The Special Period (Spanish: Período especial), officially the Special Period in the Time of Peace (Período especial en tiempos de paz), was an extended period of economic crisis in Cuba that began in 1991[1] primarily due to the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the Comecon. The economic depression of the Special Period was at its most severe in the early to mid-1990s. Things improved towards the end of the decade once Hugo Chávez's Venezuela emerged as Cuba's primary trading partner and diplomatic ally, and especially after the year 2000 once Cuba–Russia relations improved under the presidency of Vladimir Putin.

Special Period
Periodo especial
Cuban citizens resorting to horse-drawn carriage for transportation (1994)
RefugeesAround 30,000
Effect on demographics
  • Death rate among the elderly increased by 20% from 1982 to 1993
  • Nutrition fell from 3,052 calories per day in 1989 to 2,099 calories per day in 1993. Other reports indicate even lower figures, 1,863 calories per day.

Privations during the Special Period included extreme reductions of rationed foods at state-subsidized prices, severe energy shortages, and the shrinking of an economy overdependent on Soviet imports.[2] The period radically transformed Cuban society and the economy, as it necessitated the introduction of organic agriculture, decreased use of automobiles, and overhauled industry, health, and diet countrywide. People were forced to live without many goods and services that had been available since the beginning of the 20th century.


Cuban oil production and consumption

The idea of a "special period" became a concept in Cuban political discourse in the 1980s.[3]: 83  It was first used in the context of national defense planning to describe a scenario in which an invasion by the United States might force Cuba into a state of emergency and national siege.[3]: 83  In 1990, Fidel Castro delivered a speech to the Federation of Cuban Women in which he stated that the "special period in times of war" had been studied in the event of a total U.S. blockade of Cuba, and that if serious problems in the Soviet Union led to a disruption of oil supplies, it would lead to a "special period in times of peace".[3]: 83–84  As instability increased in the Soviet Union, later in 1990 Castro stated that Cuba was now entering that special period in time of peace.[3]: 84 

In 1991, the Soviet Union collapsed, resulting in a large-scale economic collapse throughout the newly independent states which once comprised it.[4] During its existence, the Soviet Union provided Cuba with large amounts of oil, food, and machinery.[4] In the years following the Soviet Union's collapse, Cuba's gross domestic product shrunk 35%, imports and exports both fell over 80%, and many domestic industries shrank considerably.[4] Food and weapon imports stopped or severely slowed.[5] The largest immediate impact was the loss of nearly all of the petroleum imports from the Soviet Union;[6] Cuba's oil imports dropped to 10% of pre-1990 amounts.[7][better source needed] Before this, Cuba had been re-exporting any Soviet petroleum it did not consume to other nations for profit, meaning that petroleum had been Cuba's second largest export product before 1990.[citation needed] Once the restored Russian Federation emerged from the former Soviet Union, its administration immediately made clear that it had no intention of delivering petroleum that had been guaranteed to the island by the USSR; this resulted in a decrease in Cuban consumption by 20% of its previous level within two years.[6][8] The effect of this was severe, with many Cuban industries being unable to run without petroleum.[4] Entirely dependent on fossil fuels to operate, the major underpinnings of Cuban society—its transport, industrial and agricultural systems—were paralyzed.[citation needed] There were extensive losses of productivity in both Cuban agriculture,[4] which was dominated by modern industrial tractors, combines, and harvesters, all of which required petroleum to run[citation needed], and in Cuban industrial capacity.[4]

The early stages of the Special Period were defined by a general breakdown in transportation and agricultural sectors, fertilizer and pesticide stocks (both of those being manufactured primarily from petroleum derivatives), and widespread food shortages.[citation needed] Australian and other permaculturists arriving in Cuba at the time began to distribute aid and taught their techniques to locals, who soon implemented them in fields, raised beds, and urban rooftops across the nation.[citation needed] Organic agriculture soon developed, supplanting the old industrialized form of agriculture Cubans had grown accustomed to.[9] Relocalization, permaculture, and innovative modes of mass transit had to be rapidly developed.[citation needed] For a time, waiting for a bus could take three hours, power outages could last up to sixteen hours, food consumption was cut back to one-fifth of its previous level and the average Cuban lost about nine kilograms, or 20 pounds.[10] The average daily dietary energy consumption of Cuban citizens during the periods of 1990–92 and 1995–97 were 2720 and 2440 kcal/person/day respectively. By 2003, average caloric intake had risen to 3280 kcal/person/day.[11] According to the FAO, the average minimum daily energy requirement is about 1,800 kilocalories (7,500 kJ) per person.[12]

