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‘Imād ad-Dīn Muḥammad bin Qāsim ath-Thaqafī (Arabic: عماد الدين محمد بن القاسم الثقفي‎; c. 695 – 715[citation needed]) was an Umayyad general who conquered the Sindh till Multan from Raja Dahir along the Indus River and then controlled for a short period of 4 years for the Umayyad Caliphate.

Muhammad bin Qasim
Muhammad ibn Qasim leading his troops in battle
Bornc. 695
Ta'if, the Hejaz in present-day Saudi Arabia
Died715 (aged 19–20)
AllegianceAl-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf, Governor to the Umayyad Caliph Al-Walid I
RankGeneral officer
Battles/warsConquest of Sindh and Multan for the Umayyads.
Battle of Aror

Early LifeEdit

Muhammad bin Qasim was born and raised in the city of Ta'if (in modern-day Saudi Arabia). A member of the influential Thaqif tribe of the Ta'if region, Muhammad bin Qasim's father was Qasim bin Yusuf, a cousin of the powerful viceroy Al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf of Iraq. When Muhammad was still young, his father was appointed governor of Basra, a growing cosmopolitan city, that widened Muhammad's horizons. Al-Hajjaj is said to have been fond of Muhammad and the latter spent some time with him in the Iraqi capital of Wasit. Al-Hajjaj presumably educated Muhammad in military and administrative affairs, which proved invaluable in course of time.[1]

Muhammad bin Qasim married Al-Hajjaj's daughter Zubaidah, giving him an even closer relationship with Al-Hajjaj as the father-in-law.

Governor of FarsEdit

Bin Qasim's first assignment was in the province Fars in Iran, where he was asked to subjugate a group of Kurds. After the successful completion of the mission, he was appointed as the governor of Fars.[1] He likely succeeded Muhammad ibn Yusuf al-Thaqafi, another uncle and brother of Al-Hajjaz, who was previously a governor. The city of Shiraz is said to have been revived by bin Qasim. He built a royal villa in the city and a military camp at a short distance from it.[2][3][4] He was also given the task of subjugating the area to the south of Shiraz, and the distant area of Jurjan near the Caspian sea.[1]

Fars might have also had at this time some of the rebels left over from the revolt of Al-Ash'ath, which almost brought down the rule of Al-Hajjaj. Al-Tabari and Ibn Hajar mention a Shia notable Atiyah ibn Sa'd Awfi, who was captured by bin Qasim and asked to curse Ali. Upon his refusal, he was punished with 400 lashes, as ordered by Al-Hajjaj.[5] What happened to Attiya after this treatment is not clear. According to Al-Tabari and Ibn Hajar, he fled to Khurasan,[6] [7] but the Chach Nama states that he joined bin Qasim's invasion force as an officer.[5] However, modern historians dispute the credibility of such reports in the Chach Nama [8].

Background on SindhEdit

Early Muslim Presence in SindhEdit

Rashidun Caliphate (632-661 AD)

The connection between the Sind and Islam was established by the initial Muslim missions during the Rashidun Caliphate. Al-Hakim ibn Jabalah al-Abdi, who attacked Makran in the year 649 AD, was an early partisan of Ali ibn Abu Talib[9]. During the caliphate of Ali, many Jats of Sindh had came under influence of Shi'ism[10] and some even participated in the Battle of Camel and died fighting for Ali.[9] Harith ibn Murrah Al-abdi and Sayfi ibn Fasayl' al-Shaybani, both officers of Ali's army, attacked Makran in the year 658[9]. Sayfi was one of the seven shias who were beheaded alongside Hujr ibn Adi al-Kindi in 660 AD near Damascus[9]. Under the Umayyads (661 - 750 AD), many Shias sought asylum in the region of Sindh, to live in relative peace in the remote area. Ziyad Hindi is one of those refugees[11].

Umayyad interest in SindhEdit

Map of expansion of Umayyad Caliphate

According to Wink, Umayyad interest in the region was galvanized by the operation of the Meds (a tribe of Scythians living in Sindh) and others.[12] Meds had pirated upon Sassanid shipping in the past, from the mouth of the Tigris to the Sri Lankan coast, in their bawarij and now were able to prey on Arab shipping from their bases at Kutch, Debal and Kathiawar.[12] At the time, Sindh was the wild frontier region of al-Hind, inhabited mostly by semi-nomadic tribes whose activities disturbed much of the Western Indian Ocean.[12] Muslim sources insist that it was these persistent activities along increasingly important Indian trade routes by Debal pirates and others which forced the Arabs to subjugate the area, in order to control the seaports and maritime routes of which Sindh was the nucleus, as well as, the overland passage.[13] During Hajjaj's governorship, the Meds of Debal in one of their raids had kidnapped Muslim women travelling from Sri Lanka to Arabia, thus providing a casus belli to the rising power of the Umayyad Caliphate that enabled them to gain a foothold in the Makran, Balochistan and Sindh regions.[12][14][15]

The Umayyad Caliphate on the eve of the invasions of Spain and Sindh in 710.

