Seymour Hersh

Seymour Myron "Sy" Hersh (born April 8, 1937) is an American investigative journalist and political writer.

Seymour Hersh
SeymourHersh-IPS-cropped.jpg
Hersh in 2004
Born
Seymour Myron Hersh

(1937-04-08) April 8, 1937 (age 85)
Chicago, Illinois, United States
Other namesSy
Alma materUniversity of Chicago
OccupationJournalist, writer
Spouse(s)Elizabeth Sarah Klein (m. 1964[1])
AwardsPolk Award (1969, 1973, 1974, 1981, 2004)[2][3]
Pulitzer Prize (1970)[4]
George Orwell Award (2004)[5]

Hersh first gained recognition in 1969 for exposing the My Lai Massacre and its cover-up during the Vietnam War, for which he received the 1970 Pulitzer Prize for International Reporting. During the 1970s, Hersh covered the Watergate scandal for The New York Times and revealed the clandestine bombing of Cambodia. In 2004, he reported on the U.S. military's mistreatment of detainees at Abu Ghraib prison. He has also won two National Magazine Awards and five George Polk Awards. In 2004, he received the George Orwell Award.[6]

Hersh has accused the Obama administration of lying about the events surrounding the death of Osama bin Laden and disputed the claim that the Assad regime used chemical weapons on civilians in the Syrian Civil War. Both assertions have stirred controversy.

Early yearsEdit

Hersh was born on April 8, 1937[7] in Chicago to Yiddish-speaking Lithuanian Jewish parents who emigrated to the US from Lithuania and Poland and ran a dry-cleaning shop in Chicago's Austin neighborhood. After graduating from the University of Chicago with a history degree, Hersh found himself struggling to find a job. He began working at Walgreens before being accepted into University of Chicago Law School but was soon expelled for poor grades.[8] After returning for a short time to Walgreens, Hersh began his career in journalism as a copyboy, then police reporter for the City News Bureau of Chicago in 1959. He was editor-in-chief of The Southwest Suburbanite in Oak Lawn, IL. He next began a short-lived suburban paper, the Evergreen Reporter. He then decided to move to Washington, D.C. He later became a correspondent for United Press International in South Dakota. In 1963, he went on to become a Chicago and Washington correspondent for the Associated Press. While working in Washington Hersh first met and befriended I. F. Stone, whose I. F. Stone's Weekly would serve as an initial inspiration for Hersh's later work. It was during this time that Hersh began to form his investigative style, often walking out of regimented press briefings at the Pentagon and seeking out one-on-one interviews with high-ranking officers. After a falling out with the editors at the AP when they insisted on watering down a story about the US government's work on biological and chemical weapons, Hersh left the AP and sold his story to The New Republic. During the 1968 presidential election, he served as press secretary for the campaign of Senator Eugene McCarthy.

After leaving the McCarthy campaign, Hersh returned to journalism as a freelancer covering the Vietnam War. In 1969, Hersh received a tip from Geoffrey Cowan of The Village Voice regarding an Army lieutenant being court-martialled for killing civilians in Vietnam. His subsequent investigation, sold to the Dispatch News Service, was run in 33 newspapers and exposed the My Lai massacre, winning him the Pulitzer Prize in 1970.[8][9]

In 1972, Hersh was hired as a reporter for the Washington bureau of The New York Times, where he served from 1972 to 1975[10] and again in 1979. Hersh reported on the Watergate scandal, though most of the credit for that story went to Carl Bernstein and Hersh's longtime rival Bob Woodward. Nonetheless, Hersh's Watergate investigations led him in 1983 to the publication of The Price of Power: Kissinger in the Nixon White House, a portrait of Henry Kissinger that won the National Book Critics Circle Award.

Hersh's 1974 article claiming the CIA had violated its charter by spying on anti-war activists[a] is credited as contributing factor to the formation of the Church Committee.[11]

In 1975, Hersh was active in the investigation and reporting of Project Azorian (which he called Project Jennifer), the CIA's clandestine effort to raise a Soviet submarine using the Howard Hughes' Glomar Explorer. This was one of the most complex, expensive, and secretive intelligence operations of the Cold War at a cost of about $800 million ($3.8 billion in 2015).