During the early years of the crisis, United States law allowed humanitarian aid in the form of food and medicine by private groups.[citation needed] Then in March 1996, the Helms–Burton Act imposed further penalties on foreign companies doing business in Cuba, and allowed U.S. citizens to sue foreign investors who use American-owned property seized by the Cuban government.[13]

The Cuban government was also forced to contract out more lucrative economic and tourism deals with various Western European and South American nations in an attempt to earn the foreign currency necessary to replace the lost Soviet petroleum via the international markets.[citation needed] Additionally faced with a near-elimination of imported steel and other ore-based supplies, Cuba closed refineries and factories across the country, eliminating the country's industrial arm and millions of jobs.[citation needed] The government then proceeded to replace these lost jobs with employment in industrial agriculture and other homegrown initiatives, but these jobs often did not pay as well, and Cubans on the whole became economically poorer.[citation needed] Alternative transport, most notably the Cuban "camels", immense 18-wheeler tractor trailers retrofitted as passenger buses meant to carry hundreds of Cubans each, flourished.[citation needed] Food-wise, meat and dairy products, having been extremely fossil fuel dependent in their former factory farming methods, soon diminished in the Cuban diet.[citation needed] In a shift notable for being generally anathema to Latin American food habits, the people of the island by necessity adopted diets higher in fiber, fresh produce, and ultimately more vegan in character.[citation needed] No longer needing sugar as desperately for a cash crop—the oil-for-sugar program the Soviets had contracted with Cuba had, of course, dissipated—Cuba hurriedly diversified its agricultural production, utilizing former cane fields to grow consumables such as oranges and other fruit and vegetables.[citation needed] The Cuban government also focused more intensely on cooperation with Venezuela once the socialist Hugo Chávez was elected president in 1998.[citation needed]

Economic impact


From the start of the crisis to 1995, Cuba saw its gross domestic product shrink 35%, and it took another five years for it to reach pre-crisis levels, comparable to the length seen during the Great Recession in the United States, and five years shorter than the time it took in Russia following the collapse of the Soviet Union.[14] Agricultural production fell 47%, construction fell by 74%, and manufacturing capacity fell 90%.[14] Much of this decline stemmed from a stoppage in oil exports from the former Eastern Bloc.[14]

In response, the Cuban government implemented a series of austerity policies.[4] The Cuban government eliminated 15 ministries, and cut defense spending by 86%.[4] During this time, the government maintained and increased spending on various forms of welfare, such as healthcare and social services.[4] From 1990 to 1994, the share of gross domestic product spent on healthcare increased 13%, and the share spent on welfare increased 29%.[4] Such policy priorities have led to historian Helen Yaffe dubbing them "humanistic austerity".[4]

Food shortages


During the Special Period, Cuba experienced a period of widespread food insecurity.[5] In academic circles, there is debate over whether such insecurity constitutes a famine.[4][15] The primary cause of this was the collapse of the Soviet Union, who exported large quantities of cheap food to Cuba.[5] In the absence of such food imports, food prices in Cuba increased, while government-run institutions began offering less food, and food of lower quality.[5]

A Canadian Medical Association Journal paper claimed, "The famine in Cuba during the Special Period was caused by political and economic factors similar to the ones that caused a famine in North Korea in the mid-1990s because both countries were run by authoritarian regimes that denied ordinary people the food to which they were entitled when the public food distribution collapsed and priority was given to the elite classes and the military."[16] Other reports painted an equally dismal picture, describing Cubans having to resort to eating anything they could find, from Havana Zoo animals to domestic cats.[17]

Caloric intake statistics


A plethora of research shows that the Special Period resulted in a decrease in caloric intake among Cuban citizens. One study estimates that caloric intake fell by 27% from 1990 to 1996.[5] A report by the United States Department of Agriculture estimates that daily nutritional intake fell from 3,052 calories (12,770 kJ) per day in 1989 to 2,099 calories (8,780 kJ) per day in 1993. Other reports indicate even lower figures, 1,863 calories (7,790 kJ) per day. Some estimates indicate that the very old and children consumed only 1,450 calories (6,100 kJ) per day.[18] FAO statistics show that the average daily dietary energy consumption of Cuban citizens during the periods of 1990–92 and 1995–97 were 2720 and 2440 kcal/person/day respectively. By 2003 average caloric intake had risen to 3280 kcal/person/day.[11] According to the United States Department of Agriculture, the recommended minimum ranges from 2,100 to 2,300 kcal/person/day [18]