Also cited as a reason for this campaign was the policy of providing refuge to Sassanids fleeing the Arab advance and to Arab rebels from the Umayyad consolidation of their rule.[clarification needed]

These Arabs were imprisoned later on by the Governor Deebal Partaab Raye. A letter written by an Arab girl named Nahed who escaped from the prison of Partab Raye asked Hajjaj Bin Yusuf for help. When Hajjaj asked Dahir for the release of prisoners and compensation, the latter refused on the ground that he had no control over those. Al-Hajjaj sent Muhammad Bin Qasim for action against the Sindh in 711.[citation needed]

The mawali; new non-Arab converts; who were usually allied with Al-Hajjaj's political opponents and thus were frequently forced to participate in battles on the frontier of the Umayyad Caliphate — such as Kabul, Sindh and Transoxania.[16] An actual push into the region had been out of favor as an Arab policy since the time of the Rashidun Caliph Umar bin Khattab, who upon receipt of reports of it being an inhospitable and poor land, had stopped further expeditionary ventures into the region.[citation needed]

The campaign of Muhammad bin QasimEdit

Hajjaj had put more care and planning into this campaign than the second campaign [16] under Badil bin Tuhfa.[citation needed] Hajjaj superintended this campaign from Kufa by maintaining close contact with Muhammad bin Qasim in the form of regular reports for which purpose special messengers were deputed between Basra and Sindh.[16] The army which departed from Shiraz in 710 CE under Muhammad bin Qasim was 6,000 Syrian cavalry and detachments of mawali from Iraq.[16] At the borders of Sindh he was joined by an advance guard and six thousand camel riders and later reinforcements from the governor of Makran transferred directly to Debal by sea along with five catapults[16] ("manjaniks"). The army that eventually captured Sindh would later be swelled by the Gurjars and Meds as well as other irregulars that heard of successes in Sindh.[16] When Muhammad bin Qasim passed through Makran while raising forces, he had to re-subdue the restive Umayyad towns of Fannazbur and Arman Belah (Lasbela)[17] The first town assaulted was Debal and upon the orders of Al-Hajjaj, he exacted a bloody retribution on Debal by giving no quarter to its residents or priests and destroying its great temple.[16]

Extent and expansion of Umayyad rule under Muhammad bin Qasim in medieval India (modern international boundaries shown in red).

From Debal the Arab army then marched north taking towns such as Nerun and Sadusan (Sehwan) peacefully.[16] often using their components; additionally one-fifth of the booty including slaves were dispatched to Hajjaj and the Caliph.[16] The conquest of these towns was accomplished easily; however, Raja Dahir's armies being prepared on the other side of the Indus[18] were yet to be fought.[16] In preparation to meet them, Muhammad bin Qasim moved back to Nerun to resupply and receive reinforcements sent by Hajjaj.[16] Camped on the east bank of the Indus, Qasim sent emissaries and bargained with the river Jats and boatmen.[16] Upon securing the aid of Mokah Basayah, "the King of the island of Bet", Muhammad bin Qasim crossed over the river where he was joined by the forces of the Thakore of Bhatta and the western Jats.[16]

At Ar-rur (Rohri) he was met by Dahir's forces and the eastern Jats in battle.[16] Dahir died in the battle, his forces were defeated and a triumphant Muhammad bin Qasim took control of Sindh.[16] In the wake of the battle enemy soldiers were put to death — but not artisans, merchants or farmers — and Dahir and his chiefs, the "daughters of princes" and the usual fifth of the booty and slaves was sent on to Hajjaj.[16] Soon the capitals of the other provinces, Brahmanabad, Alor (Aror) and Multan, were captured alongside other in-between towns with only light Muslim casualties.[16] Usually after a siege of a few weeks or months the Arabs gained a city through the intervention of heads of mercantile houses with whom subsequent treaties and agreements would be settled.[16] After battles all fighting men were executed and their wives and children enslaved in considerable numbers and the usual fifth of the booty and slaves were sent to Hajjaj.[16] The general populace was encouraged to carry on with their trades and taxes and tributes settled.[16]

