Santa María (ship)
La Santa María, English "The Saint Mary," alternatively La Gallega, was the largest of the three ships used by Christopher Columbus in his first voyage across the Atlantic Ocean in 1492. Her master and owner was Juan de la Cosa, a man of Basque ethnicity from Biscay operating in Spanish waters. Requisitioned by order of Queen Isabella and by contract with Christopher Columbus, whom he knew previously, the Santa Maria became Columbus' flagship on the voyage as long as it was afloat. Having gone aground on Christmas Day, 1492, on the shores of Haiti, through inexperience of the helmsman, it was partially dismantled to obtain timbers for Fort Navidad, "Christmas Fort," placed in a native Taíno village. The fort was the first Spanish settlement in the New World, which Columbus had claimed for Spain. He thus regarded the wreck as providential. The hull remained where it was, the subject of much modern wreck-hunting without successful conclusion.
|Name:||La Santa Maria, "The Saint Mary," previously La Gallega, was probably renamed by Columbus before the start of his first voyage on August 3, 1492.|
|Namesake:||La Gallega probably named after the province, Galicia, for unknown reasons.|
|Owner:||Juan de la Cosa|
|Struck:||25 December 1492|
|Flagship of Christopher Columbus on his first voyage to the New World.|
|Fate:||Ran gently aground on a shoal near Hispaniola as the Admiral, the Captain, and the lad on watch as steersman slept.|
|Status:||Dismantled; the timber used to build an ill-fated fort on Hispaniola|
|Notes:||She might have been extracted but the admiral chose to occupy the island, regarding the opportunity as providential. It was the first occupation of the New World (at those latitudes).|
|Type:||Nao, at that period distinguished by Columbus from the smaller Caravel, and distinct from the Carrack.|
|Displacement:||est. 150 metric tons of displacement|
|Tons burthen:||est. 108 tons BM|
|Beam:||est. 5.5 m (18 ft)|
|Draught:||est. 3.2 m (10 ft)|
|Armament:||4 × 90 mm bombards, 50 mm culebrinas|
|Notes:||Captained by Christopher Columbus|
The name and provenience of the Santa MariaEdit
There is less certainty about its name than for the other two. Columbus' Journal of Navigation for the first voyage frequently refers to the Pinta and the Nina by name, and often asserts that they were caravels, but it never refers to the flagship by name. The surviving journal, an invaluable document, nevertheless may be flawed. The original journal, sent to the monarchs of Spain, did not survive, but an abstract (full of errors) by the historian, Bartolomé de las Casas, did.
The historians offer two names: Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo y Valdés calls it Gallega; Antonio de Herrera y Tordesillas, Santa Maria. The typical solution to the conundrum is that the ship began under de la Cosa as Gallega and was changed by Columbus to Santa Maria. Moreover, “la Gallega” can be taken as “the Galician,” suggesting that the ship was constructed in the province and was named after it. There are no definitive answers. In the absence of solid guidance, scholars of Columbus have wandered far over the uncharted waters of speculation, so to speak. C.E. Nowell remarks:
"There is a lunatic fringe of writers determined to establish far-fetched theories regarding the Columbus enterprise or to prove that the discoverer was of some nationality hitherto unsuspected."
Nevertheless contradictions in what is left of the documentary evidence remain. A survey of all the theories would be beyond the scope of this article. A few better-known examples are summarized below.
The problem of the identity of Juan de la CosaEdit
In early May, 1492, Columbus, a newly appointed admiral in the royal navy, and entourage, show up at the port of Palos under orders from the queen to conduct an expedition westward looking for a route to the Indies. He carries with him also orders to the port authorities to impress a squadron of three caravels with supplies and crews, who thereafter would serve in the navy at regular seaman's pay. Two of the caravels were to be selected by the port authorities. They impressed the Nina and the Pinta, quite small caravels with a single deck each. The third was left up to Columbus to select.
The mission and the orders were unpopular. The resistance of the town in every quarter extended the time required to obtain compliance. Given 10 days by the orders, it took 10 weeks. According to De la Riega, the general consensus of the late 19th century (still considered true today) was that "there was no time or money to go from port to port examining ships ...." Columbus necessarily chose a ship available in port, the nao Santa Maria/Gallega, with, presumably, the additional advantage of Juan de la Cosa as captain, a famous navigator and geographer. There was then only one nao to which the names applied (in whatever sequence), and not two.
