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Nazi propaganda poster showing a German family

Volksgemeinschaft (German pronunciation: [ˈfɔlksɡəˌmaɪnʃaft]) is a German expression which means "people's community".[1][2] This expression originally became popular during World War I as Germans rallied in support of the war, and it appealed to the idea of breaking down elitism and uniting people across class divides to achieve a national purpose.[3] Although the term was not originally used in a racial sense, since the 1920s it began to be used by people with extreme nationalist views and was adopted by the Nazis to promote their racial theories.[4][5]

Contents

DevelopmentEdit

The word "Volksgemeinschaft" was probably first used in Gottlob August Tittel's 1791 translation of a text written by John Locke, synthesising the expression "in any [particular] place, generally".[6][7] Among 19th century scholars who used the word "Volksgemeinschaft" were Friedrich Schleiermacher, Friedrich Carl von Savigny, Carl Theodor Welcker, Johann Caspar Bluntschli, Hermann Schulze, Wilhelm Dilthey, and Wilhelm Wundt.[8] Most influential was perhaps Ferdinand Tönnies' theory in his work Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft ("Community and Society") of 1887.[9] Decades later, in 1932, Tönnies joined the Social Democratic Party of Germany to oppose the rise of Nazism and protest against their use of his concept. He had his honourary professorship removed when Adolf Hitler came to power.[10] In 1914, the Emperor Wilhelm II proclaimed before the Reichstag the Burgfrieden ("the peace within a castle under siege"), announcing that henceforward all of the regional differences between the different states of the Reich; between rich, middle class and poor; between Roman Catholics and Protestants; and between rural and urban no longer existed and the German people were all one for the duration of the war. During the war, many Germans longed to have the sense of unity that the Burgfrieden inspired continue after the war, and it was during this period that many ideas started to circulate about how to convert the wartime Burgfrieden into a peacetime volksgemeinschaft.

The Austro-Hungarian political activist, Theodor Herzl, the father of Zionism, wrote in his book The Jewish State (1896) about the everyday anti-Semitism that the Jewish people suffered and that they had tried "to assimilate with the Volksgemeinschaft that surrounds us while only preserving the faith of our fathers. One does not allow it."[11] The start of the First World War can be seen as the "actual hour" of the creation of a Volksgemeinschaft [12] After the war began, many German Jews joined with the euphoria of the national unity among Germans and had hoped to have been allowed to assimilate within a Volksgemeinschaft.[13] During the Weimar Republic, even Germans who publicly denounced antisemitism still prevented Jews from having the same equal rights as Germans.[14] Many German students advocated expelling fellow Jewish students.[14] The Deutscher Hochschulring (German University Circle), a gathering of Völkisch associations and the most popular during the Wiemar Republic, spoke about a "German Volkstum" and a "German Volksgemeinschaft" stated quite openly that Jews could never be part of either because, "Jewish kind [was] not German kind."[14]

In the aftermath of World War I, the idea of Volksgemeinschaft was used to interpret economic catastrophes and hardship facing Germans during the Weimar Republic era as a common experience of the German nation and to argue for German unity to bring about renewal to end the crisis.[3] It was adopted by the Nazi Party to justify actions against Jews, profiteers, Marxists, and the Allies of World War I, whom the Nazis accused of obstructing German national regeneration, causing national disintegration in 1918 and Germany's defeat in World War I.[3]

There is an ongoing debate among historians as to whether a Volksgemeinschaft was or was not successfully established between 1933 and 1945. This is a notably controversial topic of debate for ethical and political reasons, and is made difficult by the ambiguous language employed by Hitler and the Nazis when talking about the Volksgemeinschaft.