The conquest of Sindh, in modern-day Pakistan, although costly, was major gain for the Umayyad Caliphate. However, further gains were halted by Hindu kingdoms during the Caliphate campaigns in India. The Arabs tried to invade India but they were defeated by the north Indian king Nagabhata of the Gurjara Pratihara Dynasty and by the south Indian Emperor Vikramaditya II of the Chalukya dynasty in the early 8th century. After the failure of further expeditions on Kathiawar, the Arab chroniclers admit that the Caliph Mahdi "gave up the project of conquering any part of India."[19]

Military and political strategyEdit

The military strategy had been outlined by Al-Hajjaj in a letter sent to Muhammad bin Qasim:[20]

My ruling is given: Kill anyone belonging to the ahl-i-harb (combatants); arrest their sons and daughters for hostages and imprison them. Whoever does not fight against us...grant them aman (safety) and settle their tribute [amwal] as dhimmah (protected person)...

The Arabs' first concern was to facilitate the conquest of Sindh with the fewest casualties while also trying to preserve the economic infrastructure.[21] Towns were given two options: submit to Islamic authority peacefully or be attacked by force (anwattan), with the choice governing their treatment upon capture.[21] The capture of towns was usually accomplished by means of a treaty with a party from among the enemy, who were then extended special privileges and material rewards.[22] There were two types of such treaties, "Sulh" or "ahd-e-wasiq (capitulation)" and "aman (surrender/ peace)".[22] Among towns and fortresses that were captured through force of arms, Muhammad bin Qasim performed executions of ahl-i-harb (fighting men) as part of his military strategy, whose surviving dependents were enslaved.[22]

Where resistance was strong, prolonged and intensive, often resulting in considerable Arab casualties, Muhammad bin Qasim's response was dramatic, inflicting 6,000 deaths at Rawar, between 6,000 and 26,000 at Brahmanabad, 4,000 at Iskalandah and 6,000 at Multan.[23] Conversely, in areas taken by sulh, such as Armabil, Nirun, and Aror, resistance was light and few casualties occurred.[23] Sulh appeared to be Muhammad bin Qasim's preferred mode of conquest, the method used for more than 60% of the towns and tribes recorded by Baladhuri and the Chach Nama.[23] At one point, he was actually berated by Al-Hajjaj for being too lenient.[23] Meanwhile, the common folk were often pardoned and encouraged to continue working;[22] Al-Hajjaj ordered that this option not be granted to any inhabitant of Debal, yet Qasim still bestowed it upon certain groups and individuals.[23]

After each major phase of his conquest, Muhammad bin Qasim attempted to establish law and order in the newly conquered territory by showing religious tolerance and incorporating the ruling class – the Brahmins and Shramanas – into his administration.[22]

Reasons for successEdit

Muhammad bin Qasim's success has been partly ascribed to Dahir being an unpopular Hindu king ruling over a Buddhist majority who saw Chach of Alor and his kin as usurpers of the Rai Dynasty.[14] This is attributed to having resulted in support being provided by Buddhists and inclusion of rebel soldiers serving as valuable infantry in his cavalry-heavy force from the Jat and Meds.[24] Brahman, Buddhist, Greek, and Arab testimony however can be found that attests towards amicable relations between the adherents of the two religions up to the 7th century.[25]

Along with this were:

  1. Superior military equipment; such as siege engines and the Mongol bow.[14][26]
  2. Troop discipline and leadership.[14]
  3. The concept of Jihad as a morale booster.[14]
  4. Religion; the widespread belief in the prophecy of Muslim success.[14][25]
  5. The Samanis being persuaded to submit and not take up arms because the majority of the population was Buddhist who were dissatisfied with their rulers, who were Hindu.[25]
  6. The laboring under disabilities of the Lohana Jats.[25]
  7. Defections from among Dahirs chiefs and nobles.[25]

