Robert Stewart, Viscount Castlereagh
Robert Stewart, 2nd Marquess of Londonderry, , derived from the courtesy title Viscount Castlereagh[a] (UK: // KAH-səl-ray) by which he was styled from 1796 to 1821, was an Anglo-Irish statesman. As British Foreign Secretary, from 1812 he was central to the management of the coalition that defeated Napoleon. He was the principal British diplomat at the Congress of Vienna. Castlereagh was also leader of the British House of Commons in the Liverpool government from 1812 until his suicide. Early in his career, as Chief Secretary for Ireland, he was involved in putting down the Irish Rebellion of 1798 and was instrumental in securing the passage of the Irish Act of Union of 1800.(18 June 1769 – 12 August 1822), usually known as Lord Castlereagh
The Marquess of Londonderry
|Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs|
4 March 1812 – 12 August 1822
|Preceded by||The Marquess Wellesley|
|Succeeded by||George Canning|
|Leader of the House of Commons|
8 June 1812 – 12 August 1822
|Prime Minister||The Earl of Liverpool|
|Preceded by||Spencer Perceval|
|Succeeded by||George Canning|
|Secretary of State for War and the Colonies|
25 March 1807 – 1 November 1809
|Prime Minister||The Duke of Portland|
|Preceded by||William Windham|
|Succeeded by||The Earl of Liverpool|
10 July 1805 – 5 February 1806
|Prime Minister||William Pitt the Younger|
|Preceded by||The Earl Camden|
|Succeeded by||William Windham|
|President of the Board of Control|
2 July 1802 – 11 February 1806
|Preceded by||The Earl of Dartmouth|
|Succeeded by||The Lord Minto|
|Chief Secretary for Ireland|
14 June 1798 – 27 April 1801
|Prime Minister||William Pitt the Younger|
|Lord Lieutenant||The Marquess Cornwallis|
|Preceded by||Thomas Pelham|
|Succeeded by||Charles Abbot|
18 June 1769
|Died||12 August 1822 (aged 53)|
Woollet Hall, Kent, England, UK
|Cause of death||Suicide|
|Spouse(s)||Lady Amelia Hobart|
|Alma mater||St. John's College, Cambridge|
Castlereagh's challenge at the foreign office was to organise and finance an alliance to destroy Napoleon. He successfully brought Napoleon's enemies together at the Treaty of Chaumont in 1814. Thereafter he worked with Europe's leaders at the Congress of Vienna to provide a peace consistent with the conservative mood of the day. At Vienna he was largely successful in his primary goal of creating a peace settlement that would endure for years. He saw that a harsh treaty based on vengeance and retaliation against France would fail, and anyway the conservative Bourbons were back in power. He employed his diplomatic skills to block harsh terms. He held the Chaumont allies together, most notably in their determination to finally end Napoleon's 100 Days in 1815. He had a vision of long-term peace in Europe that united efforts of the great powers. At the same time he was watchful of Britain's overseas interests. He purchased the Cape Colony and Ceylon from the Netherlands. France's colonies were returned, but France had to give up all its gains in Europe after 1791. In 1820 he enunciated a policy that Britain would not intervene in European affairs – a policy that was largely adopted down to 1900.
As the Irish Secretary during the Rebellion of 1798, he took the lead in suppressing the rebellion and restoring order. Castlereagh encouraged lenient treatment of the rebels after they surrendered, but many Irish denounced him as a traitor. Criticism increased when he supported Pitt's Act of Union which abolished the Irish Parliament. Castlereagh was a consistent supporter of Catholic emancipation. In 1805 he became the Secretary of State for war and proved to be highly effective in reforming recruitment, and securing the appointment of Arthur Wellesley as commander in Spain. He resigned in 1809 after government splits and an unsuccessful war. He then fought a duel with George Canning, a fellow Tory; they both survived. With intense devotion to multiple duties from both the foreign office and as leader of Commons, he was badly overworked. He came under deep psychological distress in 1822. Castlereagh committed suicide just before he was to represent Britain at an international Congress.
After 1815 Castlereagh was the leader in imposing repressive measures at home. He was hated for his harsh attacks on liberty and reform. John Bew stresses the paradox:
- No British statesman of the 19th century reached the same level of international influence....But very few have been so maligned by their own countrymen and so abused in history. This shy and handsome Ulsterman is perhaps the most hated domestic political figure in both modern British and Irish political history.
Birth and originsEdit
Robert was born on 18 June 1769 in 28 Henry Street, in Dublin's Northside. He was the only child of Robert Stewart (the elder) and his wife Sarah Frances Seymour-Conway. His parents married in 1766.
Unusually for a Presbyterian (a "Dissenter") the elder Robert Stewart was a prominent Ulster landowner.[b] In 1771 he was elected in the Whig interest to the Irish House of Commons, where he was a supporter of Lord Charlemont and his allies who called for greater independence from Britain. He would be created Baron Londonderry in 1789, Viscount Castlereagh in 1795, and Earl of Londonderry in 1796 by King George III, enabling him from the Act of Union of 1800 onwards to sit at Westminster in the House of Lords as an Irish representative peer. In 1816 he was created Marquess of Londonderry by the Prince Regent of Newtownards and Comber in County Down, with properties in Counties Donegal and Londonderry. The family seat was Mount Stewart, County Down.
Young Robert's mother died in childbirth when he was a year old. She was Lady Sarah Frances Seymour-Conway, daughter of Francis Seymour-Conway, 1st Marquess of Hertford and Isabella Fitzroy. Lord Hertford was a former British Ambassador to France (1764–65) and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland (1765–66). Isabella Fitzroy was a daughter of Charles FitzRoy, 2nd Duke of Grafton.
His father remarried five years later to Lady Frances Pratt, daughter of Charles Pratt, 1st Earl Camden (1714–94), a leading English jurist and prominent political supporter of both William Pitt, 1st Earl of Chatham, and his son, William Pitt the Younger. The marriages of the elder Robert Stewart linked his family with the upper ranks of English nobility and political elites. The Camden connection was to be especially important for the political careers of the older and the younger Robert Stewart. By Frances Pratt, his father's second wife, young Robert had eleven half-siblings, including his half-brother Charles William Stewart (later Vane), Baron Stewart of Stewart's Court and Ballylawn in County Donegal (1814) and 3rd Marquess of Londonderry (1822).
Early life and careerEdit
The younger Robert Stewart suffered from recurring health problems throughout his childhood, and was sent to The Royal School, Armagh, rather than to England for his secondary education. At the encouragement of Charles Pratt, first Earl of Camden, who took a great interest in him and treated him as if he had been a grandson by blood, he later attended St. John's College, Cambridge (1786–87), where he applied himself with greater diligence than expected from an aristocrat and obtained first class in his last examinations. He left Cambridge due to an extended illness, and after returning to Ireland did not pursue further formal education.