Nazi VolksgemeinschaftEdit

 
Richard Walther Darré addressing a meeting of the farming community in Goslar on 13 December 1937 standing in front of a Reichsadler and Swastika crossed with a sword and wheat sheaf labelled Blood and Soil (from the German Federal Archive)

In the aftermath of the November Revolution of 1918 that marked the end of the German Empire and the beginning of the Weimar Republic, there was strong animosity amongst many Germans towards the Weimar Republic and the social democrats who sponsored its creation.[3] Political parties during the Weimar Republic who advocated a Volksgemeinschaft thought it would overcome the class struggle and unite all Germans as a nation.[15] This was combined with anxiety in the 1930s and with the severe economic crisis in Germany and abroad, in which many Germans faced unemployment.[3] This situation resulted in increasing popularity for the Nazi Party, including amongst workers who desired a government that would resolve the economic crisis.[16] While ascending to power, Hitler promised to restore faith in the Volk and to bring wholeness while accusing other politicians of tearing at German unity.[17]

The promises of equality, economic prosperity and the symbolic unity of the German people appealed to many ordinary Germans.[18] However, once the Nazis came to power, popular opinions changed, especially in the rural villages of Germany where society did not change fundamentally during the 1930s.[19] The Nazi Volksgemeinschaft was only achievable by dictatorship, compression, concentration camps and a secret state police.[18] The Nazi Volksgemeinschaft attempted to create civil order and expel Jews from the German Reich.[18] In the small towns and villages of Germany, the Nazis were able to gain more support in attempting to create a Volksgemeinschaft by persecuting racial minorities—in particular, the Jews.[20] The main difference between the Nazis' Volksgemeinschaft and former concepts of a Volksgemeinschaft was that the Nazis considered anti-Semitism to be part of a Volksgemeinschaft.[21]

Although not explicitly racist, journals about genealogy in the 1920s and early 1930s often stressed the importance of the unity of the German Volk.[22] During the Wiemar years, many books were published about the genealogy of the German people.[23] Around this time, the concept of a Volksgemeinschaft began to take on a racist tone.[22] In 1932, Karl Förster, the founder of the German Ancestral Community, wrote, "the rooting in blood of each German . . . we are a people, a great German family, bound to each other through blood ties."[23] After the Nazis came to power, Förster reaffirmed that the genealogical research was the research of the German people.[23] Even many genealogists definition of "German" while not being openly racist, fitted the Nazis' concept of a Volksgemeinschaft.[23]

Upon rising to power in 1933, the Nazis sought to gain support of various elements of society. Their concept of Volksgemeinschaft was racially unified and organized hierarchically.[24] This involved a mystical unity, a form of racial soul uniting all Germans,[25] including those living abroad.[26] Nevertheless, this soul was regarded as related to the land, in the doctrine of "blood and soil".[25] Indeed, one reason for "blood and soil" was the belief that landowner and peasant lived in an organic harmony.[27] Hitler during his first speech after becoming Chancellor in 1933 claimed that the German workers would be freed from Marxism and they would be brought back to the people's community by "a programme of national resurrection in all areas of life".[28] In 1933, the concept of "national unity" simply called for Germans to unite to defeat Bolshevism.[29]

The Nazis organised the "Day of Potsdam", the opening of the new Reichstag, in March 1933 following the Reichstag fire. In the aftermath, the Bavarian newspaper Miesbacher Anzeiger reported about "The Day of the German People":

What is taking place in Germany today is the struggle not only for the renewal of the idea of the State, but also for the reshaping of the German soul. . . . The German people has liberated itself from the nightmare which bore down on it for so many years, and has started out on the way to a new and, one hopes, blessed era. . . . May the 21 March be the day of the beginning of a united and indivisible free German people's community embracing all well-meaning sections of the people and based on a Christian, national, and social foundation.[30]

Hitler demanded that, "All professions and classes should help one another in such comradely fashion as the 'front fighters' once had in the World War."[31] The Nazis creation of a Volksgemeinschaft helped bring about the sense of solidarity among all Germans, especially those who were against militarism and imperialism.[32]

Once the Nazis had turned Germany into a one-party state and dictatorship, they began to pass laws and setup organisations all in the name of building the people's community.[33]

The Schutzstaffel (SS) was responsible for preserving the Aryan race, creating a racially pure Volksgemeinschaft and excluding racially inferior groups.[34] The SS's official newspaper Das Schwarze Korps (The Black Corps) encouraged Germans to put the national community as their first priority when choosing a partner and how many children to have.[35] Germans who committed the crime of Rassenschande (racial defilement) by having sexual relations with non-Aryans were said to have committed a crime against the whole of the Volksgemeinschaft and were subsequently excluded from it.[36][37]

The Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler played an important role in ensuring the preservation of the racial purity of the Volksgemeinschaft [38] He focused on excluding those regarded to be physically or intellectually degenerate.[39] He labeled anyone who ignored the ethical and moral principles of Nazism as a "criminal" and excluded the person from the Volksgemeinschaft.[40] He regarded the SS as the perfect example of a national community bound together by blood.[41]

The Nazis solidified support amongst nationalists and conservatives by presenting themselves as allied with President Paul von Hindenburg who was considered a war hero of World War I in Germany.[42] The Nazis sought to gain support of workers by declaring May Day, a day celebrated by organized labour, to be a paid holiday and held celebrations on 1 May 1933 to honour German workers.[43] The Nazis stressed that Germany must honour its workers.[44] Hitler often praised the virtues of labor, declaring in Völkischer Beobachter that “I only acknowledge one nobility—that of labour.”[45]

The regime believed that the only way to avoid a repeat of the disaster of 1918 was to secure workers' support for the German government.[43] The regime also insisted through propaganda that all Germans take part in the May Day celebrations in the hope that this would help break down class hostility between workers and burghers.[44] Songs in praise of labour and workers were played by state radio throughout May Day as well as an airshow in Berlin and fireworks.[44] Hitler spoke of workers as patriots who had built Germany's industrial strength and had honourably served in the war and claimed that they had been oppressed under economic liberalism.[46] Berliner Morgenpost that had been strongly associated with the political left in the past praised the regime's May Day celebrations.[46] Bonfires were made of school children's differently colored caps as symbolic of the abolition of class differences.[47]

The Nazis continued social welfare policies initiated by the governments of the Weimar Republic and mobilized volunteers to assist those impoverished, "racially-worthy" Germans through the National Socialist People's Welfare organization.[48] This organization oversaw charitable activities, and became the largest civic organization in Nazi Germany.[48] Successful efforts were made to get middle-class women involved in social work assisting large families.[47] The Winter Relief campaigns acted as a ritual to generate public feeling.[49]

One of the key concepts of the Führerprinzip (leader principle) was that it had come from the Volksgemeinschaft which consequently served as the ultimate "unifying power" between the German people and the state organisations.[50] The basis of the Volksgemeinschaft was race.[50] Culture also played an important role in the structure of the Volksgemeinschaft;[51] the Nazis began to indoctrinate the German youth with knighthood from the medieval times, the spirit of Prussianism and stories from the First World War.[52] The integration of an individual into the Volksgemeinschaft stripped the individual of their rights and the rights of the Volksgemeinschaft were placed before the rights of an individual.[53]

 
Nazi propaganda poster (ca. 1938) reads: "60,000 Reichsmark is what this person suffering from a hereditary defect costs the people's community during his lifetime. Fellow citizen, that is your money too. Read '[A] New People', the monthly magazine of the NSDAP Office of Racial Policy."

The Nazis stated that the "enemies of the people" were to be excluded from the people's community and either expelled or annihilated.[54] The Nazis merged the concepts of a Volksgemeinschaft (people's community) and a Kulturkampf (cultural struggle) into a Volkstumkampf (racial struggle).[54] The Nazis justified their crimes, in particular, mass murder, by stating it was in the defence of the people's community.[55]

The Nazis passed laws which allowed only those considered to be racially pure and hereditary healthy to be part of the people's community.[56] On July 14, 1933, the "Law for the Prevention of Hereditarily Diseased Offspring" was passed which allowed for the compulsory sterilisation of people with a range of hereditary, physical, and mental illnesses.[57] In September 1935, the Nuremberg Laws were passed: the "Law for the Protection of German Blood and German Honour" prohibited sexual relations and marriages between Germans and Jews.[58] A decree in November 1935 further extended the law to include, "Gypsies, Negroes, and their bastards".[59] On October 18, 1935, the Nazis passed "The Law for the Protection of the Hereditary Health of the German People" (Marriage Health Law) which prohibited marriage to any person deemed to be racially undesirable.[60] Those people deemed to be racially undesirable were excluded from the people's community.[61] People who were regarded as "life unworthy of life" were excluded from the people's community.[62]

In 1936, a Nazi brochure stated that, "Each member of the racial community must keep his blood pure of foreign influences" because "unrestrained penetration of foreign essence" leads to "the ruin of the Volk".[63] Germans who wished to be part of the people's community had to prove their ancestry:

In due course, all Volksgenosse [racial comrades] will be placed in the position of having to show proof of their ancestry. For many racial comrades, it is of vital importance to be able to show this proof as quickly as possible.