Impact on public health


During the Special Period, indicators of Cuban health showed a mixed impact. The Cuban health system was impaired.[3]: 71  However, unlike Russia, which saw a significant drop in life expectancy during the 1990s, Cuba actually saw an increase, from 75.0 years in 1990 to 75.6 years in 1999.[14] During the Special Period, child mortality rates also dropped.[14] One researcher from Johns Hopkins described the Special Period as "the first, and probably the only, natural experiment, born of unfortunate circumstances, where large effects on diabetes, cardiovascular disease and all-cause mortality have been related to sustained population-wide weight loss as a result of increased physical activity and reduced caloric intake".[19] The changes to travel patterns and food consumption during the Special Period resulted in increased levels of physical activity and decreased obesity levels.[3]: 71 

A paper in the American Journal of Epidemiology, says that "during 1997–2002, there were declines in deaths attributed to diabetes (51%), coronary heart disease (35%), stroke (20%), and all causes (18%). An outbreak of neuropathy and a modest increase in the all-cause death rate among the elderly were also observed."[20] This was caused by how the population tried to reduce the energy store without reducing the nutritional value of the food.[20]

A letter published in the Canadian Medical Association Journal (CMAJ) criticized the American Journal of Epidemiology for not taking all factors into account and says that "the famine in Cuba during the Special Period was caused by political and economic factors similar to the ones that caused a famine in North Korea in the mid-1990s. Both countries were run by authoritarian regimes that denied ordinary people the food to which they were entitled when the public food distribution collapsed; priority was given to the elite classes and the military. In North Korea, 3%–5% of the population died; in Cuba the death rate among the elderly increased by 20% from 1982 to 1993".[21]



1994 protest


Thousands of Cubans protested in Havana on 5 August 1994, some chanting "Libertad!" ("Freedom!"). The protest, in which some protesters threw rocks at police, was dispersed by the police after a few hours.[22] A paper published in the Journal of Democracy argued that this was the closest that the Cuban opposition could come to asserting itself decisively.[22]

In response to the Maleconazo, Raúl Castro reinstated farmers markets. In these markets, farmers could sell surplus produce to the state to fulfill quotas. Though farmers were now incentivized to turn a profit on their crops, the markets they participated in were still heavily regulated and taxed. This, along with the price restrictions, ensured that the cost of goods would not escalate as it did in the 1980s.   [23]



Cuba's history of colonization included deforestation and overuse of its agricultural land. Before the crisis, Cuba used more pesticides than the United States. Lack of fertilizer and agricultural machinery caused a shift towards organic farming and urban farming. Cuba still has food rationing for basic staples. Approximately 69% of these rationed basic staples (wheat, vegetable oils, rice, etc.) are imported.[24] Overall, however, approximately 16% of food is imported from abroad.[24]

Initially, this was a very difficult situation for Cubans to accept; many came home from studying abroad to find that there were no jobs in their fields. It was pure survival that motivated them to continue and contribute to survive through this crisis. The documentary, The Power of Community: How Cuba Survived Peak Oil, states that today, farmers make more money than most other occupations.[25]

Due to a poor economy, there were many crumbling buildings that could not be repaired. These were torn down and the empty lots lay idle for years until the food shortages forced Cuban citizens to make use of every piece of land. Initially, this was an ad-hoc process where ordinary Cubans took the initiative to grow their own food in any available piece of land. The government encouraged this practice and later assisted in promoting it. Urban gardens sprang up throughout the capital of Havana and other urban centers on roof-tops, patios, and unused parking lots in raised beds as well as "squatting" on empty lots. These efforts were furthered by Australian specialists who were invited to the island in 1993 to teach permaculture, a sustainable agricultural system, and to "train the trainers", establishing a long-running NGO partnerships program of community engagement and capacity building funded by the Australian government.[26][27][28][29]

Downtown Havana kiosks provided advice and resources for individual residents. Widespread farmers' markets gave easy access to locally grown produce; less travel time required less energy use.[30]