Administration by Muhammad bin QasimEdit

After the conquest, Muhammad bin Qasim's task was to set up an administrative structure for a stable Muslim state that incorporated a newly conquered alien land, inhabited by non-Muslims.[27] He adopted a conciliatory policy, asking for acceptance of Muslim rule by the natives in return for non-interference in their religious practice,[27] so long as the natives paid their taxes and tribute.[14] In return, the state provided protection to non-Muslim from any foreign attacks and enemies. He established Islamic Sharia law over the people of the region; however, Hindus were allowed to rule their villages and settle their disputes according to their own laws,[14] and traditional hierarchical institutions, including the village headmen (rais) and chieftains (dihqans) were maintained.[27] A Muslim officer called an amil was stationed with a troop of cavalry to manage each town on a hereditary basis [27]

Everywhere taxes (mal) and tribute (kharaj) were settled and hostages taken — occasionally this also meant the custodians of temples.[22] Non-Muslim natives were excused from military service and from payment of the religiously mandated tax system levied upon Muslims called Zakat,[27] the tax system levied upon them instead was the jizya - a progressive tax, being heavier on the upper classes and light for the poor.[27] In addition, three percent of government revenue was allocated to the Brahmins.[14]

Incorporation of ruling elite into administrationEdit

During his administration, Hindus and Buddhists were inducted into the administration as trusted advisors and governors.[14] A Hindu, Kaksa, was at one point the second most important member of his administration.[28] Dahir's prime minister and various chieftains were also incorporated into the administration.[29]

Jat clashes with Muhammad bin QasimEdit

Significant medieval Muslim chronicles such as the Chachnama, Zainul-Akhbar and Tarikh-I-Baihaqi have recorded battles between the Jats and forces of Muhammad bin Qasim .[30]

Treatment of JatsEdit

When Muhammad bin Qasim invaded Sindh, he encountered Jats and all Hindus were termed Jats by the foreign invaders.[31] The narrative in the Chach Nama conveys that Chach of Alor humiliated the Jats and Lohanas. He compelled them to agree to only carry sham swords, to wear no undergarments of shawl, velvet or silk; only wear silk outer garments provided they were red or black in color, to put no saddles on their horses, to take their dogs when they went out, to furnish guides and spies and carry firewood for the royal kitchen. Qasim maintained these regulations, declaring that the Jats resembled the savages of Persia and the mountains. He also fixed their tribute. Jats of Ghasul who had submitted to the Arab rule garrisoned the Ságara and the island of Bait.[32][unreliable source?]


Historians such as Elliot, Cousens, Majumdar and Vaidya, have the general consensus that there was coercive conversion during the reign of Muhammad the Qasim[citation needed], and destruction of temples was a reflection of the more basic, religiously motivated intolerance,[23] facts also corroborated by various islamic sources such as Chachnama, Zainul-Akhbar and Tarikh-I-Baihaqi.

Lane-Poole writes that, "as a rule Muslim government was at once tolerant and economic".[33] The preference of collection of jizya over the conversion to Islam is a major economic motivator.[34][35] Hindus and Buddhists who were classified as Dhimmis had to pay mandatory Jizya,[14] a form of ransom money.[36] Jizya is normally higher than the zakat to be paid by muslims.[37][38] Contrastingly preferential treatment was given to a small number of people who were converted to Islam by "exempting them from Jizya in lieu of paying the Zakat".[27] Qasim fixed Zakat at 10% of the agricultural produce.[39] Dhimmis, who are given a second-class status and often treated harshly,[36] have to pay the mandatory jizya.[40] Dhimmis have to endure more restrictions and lesser rights than muslims.[41][42] In Al-Biruni's narrative, according to Manan Ahmed Asif – a historian of Islam in South and Southeast Asia, "Qasim first asserts the superiority of Islam over the polytheists by committing a taboo (killing a cow) and publicly soiling the idol (giving the cow meat as an offering)" before allowing the temple to continue as a place of worship.[43]

A religious islamic office, "sadru-I-Islam al affal", was created to oversee the secular governors.[27] The native hereditary elites were reappointed with the title of rana. According to Yohanan Friedmann, Qasim declared that the Brahmins of Brahmanabad were good people.[39]

While proselytization occurred, given the social dynamics of areas of Sindh conquered by Muslim, the spread of Islam was slow and took centuries.[27] No mass conversions to islam took place and some temples escaped destruction such as the Sun Temple of Multan on payment of jizya.[44] In the Arab settlers controlled areas of Sindh and Multan, conversion to Islam occurred only slowly, not on a massive scale.[45] Majority of the population continued to remain Hindu who had to pay the jizya imposed by the Muslim state.[45]