The relationship between Columbus and de la Cosa (hereinafter referenced as "the admiral" and “the captain”) was problematic. As they were both in the royal navy, the admiral had the rank. The ship-handling, however, was supposed to be the province of the captain. Columbus often overstepped his province and de la Cosa often disobeyed. When the ship was finally lost off Haiti, the captain refused to follow the admiral’s plan for extracting the ship from the sandbank and instead sought help from the Nina. The admiral accused him of treason and desertion in the face of danger, serious charges, for which defendants have received the death penalty. Judging by the vituperation in the journal, one might expect to read of some sort of court martial or attempted court martial at home afterward.
There is no record of any such proceedings. Moreover, the Life of Columbus by his son, who surely possessed Columbus' journal. is strangely lacking in references to Juan de la Cosa by name. Even in the shipwrecking incident, the son reports only that
"Very soon the ship's master, whose watch it was, ran up ..."
Here the admiral is being portrayed as the captain of the ship, while "the master" evidently is reduced in rank to an ordinary seaman. Real captains, unless in a vessel much smaller than the nao, do not stand watch (the men on active duty), which reports to the captain (or should report). If Columbus is commanding the ship, apparently his master has nothing to do. He is not even worthy of a name. This is where the irreconcilable contradictions in the evidence begin. Columbus obliterates Juan de la Cosa from his records. The proof of his existence and his status is given in a conciliatory letter from the crown to the man over a year later, on February 28, 1494, which is phrased in the form of a judgement at the end of an unrecorded process:
"D. Fernando and Doña Isabel ... Salutations and thanks to you Juan de la Cosa, resident (vesino) of Santa Maria del Puerto, you have given us good service and we hope that you will help us from now on. In our service at our mandate you were captain of one of your ocean-going vessels (por maestre de una nao vuestra á los mares del Océano). On that trip during which the lands and islands of the Indian region were discovered, you lost your nao. In payment and satisfaction (por vos lo remunerar é satisfacer) we hereby give you license and faculty to take from the city of Jerez de la Frontera, or from any other city or town or province of Andalusia, two hundred cahises of wheat to be loaded and carried from Andalusia to our province of Guipúzcoa, and to our county and the lordship of Vizcaya, and not elsewhere .... Given in the town of Medina del Campo on the 28th day of the month of February, year of the birth of Our Lord Jesus Christ of one thousand four hundred and ninety and four years. "
The Pontevedra theoryEdit
In 1897 Celso García de la Riega published a book specifically about Columbus' flagship, La Gallega, Nave Capitana De Colón: Primer Viaje De Descubrimientos, English "The Gallego, Command Ship of Columbus in the First Voyage of Discovery." It was dedicated to "The People of Pontevedra,"
"whose name God has wanted to link to that of the caravel 'La Gallega', from whose castle Columbus saw ... the revealing light of a new world."
He was being financed by a factory owner of Pontevedra. He also expressed that he wanted to build the confidence of the people so that they might work to restore the prosperity of old. These motives were nothing like the objectivity demanded of today's scholars, but the book was popular right from its first publication. His thesis was that the Gallega had to have been constructed in Pontevedra, Galicia, in Spain's North-West region. at a time when it was a port and was at the peak of its prosperity.
De la Riega begins with the generally accepted circumstances of Columbus' departure from Spain, which he also accepts.
Design of the shipEdit
Santa María was probably a medium-sized nau (carrack), about 58 ft (17.7 m) long on deck, and according to Juan Escalante de Mendoza in 1575, Santa Maria was "very little larger than 100 toneladas" (about 100 tons, or tuns) burthen, or burden, and was used as the flagship for the expedition. Santa María had a single deck and three small masts.
The other ships of the Columbus expedition were the smaller caravel-type ships Santa Clara; one particular ship sailed for 46 years and was remembered as La Niña ("The Girl"), and La Pinta ("The Painted"). All these ships were second-hand (if not third- or more) and were not intended for exploration. Niña, Pinta, and the Santa María were modest-sized merchant vessels comparable in size to a modern cruising yacht. The exact measurements of length and width of the three ships have not survived, but good estimates of their burden capacity can be judged from contemporary anecdotes written down by one or more of Columbus's crew members, and contemporary Spanish and Portuguese shipwrecks from the late 15th and early 16th centuries which are comparable in size to that of Santa María. These include the ballast piles and keel lengths of the Molasses Reef Wreck and Highborn Cay Wreck in the Bahamas. Both were caravel vessels 19 m (62 ft) in length overall, 12.6 m (41 ft) keel length and 5 to 5.7 m (16 to 19 ft) in width, and rated between 100 and 150 tons burden. Santa María, being Columbus' largest ship, was only about this size, and Niña and Pinta were smaller, at only 50 to 75 tons burden and perhaps 15 to 18 metres (49 to 59 ft) on deck (updated dimensional estimates are discussed below in the section entitled Replicas).