Cuban culture

A street in Trinidad, Cuba, in 2006

The ideological changes of the Special Period had effects on Cuban society and culture, beyond those on the country. A comprehensive review of these effects concerning ideology, art and popular culture can be found in Ariana Hernandez-Reguant's Cuba in the Special Period. As a result of increased travel and tourism, popular culture developed in new ways. Lisa Knauer, in that volume, describes the circulation of rumba between New York and Havana, and their mutual influences. Antonio Eligio Tonel has described the contemporary art networks that shaped the Cuban art market, and Esther Whitfield the channels through which Cuban literature accessed the wider Spanish-speaking world during that period. Elsewhere, Deborah Pacini, Marc Perry, Geoffrey Baker and Sujatha Fernandes extensively wrote about Cuban rap music as a result of these transnational exchanges.[31] In recent years, that is, not in the 1990s which is the period identified with the Special Period, reggaeton has replaced timba as the genre of choice among youth, taking on the explicitly sexual dance moves that originated with timba.[32][33]

Whereas timba music was a Cuban genre that evolved out of traditional song and jazz, emphasizing blackness and sexuality through sensual dancing and lyrics that reflected the socio-cultural situation of the period with humor [Hernandez-Reguant 2006], Cuban hip hop evolved as a socially conscious movement influenced heavily by its kin genre American hip-hop. Thus it was not so much a product of the Special Period—as timba was—as one of globalization [Fernandes 2004]. The Revolution and the blockage of all imports from the US had made the dissemination of American music difficult during the sixties and seventies, as it was often "tainted as music of the enemy and began to disappear from the public view." But all of that changed in the 1990s, when American rappers flocked regularly to Cuba, tourists brought CDs, and North American stations, perfectly audible in Cuba, brought its sounds. Nonetheless, hip hop circulated through informal networks, thus creating a small underground scene of rap enthusiasts located mostly in Havana's Eastern neighborhoods that called the attention of foreign scholars and journalists. Eventually, rappers were offered a space within state cultural networks. The lack of resources to purchase the electronic equipment to produce beats and tracks gives Cuban rap a raw feel that paralleled that of "old school" music in the US.[34]

Energy crisis


Immediate actions taken by the government included televising an announcement of the expected energy crisis a week before the USSR notified the Cuban government that they would not be delivering the expected quota of crude oil. Citizens were asked to reduce their consumption in all areas and to use public transport and carpooling. As time went on, the administration developed more structured strategies to manage the long-term energy/economic crisis as it stretched into the 21st century.[25]

Power cuts were scheduled evenly during the Special Period, reflecting the Cuban government's view that electricity should be evenly distributed across the population.[3]: 74 

Food rationing


Food rationing was intensified. Monthly allocations for families were based under the basic minimum requirements as recommended by the United Nations. Nutrition dropped from 3,052 calories a day in 1989 to 2,099 calories a day in 1993 with some reports even lower, 1,863 calories a day. The recommended minimum is 2100-2300 calories daily.[35]

Housing, land distribution, and urban planning


The cost of producing cement and the scarcity of tools and of building materials increased the pressure on already overcrowded housing. Even before the energy crisis, extended families lived in small apartments (many of which were in very poor condition) to be closer to an urban area. To help alleviate this situation, the government engaged in land-distribution where they supplemented larger government-owned farms with privately owned ones. Small homes were built in rural areas and land was provided to encourage families to move, to assist in food production for themselves, and to sell in local farmers' markets. As the film The Power of Community: How Cuba Survived Peak Oil discusses, co-ops developed which were owned and managed by groups, as well as creating opportunities for allowing them to form "service co-ops" where credit was exchanged and group purchasing-power was used to buy seeds and other scarce items.[25]



Cubans were accustomed to cars as a convenient mode of transport. It was a difficult shift during the Special Period to adjust to a new way of managing the transport of thousands of people to school, to work and to other daily activities. With the realization that food was the key to survival, transport became a secondary worry and walking, hitch-hiking, and carpooling became the norm. Privately owned vehicles are not common; ownership is not seen as a right but as a privilege awarded for performance. Public transport is creative and takes on the following forms:

  • Cars – old US cars common in Cuba are used as taxis to transport from six to eight passengers, stopping at locations as needed.
  • Trucks – canopies and steps were added to accommodate more passengers and protect them from the natural elements; or open "dump-truck buses" are used.
  • Bikes – 1.2 million bicycles were purchased from China and distributed as well as another half a million produced in Cuba.
  • "Camels" – Conversion of semi-truck flatbeds into bus-like vehicles that hold up to 300 passengers.
  • Government vehicles pick up passengers as needed.
  • Horses and mules are used as well as bike- and horse-drawn carriages with taxi licenses are numerous both in rural and urban areas.
  • Convenience for the individual is secondary to efficient use of energy.