After The New York TimesEdit

His 1983 book The Price of Power: Kissinger in the Nixon White House won him the National Book Critics Circle Award and the Los Angeles Times book prize in biography. In 1985, Hersh contributed to the PBS television documentary Buying the Bomb. From 1993 to 2013, Hersh was a regular contributor to The New Yorker.[12]

Hersh has appeared regularly on the syndicated television news program Democracy Now![13]

Selected storiesEdit

Mỹ Lai MassacreEdit

On November 12, 1969, Hersh reported the story of the Mỹ Lai massacre, in which hundreds of unarmed Vietnamese civilians were murdered by US soldiers in March 1968.[14]

Documents declassified in 2017 show that Hersh was on the National Security Agency watchlist possibly because of hostility towards his journalism including his writings about the Mỹ Lai massacre.[15][better source needed]

Project JenniferEdit

In early 1974, Hersh had planned to publish a story on "Project Jennifer" (later revealed to be named Project Azorian and Operation Matador), a covert CIA project to recover a sunken Soviet navy submarine from the floor of the Pacific Ocean. CIA director William Colby discussed the operation with Hersh in 1974, but obtained his promise not to publish while the operation was active. Bill Kovach, The New York Times Washington, D.C. bureau chief at the time, said in 2005 that the government offered a convincing argument to delay publication in early 1974—exposure at that time, while the project was ongoing, "would have caused an international incident". The New York Times eventually published Hersh's account on March 19, 1975, after a story appeared in the Los Angeles Times. The story included a five-paragraph explanation of the delay in publication.[16][17]

Korean Air Flight 007Edit

In The Target Is Destroyed (1986), Hersh alleged that the shooting down of Korean Air Flight 007 in September 1983 by the Soviet Union was due to a combination of Soviet incompetence and United States intelligence operations intended to confuse Soviet responses.[18]

Later releases of government information confirmed that there was a PSYOPS campaign against the Soviet Union that had been in place from the first few months of the Reagan administration. This campaign included the largest US Pacific Fleet exercise ever held, in April to May 1983.[citation needed]

Mordechai Vanunu and Robert MaxwellEdit

In The Samson Option: Israel's Nuclear Arsenal and American Foreign Policy (1991), Hersh wrote that Nicholas Davies, the foreign editor of the Daily Mirror, had tipped off the Israeli embassy in London about Mordechai Vanunu. Vanunu had given information about Israel's nuclear weapons program first to The Sunday Times and later to the Sunday Mirror. At the time, the Sunday Mirror and its sibling newspaper, the Daily Mirror were owned by media magnate Robert Maxwell who was alleged to have had contacts with Israel's intelligence services. According to Hersh, Davies had worked for the Mossad. Vanunu was later lured by Mossad from London to Rome, kidnapped, returned to Israel, and sentenced to 18 years in jail.[19] Davies and Maxwell published an anti-Vanunu story that was claimed by critics to be part of a disinformation campaign on behalf of the Israeli government.[20][better source needed]

Hersh repeated the allegations during a press conference held in London to publicize his book. No British newspaper would publish the allegations because of Maxwell's famed litigiousness. However, two British MPs raised the matter in the House of Commons, which meant that British newspapers were able to report what had been said without fear of being sued for libel. Maxwell called the claims "ludicrous, a total invention". He fired Davies shortly thereafter.[21]

Ari Ben-Menashe was Hersh's primary source for the claims that Davies was a paid Israeli agent and that Maxwell collaborated with Mossad.[22]

Attack on pharmaceutical factory in SudanEdit

Hersh strongly criticized Bill Clinton's decision to destroy, on August 20, 1998, the Al-Shifa pharmaceutical factory in Sudan. Al-Shifa, the largest pharmaceutical factory in Sudan, accounted for half the country's domestically produced medicines.[23]