In 1790, Stewart was elected as a Member of the Irish Parliament for his family's Down constituency. Because of the county seat's large number of forty-shilling freeholders it was an exceptionally competitive and expensive election.[c] He ran on a platform supporting Whig principles of electoral reform and opposing the Irish policies of the British Government, but he entered the Irish House of Commons as an Independent and was from the outset a personal supporter of Prime Minister William Pitt. Stewart was a lifelong advocate of Catholic concessions, though his position on the specific issue of Catholic Emancipation varied depending on his assessment of the potential repercussions on other policy priorities.
When war with France forced British Government attention on Ireland as a possible place of French invasion, the Irish Volunteers, seen as a potential source of disaffection, were disbanded by Dublin Castle, and a reorganised Militia was created in 1793. Stewart enrolled as an officer, a matter of course for a young Protestant aristocrat, and served as Lieutenant Colonel under the command of his wife's uncle, Thomas Conolly. Between Stewart's attendance to his militia duties, his pursuit of cultural, family and political interests in London, two trips to the Continent (in 1791, when he visited revolutionary Paris, and 1792), and the courtship of his wife whom he married in 1794, his life during this period was not centred on the activities of the Irish House of Commons, where he was listened to with respect but where he was not yet an important player. He was also beginning to disappoint some of his more radical original supporters in his constituency. As the French Revolution grew more bloody and Ireland more rebellious, Stewart increasingly worried about Ireland's future if the threats from France succeeded in breaking Ireland's links to Britain. He became further inclined to support not only Pitt personally but the British Government, even when he did not approve of a specific line taken in Irish policy.
In 1794, partly as a result of the promotion of Stewart's interests by his Camden connections, he was offered the Government-controlled seat of Tregony in Cornwall, where he was elected to the British House of Commons on a similar platform of reform principles and support for Pitt, on whose side he sat in Westminster. In 1796, he transferred to a seat for the Suffolk constituency of Orford, which was in the interest of his mother's family, the Seymour-Conways (Marquess of Hertford). He held these seats simultaneously with his Down seat.
In 1794, Stewart married Amelia (Emily) Hobart, a daughter of John Hobart, 2nd Earl of Buckinghamshire, a former British Ambassador to Russia (1762–65) and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland (1776–80). Her mother, Caroline Conolly, was the granddaughter of William Conolly, Speaker of the Irish House of Commons in the early 18th century and one of the wealthiest landowners in Ireland. Caroline's brother, Thomas Conolly, was married to Louisa Lennox, sister of Emily FitzGerald, Duchess of Leinster, whose son and Emily's cousin-by-marriage, the aristocratic rebel Lord Edward FitzGerald, was a leader of the United Irishmen and one of their martyrs in the early stages of the Irish Rebellion of 1798.
Emily Stewart was well known as a hostess for her husband in both Ireland and London and during some of his most important diplomatic missions. In later years she was a leader of Regency London high society as one of the Lady Patronesses of Almack's. She is noted in contemporary accounts for her attractiveness, volubility and eccentricities. By all accounts, the two remained devoted to each other to the end, but they had no children.[d] The couple did, however, care for the young Frederick Stewart, while his father, Stewart's half-brother, Charles, was serving in the army.
Chief Secretary for IrelandEdit
Suppression of the United IrishmenEdit
In 1795, Pitt replaced the popular Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Lord Fitzwilliam, with Stewart's uncle, the 2nd Earl Camden. Camden's arrival in Dublin was greeted with riots, and that year Stewart crossed the floor to join the supporters of the British Government.[e] Stewart became an essential adviser to the inexperienced and unpopular Lord Lieutenant, who was Stewart's senior by only ten years.
In 1796, when the French invasion of Ireland failed at Bantry Bay due to bad weather and not to Ireland's military preparations or the British Navy, Castlereagh as a leader of the Militia saw at first hand how ripe Ireland was for breaking from Britain and becoming another French satellite. Despairing of obtaining timely military support from Britain if Ireland were again threatened with invasion, for the next several years he was increasingly involved in measures to breakup and suppress the United Irishmen. Originating, and well organised, in the Presbyterian northeast, the growing republican conspiracy commanded the allegiance of tenants and acquaintances of his family at Mount Stewart, County Down.
In 1797, Castlereagh was at last appointed to the Dublin Castle administration as Keeper of the King's Signet for Ireland.[f] Following a declaration of martial law he was made both a Lord of the Treasury and a Member of the Privy Council of Ireland (1797–1800).[g] At the urging of Camden, Castlereagh assumed many of the onerous duties of the often-absent Chief Secretary for Ireland who was responsible for day-to-day administration and asserting the influence of Dublin Castle in the House of Commons.[h] In this capacity, and after March 1798 as Acting Chief Secretary, Castlereagh played a key role in crushing the United Irish rising, the Rebellion of 1798.
The execution of William PorterEdit
Castlereagh's general policy was to offer clemency to the rebel rank-and-file (many of whom were then inducted into the yeomanry) while focusing on the politically-committed leadership. He nonetheless won a reputtion for personal vindictiveness with the execution in July 1798 of the Reverend William Porter. Porter had canvassed for Castlereagh in the election of 1790, and had been a frequent visitor at Mount Stewart.
In the intervening years Porter had penned a popular and politically pointed satire of the County Down landed-interest Billy Bluff, serialised in the United Irish Belfast paper, the Northern Star. In February 1798, he asked his Presbyterian congregation, next to Mount Stewart (then under armed guard, and with tenants withholding rent), why Ireland was at war: "it is in consequence of our connection with England". A French invasion, he declared, threatened only the government, not the people. Together with uncertain evidence of consorting with the rebels, this was sufficient to have Porter condemned for treason. Despite the pleas of his wife Lady Castlereagh and her sister Lady Elizabeth, then dying of tuberculosis, Castlereagh refused to allow an appeal for clemency. Porter was hung in front of his own church with, it was later claimed, Mount Stewart tenants, by order, in attendance.
The Act of Union and the promise of EmancipationEdit
In 1799, in furtherance of both his own political vision and Pitt's policies, Castlereagh began lobbying in the Irish and British Parliaments for a union that would incorporate Ireland with Great Britain in a United Kingdom. In addition to security against the French, Castlereagh saw the principal merit of a bringing Ireland directly under the Crown in the Westminster Parliament as a resolution of what ultimately was the key issue for the governance of the country, the Catholic question. "Linked with England", he reasoned that "the Protestants, feeling less exposed, would be more confident and liberal", while Catholics, reduced to a minority within the larger kingdom, would lower their expectations and moderate their demands.