See also



  1. ^ Henken, Ted (2008). Cuba: A Global Studies Handbook. ABC-CLIO. p. 438. ISBN 9781851099849. Archived from the original on 24 January 2023. Retrieved 30 June 2014 – via Google Books.
  2. ^ Garth, Hanna (23 March 2017). ""There is no food": Coping with Food Scarcity in Cuba Today". Society for Cultural Anthropology. Archived from the original on 13 June 2017. Retrieved 9 August 2020.
  3. ^ a b c d e f g Cederlöf, Gustav (2023). The Low-Carbon Contradiction: Energy Transition, Geopolitics, and the Infrastructural State in Cuba. Critical environments: nature, science, and politics. Oakland, California: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-39313-4.
  4. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Kozameh, Sara (30 January 2021). "How Cuba Survived and Surprised in a Post-Soviet World". Jacobin. Archived from the original on 2 February 2021. Retrieved 2 February 2021.
  5. ^ a b c d e Garth, Hanna. 2009 Things Became Scarce: Food Availability and Accessibility in Santiago de Cuba Then and Now. Archived 23 September 2019 at the Wayback Machine NAPA Bulletin.
  6. ^ a b Carmen Diana Deere (July–August 1991). "Cuba's struggle for self-sufficiency – aftermath of the collapse of Cuba's special economic relations with Eastern Europe". Monthly Review. Archived from the original on 7 October 2007. Retrieved 20 January 2008.
  7. ^ "Cuba's Special Period". Archived from the original on 12 January 2015. Retrieved 24 June 2008.
  8. ^ "Cuba Energy Profile". EIA. Archived from the original on 16 November 2010. Retrieved 20 January 2008.
  9. ^ "A Different Kind of Green Revolution in Cuba". Hal Hamilton Archived January 10, 2008, at the Wayback Machine
  10. ^ Donovan, Sandy; Rao, Sujay; Sandmann, Alexa L. (2008). Teens in Cuba. Capstone. p. 26. ISBN 9780756538514. Retrieved 1 July 2014.
  11. ^ a b "Archived Copy". Archived from the original on 7 October 2009. Retrieved 29 July 2021.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
  12. ^ "Hunger Portal". FAO. Archived from the original on 20 December 2009. Retrieved 29 July 2021.
  13. ^ Hillyard, Mick; Miller, Vaughne (14 December 1998). "Cuba and the Helms–Burton Act" (PDF). House of Commons Library Research Papers. 98 (114). Great Britain. Parliament. House of Commons.: 3. Archived from the original (PDF) on 19 August 2000. Retrieved 26 June 2014.
  14. ^ a b c d e Kozameh, Sara (30 January 2021). "How Cuba Survived and Surprised in a Post-Soviet World". Jacobin. Archived from the original on 2 February 2021. Retrieved 2 February 2021.
  15. ^ "Health consequences of Cuba's Special Period". Canadian Medical Association Journal. 179 (3): 257. 29 July 2008. doi:10.1503/cmaj.1080068. PMC 2474886. PMID 18663207.
  16. ^ "Health Consequences of Cuba's Special Period". Canadian Medical Association Journal. 179 (3): 257. 29 July 2008. doi:10.1503/cmaj.1080068. PMC 2474886. PMID 18663207.
  17. ^ "Parrot diplomacy". The Economist. 24 July 2008. Archived from the original on 1 August 2009. Retrieved 5 November 2012.
  18. ^ a b "Cuba's Food & Agriculture Situation Report" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 12 March 2013.
  19. ^ Carroll, Rory (27 September 2007). "Economic crisis boost to health of Cubans". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 6 November 2018. Retrieved 23 May 2010.
  20. ^ a b Franco, M; Orduñez, P; Caballero, B; et al. (19 September 2007). "Impact of energy intake, physical activity, and population-wide weight loss on cardiovascular disease and diabetes mortality in Cuba, 1980–2005". American Journal of Epidemiology. 166 (12): 1374–80. doi:10.1093/aje/kwm226. PMID 17881386.
  21. ^ "Health consequences of Cuba's Special Period". Canadian Medical Association Journal. 179 (3): 257. 29 July 2008. doi:10.1503/cmaj.1080068. PMC 2474886. PMID 18663207.
  22. ^ a b Gershman, Carl; Orlando Gutierrez (January 2009). "Can Cuba Change?" (PDF). Journal of Democracy. 20 (1). doi:10.1353/jod.0.0051. S2CID 144413653. Archived from the original (PDF) on 18 September 2009. Retrieved 26 August 2009.
  23. ^ Yaffe, Helen (2020). We are Cuba. Yale University Press. p. 47. ISBN 978-0-300-23003-1.
  24. ^ a b "The Paradox of Cuban Agriculture". Monthly Review. Archived from the original on 16 June 2014. Retrieved 23 June 2014.
  25. ^ a b c The Power of Community: How Cuba Survived Peak Oil Archived 16 October 2010 at the Wayback Machine
  26. ^ Tiller, Adam (1995). "AIDAB/NGO Cooperation Program, Food Gardener Education in Urban Havana, 1995, Final Report from the Field". Australian Conservation Foundation, Cuba. Archived from the original on 16 August 2009. Retrieved 21 July 2014.
  27. ^ Tiller, Adam (1996). "Información sobre la dirección del proyecto en Cuba: el Green Team". Foundation for Nature and Humanity's Permaculture Project. Archived from the original on 16 August 2009. Retrieved 30 June 2014.
  28. ^ Tiller, Adam (1997). "Job Advertisement, Permaculture Development Officer, Urban Permaculture Program Havana, Cuba". Foundation for Nature and Humanity's Permaculture Project. Archived from the original on 16 August 2009. Retrieved 30 June 2014.
  29. ^ Fenderson, Adam; Morgan, Pamela (14 September 2006). "Interview with Pamela Morgan" (mp3) (Podcast). Melbourne, Australia: A-Infos Radio Project. Event occurs at 3:09. Archived from the original on 14 July 2014. Retrieved 12 July 2014.
  30. ^ Around the World in 80 Gardens
  31. ^ Baker, Geoffrey. "¡Hip hop, Revolución! Nationalizing Rap in Cuba". Ethnomusicology. 49 (3): 369.
  32. ^ Hernandez-Reguant, Ariana. "A Macho Sound for Black Sex." in Kamari Clarke and Deborah Thomas, Globalization and Race, Duke University Press. Fairley, Jan. "'Como hacer el amor con ropa' (As making love with your clothes on): Dancing regeton and hip-hop in Cuba." In Reading Reggaeton (forthcoming, Duke University Press), 2.
  33. ^ "Dancing Reggaeton – Perreo – Dancing Perreo". Archived from the original on 19 July 2008. Retrieved 8 February 2008.
  34. ^ Pacini-Hernandez, Deborah and Reebee Garofalo. "The emergence of rap Cubano: An historical perspective." In Music, Space, and Place, editors Whitely, Bennett, and Hawkins, 89–107. Burlington, Vermont: Ashgate, 2004.
  35. ^ "Cuba's Food & Agriculture Situation Report" (PDF). Office of Global Analysis, [[Foreign Agricultural Service|]]FAS, USDA. March 2008. Archived (PDF) from the original on 26 April 2023. Retrieved 18 August 2023.