— GERMAN CIVIL REGISTARS' INSTRUCTIONS, 1939[64]

Hitler stated that the people's community would allow "the highest degree of social solidarity and maximum education opportunities for every member of thee German race; toward others, however, [we assume] the standpoint of the absolute master."[65] For most Germans, the people's community eventually got rid of any social class prejudices.[65] The Nazis regarded getting rid of racially alien groups as rational because it purified the German Volk and prevented any dangers of race-mixing.[66]

PropagandaEdit

The Nazis gave a great deal of prominence to this new "folk community" in their propaganda, depicting the events of 1933 as a Volkwerdung, or a people becoming itself.[67] The Volk were not just a people; a mystical soul united them, and propaganda continually portrayed individuals as part of a great whole, worth dying for.[25] A common Nazi mantra declared they must put "collective need ahead of individual greed"—a widespread sentiment in this era.[68] To exemplify and encourage such views, when the Hitlerjugend and Bund Deutscher Mädel collected for the Winterhilfswerk (Winter Relief), totals were not reported for any individuals, only what the branch raised.[49] The Winterhilfswerk campaigns themselves acted as a ritual to generate public feeling.[49] Hitler during his speech opening the Winterhilfswerk in 1935 said:

We hold that, by such visible demonstrations, we are continually stirring the conscience of our Volk and making each of you once more aware that you should perceive yourself as a Volksgenosse, and that you should make sacrifices! . . . We want to show the whole world and our Volk that we Germans perceive the word “community” not as a hollow phrase, but that for us it really does entail an inner obligation.[69]

Organisations and institutions such as Hitlerjugend, Bund Deutscher Mädel, Winterhilfswerk, but also the Reich Labour Service and, above all, the Nazi party were portrayed as exemplifications and concrete manifestations of the "Volksgemeinschaft".[8]

Hitler declared that he knew nothing of bourgeois or proletarian, only Germans.[70] Volksgemeinschaft was portrayed as overcoming distinctions of party and social class.[71] The commonality this created across classes was among the great appeals of Nazism.[72]

Joseph Goebbels wrote in his pamphlet The Nazi-Sozi (1926) that the Nazis would bring about a people's community and that the Nazis' planned economy would result in a "free" people's community.[73]

After the failure of the 1923 Beer Hall Putsch, Hitler, on the trial, omitted his usual pre-putsch anti-Semitism and centered his defence on his selfless devotion to the good of the Volk and the need for bold action to save them.[74] The Versailles settlement had betrayed Germany, which they had tried to save.[75] Thereafter, his speeches concentrated on his boundless devotion to the Volk, though not entirely eliminating the anti-Semitism.[76] Even once in power, his immediate speeches spoke of serving Germany.[77] While the Reichstag fire was used to justify anti-Communist and anti-Semitic violence, Hitler himself used the event to speak of a new life, honour, and unity in Germany.[78] Similarly, the Night of the Long Knives was justified as a peril to the people so great that only decisive action would save them.[79] Goebbels described Hitler after that event as suffering "tragic loneliness" and as a Siegfried forced to shed blood to preserve Germany.[80]

Devotion to the German Volk was common in Nazi propaganda. An account, for instance, of a SA brawl depicted its leader as uncouth and therefore a simple, strong, and honest man of the people.[81] Sturmabteilung speakers were used, in part, for the appeal of their folksy manner.[82] One element of Horst Wessel's life that was fictionalized out of the movie Hans Westmar was the willfully provoking of violent conflicts with Communists; Westmar preaches class reconciliation, and his death unifies students and workers.[83] This changes was also propagandized to the Sturmabteilung, whose violent, rebellious and confrontational past had to be transformed to community organization to be useful in a Germany where Nazis held official power.[84]