During the campaign for the Act of Union, both Castlereagh and Cornwallis had, in good faith, forwarded informal assurances they had received from Pitt's Cabinet to the Irish Catholics that they would be allowed to sit in the new United Kingdom Parliament. However, opposition in England, and not least from the King, George III, obliged Castlereagh to defy what he saw as "the very logic of the Union." The Union bill that, with a generous distribution of titles and favours, he helped put through the Irish Parliament omitted the provision for Catholic emancipation. A separate Irish executive in Dublin was retained, but representation, still wholly Protestant, was transferred to Westminster constituted as the Parliament of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.
Pitt had tried to follow through on his commitment, but when it came to light that the King had approached Henry Addington, an opponent of Catholic emancipation, about becoming Prime Minister to replace him, both Castlereagh and Pitt resigned. Castlereagh would long be held personally responsible by many Catholics in Ireland for the breach of promise and the British Government's betrayal of their rights.
At Westminster and in GovernmentEdit
When the newly united Parliament of the United Kingdom met in 1801, Castlereagh took his seat in the House of Commons from his Down constituency. By 1802, tensions between Tories supporting emancipation and those opposing had relaxed, and Addington had obtained his desired cessation of hostilities with France (the Peace of Amiens). At a shift in the composition of Addington's Government, Castlereagh accepted the offer to enter the Cabinet as President of the Board of Control, where he mediated bitter disputes between the Governor-General of India, Richard Wellesley, and the Directors of the East India Company, smoothing quarrels while generally supporting Lord Wellesley's policies.
After the renewal of the war against Napoleon, at the urging of Castlereagh and other long-time supporters, in 1804 Pitt returned as Prime Minister, and Castlereagh was promoted to Secretary of State for War and the Colonies. As the only other member of Pitt's cabinet in the House of Commons, Castlereagh became Pitt's political deputy, taking on ever more burdens as Pitt's health continued to decline. After Pitt's death in 1806, Castlereagh resigned amid the chaos of the Ministry of All the Talents. When that Government collapsed, Castlereagh again became Secretary of State for War and the Colonies in 1807, this time in the ministry of the Duke of Portland.
Duel with CanningEdit
As minister for War, Castlereagh became involved in disputes with Foreign Secretary George Canning over the Walcheren Expedition and its failure. Canning saw it as a diversion of troops from the Peninsular War based on a hopeless plan. However, Castlereagh had the support of Lord Wellesley's younger brother General Arthur Wellesley (future Duke of Wellington), and evidence later surfaced that Canning himself had interfered with the plan, selecting the Earl of Chatham to command the expedition. The Portland government became increasingly paralysed by disputes between the two men. Portland was in deteriorating health and gave no lead, until Canning threatened resignation unless Castlereagh was removed and replaced by Lord Wellesley. Wellesley himself was neither complicit with nor even aware of the arrangement, but Portland secretly agreed to make this change when it became possible.
Castlereagh discovered the deal in September 1809 and demanded redress. He challenged Canning to a duel, which Canning accepted. Canning had never before fired a pistol. The duel was fought on 21 September 1809 on Putney Heath. Canning missed but Castlereagh wounded his opponent in the thigh. There was much outrage that two cabinet ministers had resorted to such a method, and they both felt compelled to resign from the government. Six months later, Canning published a full account of his actions in the affair, and many who had initially rallied to him became convinced Castlereagh had been betrayed by his cabinet colleague.[page needed]
Three years later, in 1812, Castlereagh returned to the government, this time as Foreign Secretary, a role in which he served for the next ten years. He also became leader of the House of Commons in the wake of Spencer Perceval's assassination in 1812.
Treaty of ChaumontEdit
In his role of Foreign Secretary he was instrumental in negotiating what has become known as the quadruple alliance between Britain, Austria, Russia, and Prussia at Chaumont in March 1814, in the negotiation of the Treaty of Paris that brought peace with France, and at the Congress of Vienna. The Treaty of Chaumont was part of the final deal offered to Napoleon Bonaparte in 1814. Napoleon rejected it and it never took effect. However, the key terms reaffirmed decisions that had been made already. These decisions were again ratified and put into effect by the Congress of Vienna of 1814–1815. The terms were largely written by Lord Castlereagh, who offered cash subsidies to keep the other armies in the field against Napoleon. Key terms included the establishment of a confederated Germany, the division into independent states, the restoration of the Bourbon kings of Spain, and the enlargement of the Netherlands to include what in 1830 became modern Belgium. The treaty of Chaumont became the cornerstone of the European Alliance which formed the balance of power for decades.
Historian G. M. Trevelyan argues:
- In 1813 and 1814 Castlereagh played the part that William III and Marlborough had played more than a hundred years before, in holding together an alliance of jealous, selfish, weak-kneed states and princes, by a vigour or character and singleness of purpose that held Metternich, the Czar, and the King of Prussia on the common track until the goal was reached. It is quite possible that, but for the lead taken by Castlereagh in the allied counsels, France would never have been reduced to her ancient limits, nor Napoleon dethroned.