  • Chavez, L. (2005). Capitalism, God, and a Good Cigar; Cuba Enters the Twenty-First Century. Durham and London: Duke University Press.
  • Chiddister, Diane. (27 April 2006). Film shows many ways Cuba reacted to peak oil crisis Archived 8 August 2014 at the Wayback Machine Yellow Springs News. Retrieved 12 July 2014 (originally retrieved 18 October 2006)
  • Heinberg, R. (2003). The Party's Over: Oil, War and the Fate of Industrial Societies. Canada: New Societies Publishers
  • Hernandez-Reguant, A., ed. (2009). Cuba in the Special Period. Culture and Ideology in the 1990s. New York: Palgrave -Mac Millan.
  • Lopez, M. Vigil. (1999). Cuba; Neither Heaven Nor Hell. Washington, D.C.: The Ecumenical Program of Central America and the Caribbean (EPICA).
  • Pineiro-Hall, E. (2003) Seattle Delegation US Women and Cuba@ 5th International Women's Conference, University of Havana.
  • Sierra, J.A. Time Table of Cuba 1980–2005 Archived 1 February 2008 at the Wayback Machine, Retrieved 12 December 2006
  • Zuckerman, S. (2003). Lessons From Cuba: What Can We Learn From Cuba's Two-Tier Tourism Economy?, Retrieved 26 November 2006