This unity was what justified Nazi propaganda; its pejorative connotation had sprung solely from its selfish use, and the Nazis' honourable goal, the unity of the German people, made it honourable for them.[85] The concept of "honour" encompassed the whole of the rather than just an individual.[86] It also justified the one-party state as all that was needed in a society with a united will, where Hitler implemented the will of the Volk more directly than in a democracy.[87] Attacks on Great Britain as a plutocracy also emphasized how the German, being able to participate in his Volk, is freer than the Briton.[88]

In his pamphlet State, Volk and Movement, Carl Schmitt praised the expulsion of Jews from political life without ever using the term "Jew" and using "non-Aryan" only rarely, by praising the homogeneity of the people and the Volksgemeinschaft ensuing; merely Gleichschaltung was not sufficient, but Nazi principles must continue to make the German people pure.[89]

The Nazis even preferred Carl Jung's "collective unconscious" to Freudian concepts because of its communal element.[90]

The Volksgemeinschaft was also depicted in films on the home-front during World War II, with the war uniting all levels of society, as in the two most popular films of the Nazi era, Die grosse Liebe and Wunschkonzert.[91] The Request Concert radio show, on which the latter film was based, achieved great popularity by broadcasting music claimed to be requested by men in the armed forces[92] Attempts to get women of "better classes" to take factory jobs were presented as breaking down class barriers and so helping create a true people's community.[93] Failure to support the war was an anti-social act; this propaganda managed to bring arms production to a peak in 1944.[94] According to British historian Richard J. Evans, after the Nazis realised that they were going to lose the war, the apparent "people's community" started to resemble a "society of ruins".[95]

Community Aliens and National ComradesEdit

National Socialist legal theory divided all Germans into two categories, namely the Volksgenossen ("National Comrades") who belonged to the Volksgemeinschaft and the Gemeinschaftsfremde ("Community Aliens") who did not. In addition to the duties and responsibilities shared by those in the community, the National Comrades were expected to build and create a "Volksgeist" that would encompass the best aspects of the German people. As such, community aliens could not belong, since they were deemed an undermining element in the very foundations of the "Volksgemeinschaft".

German historian Detlev Peukert wrote the purpose of National Socialist social policy as:

The goal was an utopian Volksgemeinschaft, totally under police surveillance, in which any attempt at nonconformist behaviour, or even any hint or intention of such behaviour, would be visited with terror.[96]

Criminals, if deemed unable to be part of the people's community, were severely punished, even executed for crimes that did not provide for the death penalty, such as doubling the sentence the prosecution asked for when a defendant had not helped put out a fire, thus showing a disregard for the life of his “Volksgenossen" and community.[97] In support of this, Peukert quoted two articles from the projected “Law for the Treatment of Community Aliens” of 1944, which though never implemented owing to bureaucratic quarrels showed the intentions of Nazi social policy:

"...Article I.

Community Aliens (Gemeinschaftsfremde)

1.

"Community Aliens" are such persons who:

1, Show themselves, in their personality or in the conduct of their life, and especially in light of any unusual deficiency of mind or character, unable to comply by their own efforts with the minimum requirements of the national community.

2.(a) owning to work-shyness or slovenliness, lead a worthless, unthrifty or disorderly life and are thereby a burden or danger to the community:

Or

Display a habit of, or inclination towards beggary or vagrancy, idling at work, larceny, swindling or other less seriously offences, or engage in excessive drunkenness, or for any such reasons are in breach of their obligation to support themselves.

Or

(b) through persistent ill-temper or quarrelsomeness disturb the peace of the community;

3. show themselves, in their personality or the conduct of their life, mentally disposed towards the commission of serious offences (community-hostile criminals [gemeinschaftsfeindliche Verbrecher]) and criminals by inclination [Neigungsverbrecher]).

Article II

Police Measures Against Community Aliens

2.

1. Community aliens should be subject towards police supervision.

2. If supervisory measures are insufficient, the police shall transfer the community aliens to the Gau (or Land) welfare authorities.