Congress of ViennaEdit
At the Congress of Vienna, Castlereagh designed and proposed a form of collective and collaborative security for Europe, then called a Congress system. In the Congress system, the main signatory powers met periodically (every two years or so) and collectively managed European affairs. This system was used in an attempt to address the Polish-Saxon crisis at Vienna and the question of Greek independence at Laibach. The following ten years saw five European Congresses where disputes were resolved with a diminishing degree of effectiveness. Finally, by 1822, the whole system had collapsed because of the irreconcilable differences of opinion among Britain, Austria, and Russia, and because of the lack of support for the Congress system in British public opinion. The Holy Alliance, which Castlereagh opposed, lingered a little longer. The order created by the Congress of Vienna was a mood that lasted much longer and worked to prevent major European wars until the First World War in 1914. Some scholars and historians have seen the Congress system as a forerunner of the modern collective security, international unity, and cooperative agreements of NATO, the EU, the League of Nations, and the United Nations.[page needed]
In the years 1812 to 1822, Castlereagh continued to manage Britain's foreign policy, generally pursuing a policy of continental engagement uncharacteristic of British foreign policy in the nineteenth century. Castlereagh was not an effective public speaker and his diplomatic presentation style was at times abstruse. Henry Kissinger says he developed a reputation for integrity, consistency, and goodwill, which was perhaps unmatched by any diplomat of that era.[page needed]
Abolition of the slave tradeEdit
Abolitionist opinion in Britain was strong enough in 1807 to abolish the slave trade in all British possessions—although slavery itself persisted in the colonies until 1833. Abolitionists after 1807 focused on international agreements to abolish the Atlantic slave trade. Castlereagh switched his position and became a strong supporter of the movement. Britain arranged treaties with Portugal, Sweden and Denmark, 1810–1814, whereby they agreed to restrict their trading. These were preliminary to the Congress of Vienna negotiations that Castlereagh dominated and which resulted in a general declaration condemning the slave trade. The problem was that the treaties and declarations were hard to enforce, given the very high profits available to private interests. As Foreign Minister, Castlereagh cooperated with senior officials to use the Royal Navy to detect and capture slave ships; the freed slaves were sent to freedom in a new British colony of Sierra Leone. He used diplomacy to conclude search-and-seize agreements with all the countries whose ships were trading. There was serious friction with the United States, where the southern slave interest was politically powerful. Washington recoiled at British policing of the high seas. Spain, France and Portugal also relied on the international slave trade to supply their colonial plantations. As more and more diplomatic arrangements were made by Castlereagh, the owners of slave ships started flying false flags of nations that had not agreed, especially the United States. It was illegal under American law for American ships to engage in the slave trade, but the idea of Britain enforcing American laws was unacceptable to Washington. Lord Palmerston continued the Castlereagh policies. Eventually, in 1842 in 1845, an arrangement was reached between London and Washington. With the arrival of a staunchly anti-slavery government in Washington in 1861, the Atlantic slave trade was doomed. In the long run, Castlereagh's strategy on how to stifle the trade proved successful.
Nonintervention in European affairsEdit
In May 1820 Castlereagh circulated to high officials a major state paper that set the main British policy for the rest of the century. Temperley and Penson call it, "the most famous State Paper in British history and the one of the widest ultimate consequences." Castlereagh called for no British intervention in continental affairs. He argued that the purpose of the Quadruple Alliance was to contain France and put down revolutions. But the Spanish revolt did not threaten European peace nor any of the great powers. Castlereagh said that an actual practice the powers would seldom be able to agree on concerted action, and he pointed out that British public opinion would not support interventions. He admitted that individual states could indeed intervene in affairs in their recognized sphere of interest, such as Austria's intervention in Italy.
Lampooning by Thomas MooreEdit
As a press, or squib, writer for the Whigs, Thomas Moore, better remembered as Ireland's national bard, mercilessly lampooned Castlereagh. In what were the "verbal equivalents of the political cartoons of the day",Tom Crib's Memorial to Congress (1818) and "Fables for the Holy Alliance" (1823), Moore savages Castlereagh's pirouetting with Britain's reactionary continental allies.
Widely read, so that Moore eventually produced a sequel, was his verse novel The Fudge Family in Paris (1818). The family of an Irishman working as a propagandist for Castlereagh in Paris, the Fudges are accompanied by an accomplished tutor and classicist, Phelim Connor. An upright but disillusioned Irish Catholic, his letters to a friend reflect Moore's own views. Connor's regular epistolary denunciations of Castlereagh had two recurrent themes. First is Castlereagh as "the embodiment of the sickness with which Ireland had infected British politics as a consequence of the union": "We sent thee Castlereagh--as heaps of dead Have slain their slayers by the pest they spread". The second is that at the time of the Acts of Union Castlereagh's support for Catholic emancipation had been disingenuous. Castlereagh had been master of "that faithless craft" which can "cart the slave, can swear he shall be freed", but then "basely spurns him" when his "point is gain'd."
This imputation that he had betrayed his country, bloodied his hands in 1798 and deliberately deceived Catholics at the time of the Union, reportedly wounded Castlereagh. Moore learned from a mutual connection that Castlereagh had said that "the humorous and laughing things he did not at all mind, but the verses of the Tutor in the Fudge Family were quite another sort of thing, and were in very bad taste indeed".
Decline and deathEdit
Despite his contributions to the defeat of Napoleon and restoration of peace, Castlereagh became extremely unpopular at home. He was attacked in the House of Commons by the Opposition for his support of repressive European governments,  while the public resented his role in handling the Commons side of the divorce of George IV and Queen Caroline. He was also condemned for his association with repressive measures of the Home Secretary, Lord Sidmouth (the former Prime Minister Addington). As Leader of the House of Commons for the Liverpool Government, he was often called upon to defend government policy in the House. He had to support the widely reviled measures taken by Sidmouth and the others, including the infamous Six Acts, to remain in cabinet and continue his diplomatic work. For these reasons, Castlereagh appears with other members of Lord Liverpool's Cabinet in Shelley's poem The Masque of Anarchy, which was inspired by, and heavily critical of, the Peterloo Massacre:
- I met Murder on the way –
- He had a mask like Castlereagh –
- Very smooth he looked, yet grim;
- Seven bloodhounds followed him
- All were fat; and well they might
- Be in admirable plight,
- For one by one, and two by two,
- He tossed them human hearts to chew
- Which from his wide cloak he drew.
Observers reported in 1817 that he had become "of a full habit" (corpulent). Wellesley Pole thought he looked ill ("a very grouty appearance"), but added "I do not wonder at it, for his office out of Parliament and his drudgery in the House of Commons are enough to destroy the health of Hercules." Castlereagh also suffered 'sharp' attacks of gout in February and March 1817, and afterwards worried it would recur. He was also troubled by his father's failing health. Lord Londonderry lived at the family seat in Ireland, and Castlereagh was not often able to see him: he was able to pay one visit in 1820, when fighting the election in his constituency at County Down, but by late 1820 he was "very wretched at not being allowed to see [his father]." Further increasing Castlereagh's troubles, he was aware his father’s death would require giving up his Irish constituency which, he feared, would create delay and uncertainty.
After the death of his father in April 1821, which "greatly afflicted him", Castlereagh became the 2nd Marquess of Londonderry. Although ineligible to continue sitting for an Irish constituency, as a non-representative Irish peer he was eligible to sit in the House of Commons for an English seat. Preparations had already been made, and he was able to vacate Down and swiftly win a by-election for his uncle Lord Hertford’s borough of Orford (of which he had been an MP between 1796 and 1797). He also stood in good favour with the new King, George IV, who openly proposed to dismiss Lord Liverpool and appoint Castlereagh in his stead. Castlereagh's relations with his colleagues, however, were beginning to break down, possibly under the influence of paranoia. In March 1821, he told his brother he lacked able support on the government benches, and that his parliamentary labours were 'difficult to endure'. Yet he was becoming increasingly suspicious of a rising star of the Tory Party, Robert Peel, vigorously fending off attempts to give Peel a Treasury role (including Chancellor of the Exchequer) because he feared Peel would use his new role as an opportunity to plot against him; Lord Liverpool had to pacify him with a promise that he would "consult Lord Castlereagh’s wishes and feelings in preference to any one else" before appointing Peel to any post. In June, friends of Castlereagh reported him saying "he wished he could slip his neck out of the collar and have done with the whole thing," and by the end of the year he was "very much out of sorts," troubled with "the blue devils," and disenchanted with his "sad trade".
