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Ireland and its two jurisdictions

In Ireland, partitionism refers to views on Irish politics, culture, geography, or history that treat Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland as distinct. Partitionists may emphasise the perceived differences between the two jurisdictions and the people who live within them.

It has mostly been used to describe those in the Republic of Ireland who view Northern Ireland and the people who live there as separate and different. It is usually used among Irish nationalists and republicans "as a criticism of those in the south who pay lip-service to the ideal of Irish unity but who are smugly comfortable with a 26 county republic".[1]

Contents

AttributesEdit

Attitudes to partitionEdit

The Derry Journal has described partitionism as "a criticism of those in the south who pay lip-service to the ideal of Irish unity but who are smugly comfortable with the 26 county Republic".[1] Likewise, in his book Luck and the Irish, R. F. Foster used the term partitionism to refer to what Bernard O'Donoghue described as "the tacit acceptance in the South of a border that worked to its economic advantage".[2][3]

In 2009, the Sinn Féin MLA Martin McGuinness used the term in denouncing the Lord Mayor of Dublin Eibhlin Byrne who had suggested it was "unpatriotic" for people from the Republic of Ireland to go shopping for cheaper prices in Northern Ireland.[4][5] Commenting on McGuinness's remarks, Peter Robinson said: "For republicans, partitionism, I think, is defined as the practice of advocating the removal of the border but behaving in a manner which reinforces it".[6]

Ireland and IrishnessEdit

When the island was partitioned in 1921, thousands of Irish Catholics and nationalists were left "stranded" in the "Protestant, Pro-British state" of Northern Ireland.[7] Some nationalists have described partitionism as the belief that "Ireland" and "Irishness" is confined to the Republic of Ireland. For example, during a debate in the Dáil on 9 March 1999, Austin Currie denounced those in the Republic of Ireland who questioned the Irishness of "northern" Catholics:[8]

I am sorry to say it was not only in the North that our Irish identity was questioned. Some in this State questioned our Irishness and there are some who still do. Partitionism over the years of separation became a fact of life; sometimes in the most unexpected quarters, as I found through personal experience including an occasion in this House.

Likewise, Austin Currie, writing in The Irish Times in 1997, described a "partitionist mentality" in the Republic of Ireland saying that "those elements in this State who query the Irishness of Northern nationalists, who speak of their difference in almost racist terms, should seriously consider counselling".[9]

During the 1997 presidential election campaign, Fine Gael printed and circulated leaflets that stated:[10] "The presidency is about the nation behind the state. About all the individual people who make up Irish society. It is the only public office elected by the direct vote of all the people of Ireland". The 23 October 1997 edition of An Phoblacht (the official newspaper of Sinn Féin) criticised these statements as "a perfect example of partitionist thinking" and argued, "the clear import of this statement is that people in the Six Counties are not Irish, that Ireland stops at the border and that Irish society is confined to the 26 Counties".[10]

Speaking in the Dáil on 13 April 2000, Sinn Féin's Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin said:[11]

In the republican political tradition, to which I belong, the State is often referred to as the 26 County State. This is a conscious response to the partitionist view, prevalent for so long and still sadly widespread, that Ireland stops at the Border. The Constitution says that the name of the State is Ireland, and Éire in the Irish language. Quite against the intentions of the framers of the Constitution, this has led to an identification of Ireland with only 26 of our 32 counties in the minds of many people.

See alsoEdit

ReferencesEdit

CitationsEdit

  1. ^ a b "Speaking with Dubliners in Their Own Language". Derry Journal. 3 February 2009. Retrieved 15 November 2017.
  2. ^ O'Donoghue, Bernard (5 January 2008). "Riding the Celtic Tiger". The Daily Telegraph. London. Retrieved 11 August 2010.
  3. ^ Foster 2008, pp. 99, 101, 143–144.
  4. ^ "McGuinness Defends Cross-Border Shopping". RTÉ News. 23 January 2009. Retrieved 11 August 2010.
  5. ^ Fitzpatrick, Jim (20 February 2009). "Embracing the 'New Partitionism'". BBC News. Retrieved 11 August 2010.
  6. ^ "Does Peter Robinson Read Hamill's Beat?". Derry Journal. 24 February 2009. Retrieved 15 November 2017.
  7. ^ Cleary 2002, p. 22; O'Doherty 2011, p. 136.
  8. ^ "Parliamentary Debates: Volume 501 – 9 March 1999". Dáil Éireann. 9 March 1999. Archived from the original on 20 September 2012. Retrieved 11 August 2010.
  9. ^ Currie, Austin (25 September 1997). "Partitionist Mentality Denying Northerners Right to Seek Presidency". The Irish Times. Retrieved 11 August 2010.
  10. ^ a b Mac Donncha, Mícheál (23 October 1997). "Presidential Campaign Raises Anti-Nationalists". An Phoblacht. Dublin. Retrieved 15 November 2017.
  11. ^ "Parliamentary Debates: Volume 518 – 13 April 2000". Dáil Éireann. 13 April 2000. Archived from the original on 20 September 2012. Retrieved 24 August 2010.

BibliographyEdit

Cleary, Joe (2002). Literature, Partition and the Nation-State: Culture and Conflict in Ireland, Israel and Palestine. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-65732-7.
Foster, R. F. (2008). Luck and the Irish: A Brief History of Change from 1970. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-517952-1.
O'Doherty, Shane Paul (2011). The Volunteer: A Former IRA Man's True Story. Durham, Connecticut: Strategic Book Publishing. ISBN 978-1-61204-528-3.[self-published source?]