History of the first voyageEdit
At the pleasure of the queenEdit
On January 2, 1492, the last remaining Moslem stronghold in Spain, Granada, fell to the armies of the Catholic monarchs, Ferdinand and Isabella. They began making changes in the direction of cultural unity. The Moslems were encouraged to leave for North Africa. The Jews were given a choice: convert to Catholicism or leave the country (In history, an event termed "The Expulsion of the Jews from Spain"). The Spanish Inquisition had already been instituted in 1478 to detect hypocrisy. Roman methods of interrogation were still in effect, which always involved torture, even if the suspect began by confessing everything. The outcome was almost always burning at the stake. The Jews who genuinely converted, called conversos, were welcomed into high places with open arms, so to speak. The Grand Inquisitor himself, Tomás de Torquemada, was of a converso family. On the other hand, those who professed Catholicism, but practiced Crypto-Judaism, were called Marranos. These lived a life of terrible fear and secrecy.
In the conclusion of their affairs at Granada the monarchs dismissed Christopher Columbus, who had been at their court for 6.5 years petitioning for support for an expedition to discover a great circle route to the far east ("regions of India," in English "Indies"), which would entail a voyage due west over the deep and unknown ocean. Paying him for his time and trouble, they dismissed him and his suite for good and all, they thought. They had nothing against his being Italian, as he professed Catholicism also, but their Spanish advisors had condemned the idea as unprofitable.
No sooner had he departed from nearby Santa Fe, the temporary capital, than Luis de Santángel, a converso in the position of royal treasurer, and some other friends of Columbus, convinced the queen that great risks could bring great profits at a minimal cost on this expedition. Columbus was summoned from the road only four miles away and was unexpectedly given the support he had been denied all this time along with command of the expedition and the permanent rank of admiral and governor of all lands he should acquire. He was to receive 10% of all portable valuables he would acquire, but not until he had acquired them. Meanwhile the queen would stand the expenses, for which she said she would pledge her jewels for collateral, if necessary (it was apparently not necessary).
The only way to understand a head of state being privately indebted for public enterprises, or having to pawn personal property, is to turn back the clock in the evolution of modern states. There were no departments or agencies staffed by professionals who for the most part carry on without the immediate supervision of the head of state. Fort Knox, so to speak, was non-existent.
In 15th century Spain and other European monarchies the sovereign presided over every state enterprise. The operational expenses were covered in advance by loans to the sovereign or persons designated by the sovereign. The sources of the loans were generally customary. The backers were happy to do that for an agreed interest. The revenue to pay off specific loans came from the exercise of governmental prerogatives: taxes, tariffs, fines, fees, etc. The sovereign presided over the imposition of these obligations. They were collected, however, by private enterprises, as they had been in Roman times. Thus, the promise of Isabella to pay was really the assertion that she would create an obligation for her subjects to pay. Meanwhile she had to conform to the protocols for borrowing money, such as putting up collateral. Possession of such collateral would never be demanded. The jewels were never at risk.
The voyage was principally financed by a syndicate of seven noble Genovese bankers resident in Seville (the group was linked to Amerigo Vespucci and funds belonging to Lorenzo di Pier Francesco de Medici). Hence, all the accounting and recording of the voyage was kept in Seville. This also applies to the second voyage, even though the syndicate had by then disbanded.
Cuba and HispaniolaEdit
According to a glowing letter sent by Columbus to his chief supporter, Luis de Santángel, in February, 1493, from the Canary Islands, Cuba was the 5th island renamed by him, its new name being Juana. This time the name did not prevail over the native name, Cuba. However, Columbus' order is a simplification. He visited many more small islands, investigating everything everywhere. Striking the north coast of Cuba, he sailed westward, going around the west end of the island. Then he sailed eastward and southward. Clinging to the belief that he was in the Far East, he at first supposed he was off Cipango, Portuguese name for "Japan," which supposition was recorded in the journal. By the time of the letter, he had changed it to Cathay, or China.