By 1822, he was showing clear signs of a form of paranoia or a nervous breakdown. He was severely overworked with both his responsibilities in leading the government in the House and the never-ending diplomacy required to manage conflicts among the other major powers. His oratory in the House had never been of the highest calibre, but now he was considered to be actually incoherent. He spoke of resigning his office if matters did not improve. His brother Charles reported Castlereagh was ‘disgusted with everything’, that he was suspicious of Peel and believed that all his colleagues, including Wellington, were conspiring against him, and that he "...was broken-hearted, and that [Charles] had never seen a man in such a state." Meeting with the Whig Lord Tavistock, with whom he had only a slight acquaintance, Castlereagh "...described the torment of carrying on the government under the general circumstances of the country as beyond endurance, and said if he could once get out of it, no power on earth should induce him into it again." Friends and colleagues said he looked tired, ill, aged, broken. At the time, he said "My mind, is, as it were, gone." Reports, both contemporaneous and in later memoirs, speak of exceptionally powerful rages and sudden bouts of uncharacteristic forgetfulness. He surprised his friends by admitting his belief in ghosts and other supernatural beings, in particular the "radiant boy", a figure which emerges from fire and is supposed to foretell death, which he claimed he had seen as a young man in Ireland.
Castlereagh began confessing to what was at the time criminal activity. He had already told his friend Mrs Arbuthnot that he was being blackmailed for an alleged homosexual offence; and at a 9 August meeting with the King, Castlereagh was distracted, said he was being mysteriously watched by a servant, that he had committed all manner of crimes, and remarked, "I am accused of the same crime as the Bishop of Clogher." Percy Jocelyn, who had been the Bishop of Clogher until the previous month, was prosecuted for homosexuality. The King surmised that Castlereagh believed he was being blackmailed for the same reason, but also concluded he was unwell, and urged him to see a physician. The King then sent a message to Lord Liverpool warning him of Castlereagh's illness; Liverpool initially failed to take the matter seriously and dismissed the message. Later that day, however, Castlereagh met with the Duke of Wellington, his cabinet colleague. Castlereagh behaved much as he had done with the King; Wellington bluntly told Castlereagh he was not in his right mind, advised him to see a doctor, and personally alerted Castlereagh's personal physician Dr Charles Bankhead, as well as Castlereagh's friends the Arbuthnots.  
On the advice of Dr Bankhead, Castlereagh went to his country seat at Woollet Hall in Water Lane, North Cray, Kent, for a weekend stay. He continued to be distressed, ranting wildly about conspiracies and threats to his life, to the concern of his friends and family. No special watch was kept on him, however, though his pistols and razors were hidden away.  At about 7.30 on the morning of 12 August 1822 he sent for Bankhead, who found him in a dressing room seconds after he had cut his own throat, using a small knife which had been overlooked. He collapsed when Bankhead entered, and died almost instantly.
Retrospective speculative diagnoses vary. At the time, his brother blamed "the intrigues that were carried on by the women surrounding the king" (the King's mistress, Lady Conyngham, was not on good terms with Castlereagh's wife). George Agar Ellis, on the other hand, concluded Castlereagh was disillusioned by "the nothingness of human grandeurs... the sad effects which disappointment and chagrin may have on a mind in which religion is not uppermost, for I have no doubt that the sad and apparently irretrievable state of affairs in England was the real cause of ... [his] unfortunate state of mind." Later verdicts attribute the problem to overwork and mental stress, or to 'a psychotic depressive illness.'  Other theories link various instances of (at the time) little explained illness to syphilis, possibly contracted at Cambridge. Stewart's undergraduate studies were interrupted by a mysterious illness first apparent during the closing months of 1787, and which kept him away from Cambridge through the summer of 1788. Later, there were unexplained illnesses in 1801 and 1807, the first described by a contemporary as "brain fever" which would be consistent with syphilitic meningitis.
Reaction to his deathEdit
An inquest concluded that the act had been committed while insane, avoiding the harsh strictures of a felo de se verdict.[i] The verdict allowed Lady Londonderry to see her husband buried with honour in Westminster Abbey near his mentor, William Pitt. The pallbearers included the Prime Minister Lord Liverpool, the former Prime Minister Lord Sidmouth and two future Prime Ministers, the Duke of Wellington and Frederick Robinson. Some radicals, notably William Cobbett, claimed a "cover-up" within the government and viewed the verdict and Castlereagh's public funeral as a damning indictment of the elitism and privilege of the unreformed electoral system. At his funeral on 20 August, the crowds which lined the funeral route were generally respectful and decorous, but some jeering and insults were heard (although not to the level of unanimity projected in the radical press); and there was cheering when the coffin was taken out of the hearse at the Abbey door.  A funeral monument was not erected until 1850 when his half-brother and successor, Charles Stewart Vane, 3rd Marquess of Londonderry did so.
Some time after Castlereagh's death, Lord Byron wrote a savage quip about his grave:
- Posterity will ne'er survey
- A nobler grave than this:
- Here lie the bones of Castlereagh:
- Stop, traveller, and piss.
Some of his opponents were damning in their verdicts. Thomas Creevy defied "any human being to discover a single feature of his character that can stand a moment’s criticism. By experience, good manners and great courage, he managed a corrupt House of Commons pretty well, with some address. This is the whole of his intellectual merit. He had a limited understanding and no knowledge, and his whole life was spent in an avowed, cold-blooded contempt of every honest public principle." Sir Robert Wilson believed that there had never been "a greater enemy to civil liberty or a baser slave."
Others of Castlereagh's political opponents were more gracious in their epigrams. Henry Brougham, a Whig politician and later the Lord Chancellor, who had battled frequently with Castlereagh, once almost to the point of calling him out, and had denigrated his skills as Leader, wrote in the week following Castlereagh's death:
- Put all their other men together in one scale, and poor Castlereagh in the other – single he plainly weighed them down ... One can't help feeling a little for him, after being pitted against him for several years, pretty regularly. It is like losing a connection suddenly. Also he was a gentleman, and the only one amongst them.