IraqEdit

Hersh wrote a series of articles for The New Yorker magazine detailing military and security matters surrounding the US-led invasion and subsequent occupation of Iraq. In March 2002, he described the planning process for a new invasion of Iraq that he alleged had been on-going since the end of the First Gulf War, under the leadership of Cheney, Paul Wolfowitz, Douglas Feith and other neo-conservatives.[citation needed] In a 2004 article, he alleged that Vice President Dick Cheney and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld circumvented the normal intelligence analysis function of the CIA in their quest to make the case for the 2003 invasion of Iraq.[citation needed] A 2003 article, "Lunch with the Chairman", led Richard Perle, a subject of the article, to call Hersh the "closest thing American journalism has to a terrorist."[24]

In May 2004, Hersh published a series of articles which described the treatment of detainees by US military police at Abu Ghraib prison near Baghdad, Iraq.[25][26] The articles included allegations that private military contractors contributed to prisoner mistreatment and that intelligence agencies such as the CIA ordered torture in order to break prisoners for interrogations. They also alleged that torture was a usual practice in other US-run prisons as well, e.g., in Bagram Theater Internment Facility and Guantanamo. In subsequent articles, Hersh wrote that the abuses were part of a secret interrogation program, known as "Copper Green". According to Hersh's sources, the program was expanded to Iraq with the direct approval of Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, both in an attempt to deal with the growing insurgency there and as part of "Rumsfeld's long-standing desire to wrest control of America's clandestine and paramilitary operations from the C.I.A."[27] Some of his material for these articles was based on the Army's own internal investigations.[28][improper synthesis?]

Scott Ritter, a former arms inspector, stated in an October 19, 2005 interview with Hersh that the US policy to remove Iraqi president Saddam Hussein from power started with US president George H. W. Bush in August 1990. Ritter stated that, while disarmament was used as the justification for the imposition of sanctions on Iraq, the real reason was the removal of Saddam Hussein from power. The CIA believed that containing Hussein through sanctions for six months would result in the collapse of his government. According to Hersh, this policy resulted in the invasion and occupation of Iraq.[29]

A March 7, 2007, article entitled, "The Redirection" described a recent shift in the George W. Bush administration's Iraq policy, the goal of which Hersh said was to "contain" Iran. Hersh asserted that "a by-product of these activities has been the bolstering of Sunni extremist groups that espouse a militant vision of Islam and are hostile to America and sympathetic to Al Qaeda."[30]

IranEdit

In January 2005, Hersh alleged that the US was conducting covert operations in Iran to identify targets for possible strikes. Hersh also wrote that Pakistan and the United States had struck a "Khan-for-Iran" deal in which Washington would look the other way at Pakistan's nuclear transgressions and not demand handing over of its infamous nuclear scientist A. Q. Khan, in return for Islamabad's cooperation in neutralizing Iran's nuclear plans. This was also denied by officials of the governments of the US and Pakistan.

In the April 17, 2006 issue of The New Yorker,[31] Hersh wrote that the Bush administration had plans for an air strike on Iran. Of particular note in his article was that a US nuclear first strike (possibly using the B61-11 bunker-buster nuclear weapon) was being considered to eliminate underground Iranian uranium enrichment facilities. In response, President Bush cited Hersh's reportage as "wild speculation."[32]

When, in October 2007, he was asked in a Democracy Now! interview about presidential candidate Hillary Clinton's hawkish views on Iran, Hersh stated that Jewish donations were the main reason for these:

Money. A lot of the Jewish money from New York. Come on, let's not kid about it. A significant percentage of Jewish money, and many leading American Jews support the Israeli position that Iran is an existential threat. And I think it's as simple as that. When you're from New York and from New York City, you take the view of – right now, when you're running a campaign, you follow that line. And there's no other explanation for it, because she's smart enough to know the downside.[33]