While skimming the coast of Cuba from bay to bay, the ships were visited by many native vessels of life-boat and galley styles. The natives invited them to visit their villages ashore. He found the natives comely and friendly. They were under a pyramidal tribal structure, were polygamous, wore no clothes, painted their bodies, and wore jewelry: rings, bracelets, anklets, necklaces, some of which were made of gold. Furniture was often elaborately carved in the shape of animals with golden eyes and ears. They were all helpful, wondering at the Europeans. Inquiring as to the source of the gold, Columbus was told that it was produced on, and traded from, the island of Bohio.
On November 5, the crews collected large amounts of spices that were very expensive in Europe. On the 6th, they were invited to a feast in a mountain village of 50 houses, 1000 population, who thought the Spanish were from heaven. The Spanish smoked tobacco for the first time.They repaid the kindness of the natives by beginning,on November 12, to detain native visitors to the ship and kidnap natives on shore, planning to carry them back to Spain. Many would be sold into slavery there, against the express orders of the queen. The natives were so credulous that one father whose entire family had been kidnapped begged to be taken also so that he could share heaven. It was at this time that the reputation of childishness and simplicity became attached to the natives, whom the Spanish called Indios, "Indians." He wrote to de Santángel: "they are so unsuspicious and so generous with what they possess, that no one who had not seen it would believe it."
On November 21 the fleet set course for Bohio. Natives aboard the Pinto told Columbus where it was.They must have known a great deal more not told to Columbus, as the master of the Pinto decided to go gold hunting on his own. After a confrontation with Columbus the Pinto weighed anchor and disappeared. On November 23 the Nina and Santa Maria reached Bohio.
The details of the Santa Maria's end were given in Columbus' journal, and his son Ferdinand's Life of Columbus. The two often differ. Ferdinand had access to the original journal, while moderns can access only the summary of Las Casas. Only hypothetical reconstructions of the sequence of events are available. They depend on, or determine, (unknown which) the meaning of certain features and events in the now unknown original. The overall location is certain. Various investigators have examined it in person, drawing different conclusions, among them Samuel Eliot Morison. The archaeologists also have been at work. No evidence is for certain. Interpretations depend on a perceived preponderance of circumstantial evidence.
The wreck did not occur on any planned return trip, as though the mere discovery of new lands was enough for the great explorer. On the contrary, Columbus was on a hunt for portable valuables, having already claimed the entire region as the property of Spain, even though it was inhabited by a populous trading and agricultural nation. That nation was told nothing of Columbus' intent. The main commodities that he was now seeking were gold, spices, and people, in that order.
On 24 December (1492), not having slept for two days, Columbus decided at 11:00 p.m. to lie down to sleep. The night being calm, the steersman also decided to sleep, leaving only a cabin boy to steer the ship, a practice which the admiral had always strictly forbidden. With the boy at the helm, the currents carried the ship onto a sandbank.
She struck "so gently that it could scarcely be felt." The obstacle was not a shoal. but a bar protruding above the surface, a beach, and waves with audible surf. The ship was making way into the ever diminishing shallows and becoming embedded more and more deeply in the sandy bottom. The boy shouted. The admiral appeared, followed shortly by the captain. Under orders of the admiral to sink an anchor astern to impede the drift, the captain and seamen launched a boat.
As the relationship between the admiral and the captain and crew was never very good (the admiral had commandeered the captain's ship), the admiral remained forever recriminatory about what happened next. Disregarding the admiral's orders, the boat rowed to the nearby Nina, the admiral says, to ask for rescue. Shortly they turned back accompanied by a boat from the Nina, the idea being, perhaps, that the two boats might tow the flagship back to deeper waters. The admiral claims that the renegade crew was denied permission to board. The Pinta was nowhere in sight.
There is another interpretation. Asserting that the hasty abandonment of the vessel was less than credible, Arthur Davies hypothesizes that the captain perceived the ship as being beyond the help of small boats and an anchor, but might yet be hauled off by the Nina under sail in the prevailing offshore winds. He interprets Columbus' words and deeds as probable hypocrisy: "If anyone 'wrecked' the Santa Maria of set purpose, it was surely the admiral himself." The admiral used this method, he suggests, of placing a colony on Hispaniola, which he knew that the rest of the company would not accept otherwise. His motive was the fact that the natives were obtaining gold in the highlands and were brokering it abroad. He needed gold and land to pay for the voyage.