Modern historians stress the success of Castlereagh's career in spite of the hatred and ignominy he suffered. Trevelyan contrasts his positive achievements and his pitiful failures. His diplomacy was applauded by historians. For example, in 1919 diplomatic historians recommended his wise policies of 1814–1815 to the British delegation to the Paris peace conferences that ended the First World War. Historian Charles Webster underscores the paradox:
There probably never was a statesman whose ideas were so right and whose attitude to public opinion was so wrong. Such disparity between the grasp of ends and the understanding of means amounts to a failure in statesmanship.
|0||1769, 18 Jun||Born at 28 Henry Street, Dublin|
|1||1770, 17 Jul||His mother died.|
|6||1775, Jun||His father remarried.|
|11||1781, 22 Apr||His grandfather Alexander Stewart died.|
|20||1789, 9 Sep||His father created Baron Londonderry.|
|21||1790||Elected MP for County Down.|
|26||1795, 10 Oct||His father created Viscount Castlereagh.|
|27||1796, 10 Aug||His father created Earl of Londonderry.|
|46||1816, 13 Jan||His father created Marquess of Londonderry.|
|50||1820, 29 Jan||Accession of King George IV, replacing King George III.|
|51||1821, 6 Apr||Succeeded his father as the 2nd Marquess of Londonderry.|
|53||1822, 12 Aug||Died at Woollet Hall, North Cray, County Kent.|
Robert Stewart acquired the courtesy title Viscount Castlereagh in 1796 when his father was created Earl of Londonderry in the Irish peerage. Upon his father's death in 1821, he succeeded as 2nd Marquess of Londonderry, a title to which his father had been raised in 1816. His younger half-brother, the soldier, politician and diplomat Charles Stewart (later Vane) succeeded him as 3rd Marquess of Londonderry in 1822.
- Robert Stewart, Esquire (1769–1789)
- The Honourable Robert Stewart (1789–1796)
- Viscount Castlereagh (1796–1797)
- The Right Honourable Viscount Castlereagh (1797–1814)
- The Right Honourable Viscount Castlereagh, KG (1814–1821)
- The Most Honourable Marquess of Londonderry, KG, GCH, PC, PC (Ire) (1821–1822)
Memorials and tributesEdit
- Castlereagh Street in Sydney was named after him in 1810 by Governor Macquarie.
- The Sydney suburb locality of Castlereagh was also named after him by Macquarie in 1810.
- The Castlereagh River in north-western New South Wales was dedicated to him in 1818 by George Evans and explored by John Oxley.
- The New South Wales electoral seat of Castlereagh also carried his name from 1904 until 1991.
- Lord Castlereagh (ship), two ships named for Lord Castlereagh
Notes and referencesEdit
- The name Castlereagh derives from the barony of Castlereagh in which lie the towns of Newtownards and Comber. The estates included the demesne land of Mount Pleasant, later Mount Stewart, which became the family seat of the Londonderrys (see Leigh, Castlereagh, p. 15).
- His father was a nephew of Robert Cowan, a wealthy and successful Governor of Bombay for the British East India Company, whose heir was the elder Stewart's mother, Cowan's sister Mary. Much of the Stewart family wealth was based on the estates which came into the family through the Cowan inheritance, which put the family squarely in the landed gentry class of Ulster Presbyterians whose ancestors first arrived in Ireland during the Plantation of Ulster. (See "The Cowan Inheritance". Public Records Office of Northern Ireland. 7 September 2006. Archived from the original on 14 November 2007. Retrieved 6 July 2009.).
- The Down election of 1790 was fought against the elder Stewart's rival for influence in Ulster, Wills Hill, 1st Marquess of Downshire, who controlled both Down seats. The elder Stewart, who had been raised to the Irish peerage the previous year and was thereby ineligible, persuaded his son to stand for the seat. His son was backed, as he had been, by Whigs and Dissenters. The election expenses to the Stewarts reached the extraordinary sum of £60,000, financed by a mortgage of Mount Stewart, which Castlereagh's father spent much of the next decades paying off. (See Leigh, Castlereagh.)
- In a profile of Castlereagh published within months of his death, he was reported to have had, prior to his marriage, a son by a maidservant who lived near the Mount Stewart estate, and whom it was rumoured he supported. (Dr. Felton Reede, Private Life of the Marquess of Londonderry, (1822), cited in Leigh, Castlereagh, pp 34 and 144.)
- The war with France absorbed much of the attention of Government and Parliament, and what attention was paid to an increasingly radicalised Ireland was confused and inconsistent. Pitt's dismissal of the popular Lord Fitzwilliam in 1795, over Fitzwilliam's aggressive support of Whig patronage and Catholic emancipation, produced outrage and rioting in Dublin. Castlereagh had watched the unravelling of Irish policy with deep concern and knew what sort of reaction to expect to Fitzwilliam's dismissal. But he was in no position to steer Irish policy nor could he object to the inevitable departure of Fitzwilliam, especially as the person appointed to replace Fitzwilliam was the brother of Stewart's step-mother, John Jeffreys Pratt, who had recently succeed as 2nd Earl Camden. (See Leigh, Castlereagh, Ch. 3.)
- Castlereagh had been re-elected without opposition from Down in 1797 and continued to hold this seat while in office in Ireland. He could not continue to hold both Irish office and the seat in Westminster for Orford, which he therefore resigned. (See Leigh, Castlereagh, Ch 4.) In the Irish election of 1798, he stood for Newtown Limavady as well as for Down. He was successful for both constituencies and chose to sit for the latter.
- In Council, though he was active in pursuing plots against the Government, he countered the influence of the more extreme members of the Protestant Ascendancy who, against especially the policies of the new Commander-in-Chief for Ireland, Sir Ralph Abercromby, called for indiscriminate violence to suppress all threat of rebellion. (See Leigh, Castlereagh, Ch 4).
- The Chief Secretary for Ireland from 1795–98 was Thomas Pelham, but he was continually absent from his duties due to illness. Camden pressed London to replace Pelham, recommending in his stead Castlereagh, whose performance in office was admired by those in London concerned with Irish policy. But as an example of the perverse prejudices of the era, Castlereagh, who might have been especially competent in this delicate and demanding office because he was an Irishman, was also ineligible to represent the Crown in Ireland because he was an Irishman, even though this Irishman was grandson of an English Marquess, great-grandson of an English Duke and son-in-law of an English Earl. After pressure by Pitt on George III who shared the prejudice against appointments of Irish as representatives of the Crown in Ireland, Castlereagh was appointed Acting Chief Secretary in March 1798. But it was only in November 1798, after the Rebellion had been put down that, in response to imperious demands from the next influential Lord Lieutenant, Marquess Cornwallis, Castlereagh was given the permanent office, and for the first time the Chief Secretary for Ireland was an Irishman. The next month, Castlereagh was admitted to the King's Privy Council. (See Leigh, Castlereagh Ch 4, and "The London Gazette". (112 KiB) 18 December 1798, p. 1 (1 page pdf).)