During one journalism conference, Hersh claimed that after the Strait of Hormuz incident, members of the Bush administration met in Vice President Dick Cheney's office to consider methods of initiating a war with Iran. One idea considered was staging a false flag operation involving the use of Navy SEALs dressed as Iranian PT boaters who would engage in a firefight with US ships. According to Hersh this proposed provocation was rejected.[34]

Killing of Osama bin Laden Edit

In September 2013, during an interview with The Guardian, Hersh commented that the 2011 raid that resulted in the death of Osama bin Laden was "one big lie, not one word of it is true". He said that the Obama administration lied systematically, and that American media outlets were reluctant to challenge the administration, saying "It's pathetic, they are more than obsequious, they are afraid to pick on this guy [Obama]".[35] Hersh later clarified that he didn't dispute Bin Laden's death in Pakistan, and rather meant that the lying began in the aftermath of bin Laden's death.[36]

On May 10, 2015, Hersh published the 10,000-word article "The Killing of Osama bin Laden" in the London Review of Books (LRB) on the fourth anniversary of the Abbottabad raid that killed bin Laden (Operation Neptune Spear). It immediately went viral, crashing the LRB website.[37]

Hersh's story drew harsh criticism from reporters, academics, media commentators and officials.[38][39][40] Politico's Jack Shafer described the story as "a messy omelet of a piece that offers little of substance for readers or journalists who may want to verify its many claims."[41][42] Peter Bergen disputed Hersh's contentions, saying they "defy common sense";[43] Hersh responded that Bergen simply "views himself as the trustee of all things Bin Laden".[44] A similar dismissal of Hersh's account came from former CIA Deputy Director Michael Morell.[45] A former intelligence official who had direct knowledge of the operation speculated that the Pakistanis, who were furious that the operation took place without being detected by them, were behind the false story as a way to save face.[46]

Others criticized the press response. In an article for the Columbia Journalism Review, Trevor Timm wrote that "barely any follow-up reporting has been done to corroborate or refute his [Hersh's] claims", and observed that Slate, for example, "ran five hit jobs on Hersh within 36 hours".[47]

On May 12, the Pakistan-based journalist Amir Mir disclosed that the "walk-in" who had provided the CIA with the information about bin Laden's whereabouts was Brigadier Usman Khalid of ISI.[48][49]

On May 20, 2015, a former CIA officer and conspiracy theorist, Philip Giraldi, wrote in The American Conservative that he found Hersh's story credible.[50]

In 2018, Hersh told an interviewer, "I don't necessarily buy the story that Bin Laden was responsible for 9/11. We really don't have an ending to the story. I’ve known people in the [intelligence] community. We don't know anything empirical about who did what."[51]

Syrian Civil WarEdit

On December 8, 2013, the London Review of Books published "Whose Sarin?", an article rejected by the New Yorker and Washington Post.[52][53][54] Hersh wrote that the Obama administration had used "cherry picked intelligence" to try to justify a military strike against Syria after the Ghouta chemical attack and had ignored evidence the Syrian rebels could also have obtained Sarin gas. The White House denied the allegations made in the article,[53][55] and a number of Syria and chemical weapons experts were critical of the article.[53][56]

On June 25, 2017, Welt am Sonntag published Hersh's article "Trump's Red Line".[57] This had been rejected by the London Review of Books.[58][59] He said there was a split between the U.S. intelligence community and president Donald Trump over the alleged 'sarin attack' at the rebel-held town of Khan Shaykhun in Idlib on April 4, 2017: "Trump issued the order despite having been warned by the U.S. intelligence community that it had found no evidence that the Syrians had used a chemical weapon".[57][60] Bellingcat accused Hersh of sloppy journalism: "Hersh based his case on a tiny number of anonymous sources, presented no other evidence to support his case, and ignored or dismissed evidence that countered the alternative narrative he was trying to build."[61] Journalist George Monbiot criticized Hersh for not giving the building coordinates to enable verification from satellite imagery and for relying on refuted analysis by Ted Postol.[62]