The ship ran aground off the present-day site of Cap-Haïtien, Haiti. Realizing that the ship was beyond repair, Columbus ordered his men to strip the timbers from the ship. The timbers were later used to build a fort which Columbus called La Navidad (Christmas) because the wreck occurred on Christmas Day, north from the modern town of Limonade (see map, and the photograph).
On 13 May 2014, underwater archaeological explorer Barry Clifford claimed that his team had found the wreck of Santa María. In the following October, UNESCO's expert team published their final report, concluding that the wreck could not be Columbus's vessel. Fastenings used in the hull and possible copper sheathing dated it to the 17th or 18th century.
Columbus' crew was not composed of criminals as is widely believed. Many were experienced seamen from the port of Palos in Andalusia and its surrounding countryside, as well as from the region of Galicia in northwest Spain. It is true, however, that the Spanish sovereigns offered an amnesty to convicts who signed up for the voyage; still, only four men took up the offer: one who had killed a man in a fight, and three friends of his who had then helped him escape from jail.
The crew of Santa María is well-known, albeit in many cases, there are no surnames and the crewman's place of origin was used to differentiate him from others with the same given name.
- Cristoforo Colon (Christopher Columbus), captain-general
- Juan de la Cosa, owner and master
- Pedro Alonso Niño, pilot
- Diego de Arana, master-at-arms
- Pedro de Gutierrez, royal steward
- Rodrigo de Escobedo, secretary of the fleet
- Rodrigo Sanchez, comptroller
- Luis de Torres, interpreter
- Bartolome Garcia, boatswain
- Chachu, boatswain
- Cristobal Caro, goldsmith
- Juan Sanchez, physician
- Antonio de Cuéllar, carpenter
- Diego Perez, painter
- Lope, joiner
- Rodrigo de Triana
- Maestre Juan
- Rodrigo de Jerez
- Alonso Chocero
- Alonso Clavijo
- Andres de Yruenes
- Bartolome Biues
- Bartolome de Torres
- James Wardropper (Lord of the Wardrobes)
- Diego Bermudez
- Domingo de Lequeitio
- Gonzalo Franco
- Jacomel Rico
- Juan (Horacio Crassocius from La Rabida Friary)
- Juan de Jerez
- Juan de la Placa
- Juan Martines de Acoque
- Juan de Medina
- Juan de Moguer
- Juan Ruiz de la Pena
- Marin de Urtubia
- Pedro Yzquierdo
- Pedro de Lepe
- Pedro de Salcedo, servant of Columbus and ship's boy
- Rodrigo de Gallego
- Pedro de Terreros, cabin boy
- Diego García
Santa Maria de Colombo, built by craftsmen from Câmara de Lobos, Madeira
Replica in West Edmonton Mall
Replica in Columbus, Ohio
1998 replica in Madeira
Little is definitively known about the actual dimensions of Santa María, since no documentation has survived from that era. Since the 19th century, various notable replicas have been publicly commissioned or privately constructed. Of them Morison says:
"So-called models, replicas or reproductions of Santa Maria and her consorts are not models, replicas or reproductions, since no plans, drawings or dimensions of them exist; they merely represent what some naval architect, archaeologist, artist or ship modeler thinks these vessels ought to have looked like."
West Edmonton MallEdit
A replica was built during Expo 1986 and anchored in "Deep Sea Adventure Lake" at West Edmonton Mall. Built at False Creek in Vancouver, British Columbia, the ship was hand-carved and hand-painted, and then transported by flatbed trucks across the Rocky Mountains to Edmonton, Alberta.
A replica, depicted as a Carrack, was commissioned by the city of Columbus, Ohio. It was built by the Scarano Brothers Boat Building Company in Albany, New York, who later cut the ship in half and transported it by truck to the Scioto River. The replica cost about 1.2 million dollars. The ship was constructed out of white cedar as opposed to an oak wood used on the original to give the ship a long life in the Scioto River and to reduce cost. The main mast was carved out of a single douglas fir tree and was equipped with a top sail (since removed). The ship was built using power tools, with a hull length of 29.6 m (97 ft), keel length 16.1 m (53 ft), beam 7.9 m (26 ft), depth 3.2 m (10 ft) and load 223.8 metric tons of displacement. The foremast is 9.7 m (32 ft) high, the mainmast is 15.9 m (52 ft) and mizzen mast is 10.4 m (34 ft). The replica was declared by Jose Maria Martinez-Hidalgo, a Spanish marine historian, to be the most authentic replica of the Santa María in the world during the ship's coronation on 12 October 1991.