- Suicide was illegal in England until 1961. Prior to the Right to Burial Act of 1823, a suicide was denied a Christian burial and, until the Abolition of Forfeiture Act of 1870, his property was forfeited to the Crown. These cruel penalties were less and less frequently applied over the course of the 18th century, especially in the case of wealthier perpetrators. Inquests were likely to view suicide as itself evidence of the disturbed state of the perpetrator's mind. (See e.g., Clifton D. Bryant, Handbook of Death and Dying, Sage Publications (2003) pp. 316–17.)
- A practice established shortly after his death, for example in Sir C. K. Webster's 1822 work Foreign Policy of Castlereagh 1812-1815, 1815-1822 and his own half-brother's 1848-53 Mems. and Corresp. Visct. Castlereagh. It reflects his having used the name of Castlereagh so long, and the name of Londonderry so briefly, and having earned most of his reputation under the former name. Furthermore, it avoids confusion with his father, who also was Robert Stewart, Lord Londonderry. cf 
- Wills 1817, p. 128: "In 1806, he was appointed secretary at war and for the colonies."
- John Bew, "Castlereagh: enlightened conservative" History Today, (2011) 61#11
- Bew 2012, p. 6: "On 18 June 1769 ... Robert Stewart, the future Lord Castlereagh was born into a politically active and ambitious family in an elegant townhouse at 28 Henry Street, in the north side of Dublin."
- Debrett 1828, p. 635, line 3: "The marquess m. 1st, 3 June 1766, Sarah-Frances Seymour, 2nd da. of Francis, 1st marquess of Hertford, K. G. ..."
- Leigh, Ione (1952). "Castlereagh". Dublin Magazine. Collins. 27 (January–March): 72–74.
- Cokayne 1893, p. 131, line 9: "... and finally on 13 Jan. 1816 cr. MARQUESS OF LONDONDERRY [I.]"
- Debrett 1828, p. 635, line 5: "... by her (who d. 17 July 1770) had issue ..."
- Debrett 1828, p. 635, line 8: "The marquess m. 2ndly, 7 June 1775, Frances, eldest da. of Charles Pratt, 1st earl Camden ..."
- Debrett 1828, p. 635, line 43: "CHARLES-WILLIAM, present and third Marquess of Londonderry, and 1st baron Stewart, and Earl Vane in the peerage of the United Kingdom."
- Bew 2012, p. 3: "At the age of eight Robert was sent to the Royal School Armagh, a well-known Anglican grammar school ..."
- Leigh 1951, p. 22: "Camden, interested as ever in his future, advised his father to send him up to Cambridge."
- "Stewart, Robert (STWT786R)". A Cambridge Alumni Database. University of Cambridge.
- House of Commons 1878, p. 683: "Hon. Robert Stewart DOWN County."
- Bartlett 1966, p. 7, last line: "The cost ... was staggering; the Stewart alone spent £60,000, a staggering sum ..."
- Politics and Administration in Ireland, 1750–1815 Archived 12 November 2009 at the Wayback Machine, James Kelley, University College Cork, Multitext Project in Irish History
- Debrett 1828, p. 635, line 38: "... m. 9 Jan. 1794 Amelia Hobart, youngest da. and co-h. of John, 2nd Earl of Buckinghamshire ... "
- "The Cowan Inheritance". Public Records Office of Northern Ireland. 7 September 2006. Archived from the original on 14 November 2007. Retrieved 6 July 2009.
- Brendan Clifford, ed. (1991). Billy Bluff and the Squire  and Other Writing by Re. James Porter. Belfast: Athol Books. p. 80. ISBN 9780850340457.
- Bew, John (2011). Castlereagh: Enlightenment, War and Tyranny. London: Quercus. pp. 107–108, 118. ISBN 9780857381866.
- John Bew, Castlereagh. Enlightenment, War and Tyranny. Quercas. London 2012. P. 127
- Castlereagh to Sir Laurence Parsons, 28 November 1798, Castlereagh Correspondence, vol. 11, pp. 32-35
- Bew (2012). p.126
- Escott 1914, p. 331: "Other Kildare Street Opposition champions were Lord Henry Fitzgerald, Arthur O'Connor of the United Irishman, and Robert Stewart who a few years later, as Lord Castlereagh, by a corruption more lavish than Barrington's was to overthrow the national Legislature of which he had been a bulwark."
- "Library and Archive". Royal Society. Retrieved 3 August 2012.
- Bartlett 1966, p. 41: "Castlereagh found much of his time devoted to the thankless task of acting as a mediator between the influential Court in London and its formidable Governor-General in India, the irascible and autocratic Richard Wellesley."
- "Spartacus Educational". Spartacus Educational. Archived from the original on 24 October 2008. Retrieved 29 May 2009.
- "Profile: Robert Stewart, Viscount Castlereagh". NNDB. Retrieved 29 May 2009.
- The Spectator. "Pistols at dawn". Archived from the original on 5 February 2010. Retrieved 3 April 2010.
- Hunt 2008.
- Gregory Fremont-Barnes; Todd Fisher (2004). The Napoleonic Wars: The Rise and Fall of an Empire. Osprey Publishing. pp. 302–5. ISBN 9781841768311.
- Frederick B. Artz, Reaction & Revolution: 1814–1832 (1934), p. 110
- Trevelyan 1922, p. 133:as quoted.
- Kissinger 1964.
- Seymour Drescher, "Whose abolition? Popular pressure and the ending of the British slave trade." Past & Present 143 (1994): 136–166. Online
- Jerome Reich, "The Slave Trade at the Congress of Vienna—A Study in English Public Opinion--." Journal of Negro History 53.2 (1968): 129–143. Online
- James C. Duram, "A Study of Frustration: Britain, the USA, and the African Slave Trade, 1815–1870." Social Science (1965): 220–225. Online
- H.W.V. Temperley, and Lillian M. Penson, eds. Foundations of British Foreign Policy: 1792–1902 (1938) Quote page 47, the paper itself pp 48–63.
- Love, Timothy (Spring 2017). "Gender and the Nationalistic Ballad: Thomas Davis, Thomas Moore, and Their Songs". New Hibernia Review. Center for Irish Studies at the University of St. Thomas. 21 (1): 76. doi:10.1353/nhr.2017.0005. ISSN 1534-5815. S2CID 149071105. 660979.