Criticism and controversyEdit

Critics have accused Hersh of being a conspiracy theorist. He has been criticised for contradicting the official account of the killing of Osama Bin Laden and for questioning the claim that the Syrian government used chemical weapons on Syrian civilians.[38][26] In 2015, Vox's Max Fisher wrote that "Hersh has appeared increasingly to have gone off the rails. His stories, often alleging vast and shadowy conspiracies, have made startling — and often internally inconsistent — accusations, based on little or no proof beyond a handful of anonymous "officials."[63]

Kennedy researchEdit

Hersh's 1997 book about John F. Kennedy, The Dark Side of Camelot, made a number of controversial assertions about the former president, including that:

  • Though Jacqueline Bouvier officially was his first wife, his actual first marriage was to a woman named Durie Malcolm that was never legally terminated, and was hushed up by his father Joseph P. Kennedy Sr.
  • He had been a semi-regular user of a prescribed pharmaceutical amphetamine-related drug, receiving injections from Dr. Max Jacobson.
  • He had had a close working relationship with American Mafia boss Sam Giancana that supposedly included vote fraud in one or two crucial states in the 1960 presidential election.
  • In 1958, when he was a member of the United States Senate, he had an extramarital affair with "an attractive aide in [his] Senate office," Pamela Turnure. This was three years before she became First Lady Jacqueline Kennedy's press secretary. In 1958, Turnure's landlady Florence Kater took a photograph of the senator leaving Turnure's apartment in the middle of the night, a photograph that Kater tried repeatedly to bring to public attention to ruin the senator's presidential campaign.[64]
  • "On May 14, 1960," says The Dark Side of Camelot, "just four days after Kennedy won the West Virginia primary, [Florence Kater] approached him at a political rally at the University of Maryland carrying a placard with an enlarged snapshot of the early-morning scene outside Pamela Turnure's apartment. Kennedy ignored her, but a photograph of the encounter was published in the next afternoon's Washington Star, along with a brief story describing her as a heckler."[65]
  • The reels of microfilm for The Washington Star that cover the month of May 1960 indicate that the newspaper, then known as The Evening Star of Washington, D.C. and The Sunday Star, never published an article about Florence Kater, nor did the article about Kennedy's campaign appearance at the University of Maryland mention a heckler.

For many of these allegations, Hersh relied only on hearsay collected decades after the event. In a Los Angeles Times review, Edward Jay Epstein cast doubt on these and other assertions, writing, "this book turns out to be, alas, more about the deficiencies of investigative journalism than about the deficiencies of John F. Kennedy."[66] Responding to the book, historian and former Kennedy aide Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. called Hersh "the most gullible investigative reporter I've ever encountered."[67]

A month before the publication of The Dark Side of Camelot, newspapers, including USA Today, reported Hersh had announced the removal from the galleys at the last minute a segment about legal documents allegedly containing JFK's signature.[68] The documents supposedly signed by John F. Kennedy included a provision, in 1960, for a trust fund to be set up for the institutionalized mother of Marilyn Monroe.[69][70] A paralegal named Lawrence X. "Lex" Cusack had shared them with Hersh and encouraged the author to discuss them in the book.[69]

Shortly before Hersh's announcement that he had removed all references to Cusack's documents, federal investigators began probing Cusack's selling the documents at auction.[69] After The Dark Side of Camelot became a bestseller, Cusack was convicted by a federal jury in Manhattan on 13 counts of fraud and forging the documents, and was subsequently sentenced to 10 years and three months in prison.[71] In 1997, the Kennedy family also denied Cusack's claim that his late father had been an attorney who had represented JFK in 1960.[69]

Use of anonymous sourcesEdit

There has been sustained criticism of Hersh's use of anonymous sources.[66][72][73][26] Critics, including Edward Jay Epstein and Amir Taheri, say he is over-reliant on them.[66][72][73] Taheri, for example, when reviewing Hersh's Chain of Command (2004), complained:

As soon as he has made an assertion he cites a 'source' to back it. In every case this is either an un-named former official or an unidentified secret document passed to Hersh in unknown circumstances. […] By my count Hersh has anonymous 'sources' inside 30 foreign governments and virtually every department of the U.S. government.[72]

