš | š | hs | sh /š/ | hs | s | ? | x |
| (*hr) | š | x | ʔθ | s | hn | s, sh /š/3 | hy | ? | ? | h |
| *Hm | hm | p | m | m | hp | b, w | xp~ʔp, ssp4 | m | ||
| *mp | p | mp | p | p | hp | mb | hp | k2; č1, 2 | ʔp | hp |
| *nk | k | nk | t | k | hk | ng | hk | ʔ | ʔʔ | hk |
| *nt | t | nt | k | t | ht | nd | ht | t2 | xt, sst4 | ht |
| *nč | č | nč | č | č | hc /hč/ | nj /nǯ/ | hc | θ2 | ʔt | s |
| *nθ | ? | hl | ? | ? | hn | n, nzh /nž/3 | ht | x2; s1, 2 | ? | h |
| *ns | s | ns | ? | s | hs | nz | s | hʔ | x~s | h |
| *nš | s | nš | š | š | ns | nzh /nž/ | s | x2; s1, 2 | ? | x |
| *nr | n | hl | n | n | hn | n, nzh /nž/3 | hy | ? | s | h |
| *čp | ? | ? | ? | ? | cp /čp/ | p | sp | xk; xč1 | ʔp | sp |
| *čk | ? | hk | ʔk | hk | ck /čk/ | k | šk | ? | ? | sk |
| *šp | šp | sp | šp | hp | sp | shp /šp/ | sp | xk; xč1 | ssp | ʔp |
| *šk | sk, šk | sk | šk | šk | sk | shk /šk/ | sk | x; s1 | xk, ssk4 | ʔk |
| (*št) | ? | št | št | ? | ? | sht /št/ | st | ? | ? | ʔt |
| *θp | sp | xp | ʔp | hp | hp | p | sp | xk | xp~ssp | ʔp |
| *θk | sk, šk | xk | ʔk | hk | hk | k | sk | x; s1 | xk, ssk4 | ʔk |
| *sp | p | hp | ʔp | hp | hp | p | sp | k2; č1, 2 | ? | ʔp |
| *sk | k | hk | ʔk | hk | hk | k | sk | ʔ | ? | ʔk |
| *rk | ? | hk | šk | šk | hk | sk | hk | ʔ | ʔk | ʔk |
1 Before front vowels.
2 Lengthens a preceding vowel.
3 Before *i, *i·, or *y.
4 After *i, *#e, *ya, *ke, or between *e(·) and *s
Vowels edit
Proto-Algonquian is reconstructed as having four vowels with a length distinction, for a grand total of eight vocalic phonemes: *a *e *i *o *ā *ē *ī *ō (these last four occasionally written with a following dot, *a· *e· *i· *o·.) Additionally, there were some postconsonantal or word-initial sequences (such as *we and *ye) which gave rise to vowels in some, but not all, of the daughter Algonquian languages; these will also be treated here.
| PA | Eastern | Central | Plains | |||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Massachusett | Delaware | Shawnee | Fox | Menominee | Ojibwe | Cree | Arapaho | Blackfoot | Cheyenne | |
| *a | a | a | a | a | a | a | a | o | i, a3, 8, o9 | o |
| *e | ə | ə | i1, e | i1, e | ɛ, e3, 5, 6 | i | i | e | i, a8, o9 | a |
| *i | i, ə | ī | i | i | e | i | i | i, u2 | i, o9 | e |
| *o | o, ə | ō | o | o | o | o | o | i, u2 | o | e |
| *ā | ã: | ā | ā | ā | ā | ā | ā | ō | a, ā7 | ó |
| *ē | ɑ:~ɔ: | ē | ē | ē | ɛ | ē | ē | ē | i | á |
| *ī | i: | ī | ī | ī | ē, ī4 | ī | ī | ī, ū2 | i | é |
| *ō | o: | ō | ō | ō | ō, ū4 | ō | ō | ī, ū2 | o | é |
| *ye | yə | yə | i | i | i | i | i | i | i | e |
| *we | wə | wə | o | o | o | o | o | i | o | o |
1 In an initial syllable.
2 After a syllable containing o, ō (from PA *a, *ā).
3 Word-initially.
4 When followed later in the word by i, ī, or a postconsonantal glide w or y, unless there is an intervening ɛ or ɛ̄.
5 After a syllable with a long vowel in it, unless followed by a cluster whose first member is h or ʔ.
6 After a word-initial consonant, unless followed by h or ʔ.
7 After semi-vowels.
8 Word-finally.
9 Before *kw.
References edit
- ^ Picard 1984.
- ^ Goddard 1994b, p. 204-205.
- ^ Thomason 2006, p. 191.
- ^ Goddard 1994b, pp. 205–206.
- ^ Goddard 1979, p. 72.
- Bloomfield, Leonard (1925). "On the Sound System of Central Algonquian". Language. 1 (4): 130–156. doi:10.2307/409540. JSTOR 409540.
- Bloomfield, Leonard (1946). "Algonquian". In Hoijer, Harry; Osgood, Cornelius (eds.). Linguistic Structures of Native America. Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology, 6. New York. pp. 85–129. ASIN B002M3AJEA.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - Goddard, Ives (1974a). "An Outline of the Historical Phonology of Arapaho and Atsina". International Journal of American Linguistics. 40 (2): 102–116. doi:10.1086/465292. JSTOR 1264344. S2CID 144253507.
- Goddard, Ives (1979). "Comparative Algonquian". In Campbell, Lyle; Mithun, Marianne (eds.). The Languages of Native America: Historical and Comparative Assessment. Austin: University of Texas Press. pp. 70–132. ISBN 978-0-292-74624-4.
- Goddard, Ives (1982). "The Historical Phonology of Munsee". International Journal of American Linguistics. 48 (1): 16–28. doi:10.1086/465711. JSTOR 1264746. S2CID 144878231.
- Goddard, Ives (1994b). "The West-to-East Cline in Algonquian Dialectology". In Cowan, William (ed.). Actes du Vingt-Cinquième Congrès des Algonquinistes. Ottawa: Carleton University. pp. 187–211. ISSN 0831-5671. OCLC 11194820.
- Picard, Marc (1984). "On the Naturalness of Algonquian ɬ". International Journal of American Linguistics. 50 (4): 424–437. doi:10.1086/465851. JSTOR 1265401. S2CID 144149873.
- Thomason, Lucy (2006). "Proto-Algonkian Phonology and Morpho-Syntax". Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics. Vol. 10 (2nd ed.). Oxford: Elsevier. pp. 190–198. doi:10.1016/B0-08-044854-2/01896-4.