- "Thomas Moore". poetryfoundation.org. Poetry Foundation. Retrieved 10 August 2020.
- Kelly, Ronan (2008). Bard of Eri:n: The Life of Thomas Moore. Dublin: Penguin Ireland. pp. 322–327. ISBN 9781844881437.
- Bew, John (2011). Castlereagh: Enlightenment, War and Tyranny. London: Quercas. pp. 530–531. ISBN 9780857381866.
- Moore, Thomas (1818). The Fudge Family in Paris. London: Longmans. pp. 69, 76.
- Bew, John (2011). Castlereagh: Enlightenment, War and Tyranny. London: Quercas. p. 531. ISBN 9780857381866.
- "...he deplored the frequent attacks made in the House on the conduct of foreign governments … he defended his part in the recent negotiations, designed to secure European equilibrium, and justified the high peacetime establishment. His chief opponent in foreign affairs was now Brougham, whose motion in favour of the Spanish Liberals he deprecated as typical of the kind of meddling in the affairs of other countries that was increasingly resented on the Continent." cf 
- David C. Hanrahan (2011). Assassination of the Prime Minister: John Bellingham and the Murder of Spencer Perceval. History Press. p. 24. ISBN 9780752478050.
- Burke 1869, p. 704, left column, line 71: "The marquess d. 8 Apr. 1821, and was s. by the son of his first marriage."
- Bartlett 1966, p. 262: "Meanwhile, the burden of the poorly organised Foreign Office remained as heavy as ever. Castlereagh's private secretary, Planta, complained bitterly of the burden of work, and though one can hardly argue from the evidence that Castlereagh's mental instability was caused by overwork alone, it cannot be discounted."
- On one occasion: "Such hash was never delivered by man. The folly of him - his speech as a composition in its attempt at style and ornament and figures, and in its real vulgarity, bombast and folly, was such as, coming from a man of his order, with 30 years parliamentary experience and with an audience quite at his devotion, amounted to a perfect miracle ... Brougham ... played the devil with him." On another, when trying to explain the Government's financial plans: "so confused and involved in his language that the House did not in the least understand." cf 
- Bew 2012, p. 538, line 14: "The story of the 'radiant boy' was a common tale at the time, said to foretell of a violent death for those who saw him."
- It remains unclear whether there was some sort of extortion attempt, and if so, whether such attempt represented a real threat of exposure, or whether the purported blackmail was a symptom of paranoia. See H. Montgomery Hyde, Trials of Oscar Wilde, Dover Publications, ISBN 0-486-20216-X.
- "There is no concrete evidence that Londonderry had committed a homosexual act, but it seems that a few years earlier he had been enticed into a brothel by a man disguised as a woman, and that he was being blackmailed on that score. The case of the bishop of Clogher, which was currently the talk of the town, probably impinged on his disturbed mind." 
- Bew p.543
- "He died almost instantly, but not before he had exclaimed, ‘My dear Bankhead, let me fall upon you; it is all over’." cf 
- Bew 2012, p. 544: "... as Castlereagh sank to the floor with blood running from his neck and a small pen-knife in his hand with which he had cut the carotid artery in his neck."
- Hunt 2008, p. 189: "Aet. 31 (1801) 'brain fever' - lasted about two months and seems to have been a physical illness with a fever."
- Chester 1876, p. 498: "1822 Aug. 20 The most Hon. Robert, marquis of Londonderry, etc., in Ireland; St. James's Square, St. James's, Westminster; died on the 12th, aged 53: in the North Cross."
- Bew, John (2011). Castlereagh: Enlightenment, War and Tyranny (1st ed.). Quercus. p. 549. ISBN 9780857381866.
- Gates 2014, p. 3: "What our juryman and eleven others had to decide was whether his lordship was insane at the time of his death or was felo-de-se, a self-murderer. These were the choices for the legal verdicts in 1822 ..."
- Sanftleben, Kurt A. "Epitaphs A–C". Last Words. Retrieved 29 May 2009.
- Henry Lord Brougham, "Lord Castlereagh", Historical Sketches of Statesmen in the Time of George III, London: Charles Knight & Co. (1845), Second Series, Vol I, pp. 149–61.
- Sir Herbert Maxwell, ed. (1904), "Henry Brougham M.P. to Thomas Creevey, August 19, 1822," The Creevey Papers, London: John Murray, 2nd edition, Vol II, p 44. Internet Archive retrieved on 9 July 2009.
- Less flatteringly, Brougham remarked "his capacity was greatly underrated from the poverty of his discourse" and that his natural gifts were "of the most commonplace" kind. He thought less of Canning though, judging that he succeeded to "all of Castlereagh, except his good judgment, good manners and bad English." cf , 
- Trevelyan 1922, p. 141: "The policy embodied in the treaties of 1815 was, in some of its chief aspects, generous and wise. It prevented a war of revenge by France, and it gave security to the British Empire for a hundred years; on both counts the policy of Castlereagh had been the decisive factor. The defect of the settlement, destined to imperil Britain once more when the wheel had come full circle, was its entire neglect of the craving of the European people for nationality and for freedom."
- Charles Webster, The Foreign Policy of Castlereagh (1931) P 231
- "No. 13131". The London Gazette. 9 September 1789. p. 597.
The Right Honourable Robert Stewart, Baron Londonderry
- "No. 13821". The London Gazette. 10 October 1795. p. 1052.
To Robert Lord Londonderry, and the Heirs Male of his Body lawfully begotten, the Dignity of Viscount Castlereagh, of Castlereagh in the County Down
- "No. 13922". The London Gazette. 10 August 1796. p. 781.
To Robert Lord Viscount Castlereagh, and the Heirs Male of his Body lawfully begotten, by the Name Stile and Title of Earl of Londonderry, of the County of Londonderry
- Smyth 1839, p. xiii, line 26: "George IV. . [Accession] 29 January, 1820"
- Anonymous 1846, p. 372, right column: "CASTLEREAGH, a hamlet in the district of Castlereagh ... This place gives the title of Viscount to the Marquis of Londonderry."
- "No. 13922". The London Gazette. 16 August 1796. p. 781.
- Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). Encyclopædia Britannica. 16 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 968. .
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This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Londonderry, Robert Stewart, 2nd Marquess of". Encyclopædia Britannica. 16 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 969–972.
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- Hansard 1803–2005: contributions in Parliament by Viscount Castlereagh
- A Letter to Lord Viscount Castlereagh, John C. Hobhouse, London: Robert Stodart (1819), on the Peterloo massacre
- Portraits of Robert Stewart, 2nd Marquess of Londonderry (Lord Castlereagh) at the National Portrait Gallery, London