In response to an article in The New Yorker in which Hersh alleged that the U.S. government was planning a strike on Iran, U.S. Defense Department spokesman Bryan G. Whitman said, "This reporter has a solid and well-earned reputation for making dramatic assertions based on thinly sourced, unverifiable anonymous sources."[74]

In his Bin Laden story, "Hersh relied at least 55 times on an anonymous retired senior intelligence official."[26] Slate magazine's James Kirchick wrote, "Readers are expected to believe that the story of the Bin Laden assassination is a giant ‘fairy tale’ on the word of a single, unnamed source... Hersh's problem is that he evinces no skepticism whatsoever toward what his crank sources tell him, which is ironic considering how cynical he is regarding the pronouncements of the U.S. national security bureaucracy."[26][75] Politico wrote in 2015 that Hersh's reporting had increasingly been called into question due to "his almost exclusive reliance on anonymous sources."[76]

David Remnick, the editor of The New Yorker, maintains that he is aware of the identity of all of Hersh's unnamed sources, telling the Columbia Journalism Review that "I know every single source that is in his pieces. ... Every 'retired intelligence officer,' every general with reason to know, and all those phrases that one has to use, alas, by necessity, I say, 'Who is it? What's his interest?' We talk it through."[77]

SpeechesEdit

In an interview with New York magazine, Hersh made a distinction between the standards of strict factual accuracy for his print reporting and the leeway he allows himself in speeches, in which he may talk informally about stories still being worked on or blur information to protect his sources. "Sometimes I change events, dates, and places in a certain way to protect people. ... I can't fudge what I write. But I can certainly fudge what I say."[73]

Some of Hersh's speeches concerning the Iraq War have described violent incidents involving U.S. troops in Iraq. In July 2004, during the height of the Abu Ghraib scandal, he alleged that American troops sexually assaulted young boys:

Basically what happened is that those women who were arrested with young boys, children, in cases that have been recorded, the boys were sodomized, with the cameras rolling, and the worst above all of them is the soundtrack of the boys shrieking. That your government has. They're in total terror it's going to come out.[73]

In a subsequent interview with New York magazine, Hersh regretted that "I actually didn't quite say what I wanted to say correctly. ... It wasn't that inaccurate, but it was misstated. The next thing I know, it was all over the blogs. And I just realized then, the power of—and so you have to try and be more careful."[73] In Chain of Command, he wrote that one of the witness statements he had read described the rape of a boy by a foreign contract interpreter at Abu Ghraib, during which a woman took pictures.[73]

Link between the US government and Fatah al-IslamEdit

In March 2007, Hersh asserted in a New Yorker piece that the United States and Saudi governments were funding the terrorist organization Fatah al-Islam through aid to Lebanese Sunni Prime Minister Fouad Siniora.[78] Following the publication of the story, journalist Emmanuel Sivan in Beirut wrote that Hersh put forth the allegation without any reliable sources.[79][80]

Morarji Desai libel suitEdit

Hersh wrote in his 1983 book The Price of Power that former Indian Prime Minister Morarji Desai had been paid $20,000 a year by the CIA during the Johnson and Nixon administrations. Desai called the allegation "a scandalous and malicious lie" and filed a $50 million libel suit against Hersh. By the time the case went to trial Desai, by then 93, was too ill to attend. CIA director Richard Helms and Henry Kissinger testified under oath that at no time did Desai act in any capacity for the CIA, paid or otherwise. A Chicago jury ruled in favor of Hersh, saying Desai did not provide sufficient evidence that Hersh had published the information with intent to do harm or with reckless disregard for the truth, either of which must be proven in a libel suit.[81][82]