3. If, in the case of any community alien persons, a stricter degree of custody is required than is possible within the institutions of the Gau (or Land) welfare authorities, the police shall place them in a police camp."[98]

Children and youthEdit

 
Hitler Youth at rifle practice, circa 1933

In their desire to establish a total state, the Nazis understood the importance of “selling” their ideology to the German youth. To accomplish this, Hitler established Nazi youth groups. Young boys from 6–10 years old participated in the Pimpfen, similar to the cub scouts. Boys from 10–14 years old participated in the Deutsches Jungvolk, and boys 14–18 years old participated in the Hitler Jugend (Hitler Youth).[99] The two older groups fostered military values and virtues, such as duty, obedience, honour, courage, strength, and ruthlessness. Uniforms and regular military drills were supplemented by ceremonies honouring the war dead. Most importantly, the Hitler Youth did their utmost to indoctrinate the youth of Germany with the ideological values of Nazism. Youth leaders bore into the youth a sense of fervent patriotism and utter devotion to Hitler, including military training so as to be ready to join the Wehrmacht. By 1939, when membership in the Hitler Youth became compulsory, each new member of the Jungvolk was required to take an oath to the Führer swearing total allegiance.

Young girls were also a part of the Hitler Youth in Nazi Germany. Girls from 10–14 years old were members of the Jungmädelbund, while girls fourteen to eighteen belonged to the Bund Deutscher Mädel.[99] Hitler Youth girls were instructed in the principles of service, regimentation, obedience, and discipline. Girls were taught to be dutiful wives and mothers. Members of the Bund Deutscher Mädel were educated in the skills needed for domestic chores, nursing, and hygiene.

The Nazis compulsory military service was used as a way to promote national unity among the German youth.[100] Once the Nazis came to power, they boasted that the youth had freed themselves from a culture that was not their own and had begun to sacrifice their own needs for the good of others.[52]

Daily life in Nazi Germany was manipulated from the beginning of Nazi rule. Propaganda dominated popular culture and entertainment. Finally, Hitler and the party realized the possibilities of controlling Germany's youth as a means of continuing the Reich as they wanted the generation of Germans to follow to be dedicated to the strengthening and preservation of the German Volk and of the "Greater German Reich".