Dana Rinehart, the 50th mayor of Columbus, christened the ship as part of the 500th anniversary of its voyage. The ship was removed from its moorings in 2014, cut into 10 pieces, and stored in a lot south of the city, pending funding to do repairs and restorations. As of early 2016, the plans for restoration have stalled. Its parts can be seen via satellite view on Google Maps .
A functional replica was built on the island of Madeira, between July 1997 and July 1998, in the fishing village of Câmara de Lobos. The ship is 22 m (72 ft) long and 7 m (23 ft) wide. In 1998 Santa María represented the Madeira Wine Expo 98 in Lisbon, where she was visited by over 97,000 people in 25 days. Since then thousands more have sailed and continue to sail aboard that Santa María replica which is located in Funchal.
- Columbus & Markham 1893, p. 17
- Columbus & Markham 1893, pp. v-vii
- Columbus & Hale 1891, p. 47
- Nowell 1939, p. 1
- Riega 1897, p. 20 No habia tiempo ni sobraba dinero para ir de puerto en puerto examinando buques ....
- Approximately one shipload of grain. One cahiz is 666 liters or 19 bushels dry measure (round figures). It is not clear whether "take" means for free, or whether this is a one-time payment or a franchise for regular trade. If a franchise, it could not be for free, as that value would be worth an indefinite number of ships.
- Picatoste y Rodríguez 1891, p. 64
- Riega 1897, p. iv
- Peter van der Krogt. "Pontevedra - Monumento a la Santa Maria". Vanderkrogt.net. Retrieved 30 September 2015.
- "Tesis sobre colon gallego y de Pontevedra". cristobal-colon.com. Archived from the original on 30 September 2015. Retrieved 30 September 2015.
- William D. Phillips; Carla Rahn Phillips (1992). The Worlds of Christopher Columbus. Cambridge University Press. pp. 143–145. ISBN 978-0-521-44652-5.
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- The actual decree was the Edict of Expulsion, dated March 31, 1492, now called the Alhambra Decree.
- Columbus & Keen 1934, p. 17 Ferdinand cites as another reason the desire to find new lands, which the great distance led him to suspect were there.There is thus no need to hypothesize some prior knowledge of them on his part. There were, however, persistent stories of land to west of the Azores, which Christopher, after investigation, discounted. Ferdinand knew one of them as "the land of cod" (page 27).
- Morison 1942, pp. 101-102
- Strictly speaking, there was no Italy and no Italian until Giuseppe Garibaldi unified Italy in the 19th century. In the centuries since the fall of Rome, Italy had become several states speaking different Romance languages. There was, however, a universal popular desire to re-create a single country. Tuscan, considered the purest Romance language, became the new "Italian." In the 15th century, the Columbus family was Genoese; that is, they resided in the Republic of Genoa and spoke the Genoese dialect of Ligurian. All arguments based on the "Italian" or "Spanish" of Columbus are anachronistic, as he did not live in the modern world or speak any of its languages.
- Morison 1942, pp. 102-105
- Columbus, Christopher (2007). National Humanities Center (ed.). "Columbus's letter on his first voyage to America, February 1493" (PDF). National Humanities Center.
- Columbus & Markham 1893, p. 56
- Columbus & Keen 1934, p. 71 Markham thinks the natives may have been using the noun bohio, "home," in their language, which he doubted the Spanish understood: Columbus & Markham 1893, p. 68
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- Columbus & Markham 1893, p. 132
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- Davies 1953, p. 858
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- Hale, Edward Everett. The Life of Christopher Columbus, Ch. IX. 1891.
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- Morison 1942, p. 113
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- West Edmonton Mall. "WEM Santa Maria page". Wem.ca. Retrieved 15 July 2014.
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- Siebold, James (2019). "Juan de la Cosa Portolan World Chart" (PDF). myoldmaps.com/Renaissance Maps: 1490 - 1800. Retrieved 13 July 2019.
- Media related to Santa María at Wikimedia Commons