Seth RichEdit

In a January 2017 recorded telephone conversation about the 2016 death of former Democratic National Committee staffer Seth Rich, Hersh told former financial adviser Ed Butowsky that he had spoken to a Federal Bureau of Investigation source who confirmed the existence of information on Rich's laptop computer showing he had been in contact with WikiLeaks prior to his death. Although cautioned by Hersh that the information may not be true, Butowsky forwarded the secretly taped discussion to the Rich family setting off a flurry of activity in the media.[83] Hersh later said that he had heard "gossip"[84] and that he was fishing for information.[83]

Skripal poisoningEdit

In August 2018, Hersh said “the story of novichok poisoning has not held up very well. He [ Sergei Skripal ] was most likely talking to British intelligence services about Russian organised crime”. He said the contamination of other victims was “suggestive ... of organised crime elements rather than state-sponsored actions – though this files [sic] in the face of the UK government's position”.[51]

Awards, honors and associationsEdit

His journalism and publishing awards include the 1970 Pulitzer Prize, the 2004 National Council of Teachers of English George Orwell Award for Distinguished Contribution to Honesty and Clarity in Public Language,[85] two National Magazine Awards, five George Polk Awards - making him that award's most honored laureate - and more than a dozen other prizes for investigative reporting:

PublicationsEdit

BooksEdit

Book contributionsEdit

  • "Foreword". Iraq Confidential: The Untold Story of the Intelligence Conspiracy to Undermine the UN and Overthrow Saddam Hussein by Scott Ritter. Nation Books, 2005. ISBN 1-56025-852-7. Hardcover.