See alsoEdit

ReferencesEdit

  1. ^ Fritzsche 2009, p. 38.
  2. ^ Norbert Götz. Ungleiche Geschwister: Die Konstruktion von nationalsozialistischer Volksgemeinschaft und schwedischem Volksheim. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2001.
  3. ^ a b c d e Fritzsche 2009, p. 39.
  4. ^ Ehrenreich 2007, pp. 38-39.
  5. ^ Majer 2013, p. 36.
  6. ^ Norbert Götz. “Die nationalsozialistische Volksgemeinschaft Jesus im synchronen und diachronen Vergleich.” ‘Volksgemeinschaft’: Mythos, wirkungsmächtige soziale Verheißung oder soziale Realität im ‘Dritten Reich’? Detlef Schmiechen-Ackermann (ed.). Paderborn: Schöningh, 2012. 55–67, at 57.
  7. ^ John Locke, Vom menschlichen Verstande. Zu leichtem und fruchtbarem Gebrauch zergliedert und geordnet von Gottlob August Tittel, Mannheim 1791, p. 41f.; cf. John Locke, Works, vol. 1, London 1751, p. 17.
  8. ^ a b Götz. Ungleiche Geschwister: Die Konstruktion von nationalsozialistischer Volksgemeinschaft ...
  9. ^ Francis Ludwig Carsten, Hermann Graml. The German resistance to Hitler. Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, USA: University of California Press. p. 93
  10. ^ Ferdinand Tönnies, José Harris. Community and civil society. Cambridge University Press, 2001 (first edition in 1887 as Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft). Pp. xxxii-xxxiii.
  11. ^ Wildt 2014, p. 15.
  12. ^ Wildt 2014, p. 16.
  13. ^ Wildt 2014, p. 18.
  14. ^ a b c Wildt 2014, p. 120.
  15. ^ Wildt 2014, p. 30.
  16. ^ Fritzsche 2009, p. 41.
  17. ^ Koonz 2005, p. 18.
  18. ^ a b c Wildt 2014, p. 3.
  19. ^ Evans, 2006 & p428.
  20. ^ Wildt 2014, p. 4.
  21. ^ Pendas, Roseman & Wetzell 2017, p. 325.
  22. ^ a b Ehrenreich 2007, p. 38.
  23. ^ a b c d Ehrenreich 2007, p. 39.
  24. ^ fascism. (2010). In Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved December 15, 2010, from Encyclopædia Britannica Online: http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/202210/fascism
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  26. ^ Norbert Götz. “German-Speaking People and German Heritage: Nazi Germany and the Problem of Volksgemeinschaft.” The Heimat Abroad: The Boundaries of Germanness. Krista O’Donnell, Renate Bridenthal, and Nancy Reagin (eds). Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2005. 58–81.
  27. ^ Cecil 1972, p. 166.
  28. ^ Evans 2004, pp. 224-225.
  29. ^ Pendas, Roseman & Wetzell 2017, p. 45.
  30. ^ Kershaw 2001, pp. 54-55.
  31. ^ Blackburn 1985, p. 122.
  32. ^ Blackburn 1985, p. 125.
  33. ^ Evans 2006, pp. 422,432.
  34. ^ Pine 2017, p. 49.
  35. ^ Pine 2017, p. 226.
  36. ^ Majer 2013, p. 369.
  37. ^ Steinweis & Rachlin 2013, p. 99.
  38. ^ Longerich 2012, p. 203.
  39. ^ Longerich 2012, p. 206.
  40. ^ Longerich 2012, p. 195.
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  43. ^ a b Fritzsche 2009, p. 45.
  44. ^ a b c Fritzsche 2009, p. 46.
  45. ^ Grunberger 1995, p. 47.
  46. ^ a b Fritzsche 2009, p. 47.
  47. ^ a b Grunberger 1995, p. 46.
  48. ^ a b Fritzsche 2009, p. 51.
  49. ^ a b c Grunberger 1995, p. 79.
  50. ^ a b Majer 2013, pp. 35-36, The National Socialist Idea of the Volksgemeinschaft as the Basis of Völkisch Inequality.
  51. ^ Gellately & Stoltzfus 2001, p. 100.
  52. ^ a b Blackburn 1985, p. 119.
  53. ^ Majer 2013, pp. 47-48.
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  60. ^ Majer 2013, pp. 103-106.
  61. ^ Burleigh 1991, p. 49.
  62. ^ Pendas, Roseman & Wetzell 2017, p. 326.
  63. ^ Ehrenreich 2007, p. 136.
  64. ^ Ehrenreich 2007, p. 58.
  65. ^ a b Aly 2016, p. 30.
  66. ^ Ehrenreich 2007, p. 167.
  67. ^ Grunberger 1995, p. 18.
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  70. ^ Overy 2005, p. 232.
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  75. ^ Overy 2005, p. 3.
  76. ^ Koonz 2005, p. 25.
  77. ^ Koonz 2005, p. 31.
  78. ^ Koonz 2005, p. 40.
  79. ^ Koonz 2005, p. 96.
  80. ^ Rhodes 1988, p. 16.
  81. ^ Mosse 2003, p. 18.
  82. ^ Koonz 2005, p. 89.
  83. ^ Koonz 2005, pp. 85-86.
  84. ^ Koonz 2005, pp. 86-88.
  85. ^ Rupp 2015, pp. 99-100.
  86. ^ Steinweis & Rachlin 2013, p. 102.
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  90. ^ Mosse 2003, p. 199.
  91. ^ Leiser 1975, p. 63.
  92. ^ Herzstein 1978, p. 294-295.
  93. ^ Rupp 2015, p. 131.
  94. ^ Balfour 1979, p. 373.
  95. ^ Evans 2009, p. 458.
  96. ^ Peukert 1989, p. 220.
  97. ^ Grunberger 1995, pp. 122-123.
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  100. ^ Blackburn 1985, p. 117.

SourcesEdit

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