Articles and reportageEdit

See alsoEdit

NotesEdit

ReferencesEdit

  1. ^ Hersh, Seymour. Reporter: A Memoir. Alfred Knopf. p. 43. ISBN 9780307263957.
  2. ^ "George Polk Awards for Journalism press release". Long Island University. Retrieved November 22, 2006.
  3. ^ Edward Hershey. "A History of Journalistic Integrity, Superb Reporting and Protecting the Public: The George Polk Awards in Journalism". Long Island University.
  4. ^ "1970 Pulitzer Prizes". The Pulitzer Prizes – Columbia University.
  5. ^ "Past Recipients of the NCTE Orwell Award (pdf)" (PDF). National Council of Teachers of English. Archived from the original (PDF) on March 26, 2009.
  6. ^ Phelan, Matthew (February 28, 2011) Seymour Hersh and the men who want him committed Archived March 2, 2011, at the Wayback Machine, Salon.com
  7. ^ Edd Applegate (1997). Journalistic Advocates and Muckrakers: Three Centuries of Crusading Writers. McFarland. p. 87. ISBN 9780786403653.
  8. ^ a b Sherman, Scott. "The Avenger". Columbia Journalism Review. Archived from the original on December 4, 2008.
  9. ^ Rupert Cornwell (May 22, 2004). "Seymour Hersh: The reporter who's the talk of the town". The Independent. London.
  10. ^ Then why did he receive this letter in 1976? Abe Rosenthal to Seymour Hersh, when Hersh complained about editing at the NYT (from “Reporter”).
  11. ^ U.S. Senate Historical Office. Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, Notable Senate Investigations (PDF) (Report). Washington, D.C. Retrieved December 2, 2020.
  12. ^ "New Yorker Profile". The New Yorker. Archived from the original on November 25, 2009.
  13. ^ "Calley Apologizes for 1968 My Lai Massacre". Democracy Now!. August 24, 2009.
  14. ^ "The Press: Miscue on the Massacre". December 5, 1969. Archived from the original on December 14, 2008 – via content.time.com.
  15. ^ "National Security Agency Tracking of U.S. Citizens – "Questionable Practices" from 1960s & 1970s". National Security Archive. September 25, 2017. Retrieved January 3, 2020.
  16. ^ Manjoo, Farhad (December 22, 2005). "Prying open the Times". Salon. Retrieved September 22, 2021.
  17. ^ Seymour, Seymour (March 19, 1975). "C.I.A. SALVAGE SHIP BROUGHT UP PART OF SOVIET SUB LOST IN 1968, FAILED TO RAISE ATOM MISSILES". The New York Times. Retrieved September 22, 2021.
  18. ^ "The Target Is Destroyed: What Really Happened to Flight 007 and What America Knew About It". Foreign Affairs. January 28, 2009. Retrieved August 25, 2018.
  19. ^ Prokesch, Steven (October 23, 1991). "Britain Urged to Investigate Spy Allegations". The New York Times. Retrieved September 22, 2021.
  20. ^ Obuszewski, Max (September 4, 1996). "The US campaign to free Modechai Vanunu". The Baltimore Chronicle. Retrieved November 20, 2006.
  21. ^ Laurance, Ben; John Hooper; David Sharrock; Georgina Henry (November 6, 1991). "Maxwell's body found in sea". The Guardian. London. Retrieved November 20, 2006.
  22. ^ Barry, John (November 3, 1991). "One Man, Many Tales". Newsweek. Retrieved December 10, 2020.
  23. ^ Hersh, Seymour (October 12, 2006). "The Missiles of August". The New Yorker. Retrieved November 20, 2006.
  24. ^ "CNN.com – Transcripts". CNN.
  25. ^ Hersh, Seymour (May 10, 2004). "Torture at Abu Ghraib". The New Yorker. Retrieved May 11, 2015.
  26. ^ a b c d e "Sy Hersh, journalism giant: Why some who worshiped him no longer do". The Washington Post.
  27. ^ Hersh, Seymour (May 24, 2004). "The Gray Zone". The New Yorker. Retrieved January 30, 2007.
  28. ^ "Key excerpts from the Taguba report". NBC News. May 3, 2004. Retrieved August 7, 2014.
  29. ^ "Scott Ritter and Seymour Hersh: Iraq Confidential". The Nation. October 26, 2005.
  30. ^ Hersh, Seymour M. (March 5, 2007). "Annals of National Security: The Redirection". The New Yorker.
  31. ^ Hersh, Seymour (April 17, 2006). "The Iran Plans". The New Yorker. Retrieved January 30, 2007.
  32. ^ Stout, David (April 10, 2006). "Bush Calls Reports of Plan to Strike Iran 'Speculation'". The New York Times.
  33. ^ "Seymour Hersh: White House Intensifying Plans to Attack Iran". Democracy Now. October 2, 2007. Retrieved November 24, 2019.
  34. ^ Shakir, Faiz (July 31, 2008). "To Provoke War, Cheney Considered Proposal To Dress Up Navy Seals As Iranians And Shoot At Them". Think Progress. Retrieved August 7, 2014.
  35. ^ O'Carroll, Lisa (September 27, 2013). "Seymour Hersh on Obama, NSA and the 'pathetic' American media". The Guardian. London. Retrieved September 27, 2013.
  36. ^ Mirkinson, Jack (October 7, 2013). "Guardian Amends Seymour Hersh Story With Correction About His Bin Laden Comments". The Huffington Post. Retrieved May 21, 2015.
  37. ^ Kugelman, Michael (May 11, 2015). "3 Reasons to Be Skeptical of Seymour Hersh's Account of the Bin Laden Raid". The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved May 21, 2015.
  38. ^ a b Grynbaum, Michael M. (June 3, 2018). "I, Sy: Seymour Hersh's Memoir of a Life Making the Mighty Sweat". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved April 7, 2019.
  39. ^ Zurcher, Anthony (May 11, 2015). "Questions swirl around Bin Laden report". Retrieved April 7, 2019.
  40. ^ "What's Wrong with Seymour Hersh's Conspiracy Theory | History News Network". historynewsnetwork.org. Retrieved April 7, 2019.
  41. ^ Paul Farhi (May 15, 2015). "The ever-iconoclastic, never-to-be-ignored, muckraking Seymour Hersh". The Washington Post. Retrieved April 22, 2019.
  42. ^ Shafer, Jack (May 11, 2015). "Sy Hersh, Lost in a Wilderness of Mirrors". POLITICO Magazine. Retrieved April 22, 2019.
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External linksEdit