Muhammad bin Qasim had begun preparations for further expansions when Hajjaj died, as did Caliph Al-Walid I, who was succeeded by Sulayman ibn Abd al-Malik, who then took revenge against all who had been close to Hajjaj. Sulayman owed political support to opponents of Hajjaj and so recalled both of Hajjaj's successful generals Qutaibah bin Muslim and Qasim. He also appointed Yazid ibn al-Muhllab, once tortured by Hajjaj and a son of Al Muhllab ibn Abi Suffrah, as the governor of Fars, Kirman, Makran, and Sindh; he immediately placed Qasim in chains.[46]

There are two different accounts regarding the details of Qasim's fate:

  • According to Al-Baladhuri, a 9th-century historian, Qasim was killed due to a family feud with the governor of Iraq. After the death of the caliph Al-Walid I, his brother Sulayman ibn Abd al-Malik became the new caliph. Sulayman became hostile against Qasim because apparently he had followed the order of Hajjaj to declare Sulayman's right of succession void in all territories conquered by him. When Qasim received the news of the death of Hajjaj he returned to Aror. Qasim was later arrested under the orders of the caliph by the successor governor of Sindh, Yazid ibn Kabsha as-Sasaki, who worked under the new governor of Iraq, Yazid ibn al-Muhallab, and the new fiscal manager, Salih ibn Abd ar-Rahman. Salih, whose brother was executed by Hajjaj, tortured Qasim and his relatives to death. The account of his death by Al-Baladhuri is very brief compared to the one in Chachanama.[14][47][48]
  • The Chachnama narrates a tale in which Qasim's demise is attributed to the daughters of King Dahir who had been taken captive during the campaign. Upon capture they had been sent on as presents to the Khalifa for his harem in the capital Baghdad (however Baghdad wasn't built yet and the actual capital was Damascus). The account relates that they then tricked the caliph into believing that Muhammad bin Qasim had violated them before sending them on and as a result of this subterfuge, Muhammad bin Qasim was wrapped and stitched in oxen hides,[49] and returned to Syria, which resulted in his death en route from suffocation.[50] This narrative attributes their motive for this subterfuge to securing vengeance for their father's death. Upon discovering this subterfuge, the Khalifa is recorded to have been filled with remorse and ordered the sisters buried alive in a wall.[25][47][51]


After bin Qasim's departure, the next appointed Arab governor died on arrival. Dahir's son Jaisiah recaptured Brahmanabad and c. 720, he was granted pardon and included in the administration in return for converting to Islam. Soon, however, he recanted and split off when the Umayyads were embroiled in a succession crisis. Later, Junaid Ibn Abdur Rahman al-Marri killed Jaisiah and recaptured the territory before his successors once again struggled to hold and keep it. During the Abassid period, c. 870, the local emirs shook off all allegiance to the caliphs and by the 10th century the region was split into two weak states, Mansurah on the lower Indus and Multan on the upper Indus, which were soon captured by Ismailis who set up an independent Fatimid state.[14][52] These successor states did not achieve much and shrank in size. The Arab conquest remained checked in what is now the south of Pakistan for three centuries by powerful Hindu monarchs to the north and east until the arrival of Mahmud of Ghazni.[53]


There is controversy regarding the conquest and subsequent conversion of Sindh. This is usually voiced in two antagonistic perspectives viewing Qasim's actions:[54]

His conquest, as described by Stanley Lane-Poole, in Medieval India (Published in 1970 by Haskell House Publishers Ltd), was "liberal". He imposed the customary poll tax, took hostages for good conduct and spared peoples' lives and lands. He even left their shrines undesecrated: 'The temples;' he proclaimed, 'shall be inviolate, like the churches of the Christians, the synagogues of the Jews and altars of the Magians'.[55] In the same text, however, it is mentioned that "Occasional desecration of Hindu fanes took place... but such demonstrations were probably rare sops to the official conscience..."

H. M. Elliot considered him to be "better" than other invaders, indulging in "much less, wanton sacrifice of life than was freely indulged in by most of the ruthless bigots who have propagated the same faith elsewhere." He considers the "unwonted toleration" to have probably "arisen from the small number of the invading force, as well as from ignorance of civil institutions", however destruction of temples and civilian massacres still took place.[56]

  1. Coercive conversion has been attributed to early historians such as Elliot, Cousens, Majumdar and Vaidya.[23] They hold the view that the conversion of Sindh was necessitated. Qasim's numerical inferiority is said to explain any instances of apparent religious toleration, with the destruction of temples seen as a reflection of the more basic, religiously motivated intolerance.[23]
  2. Voluntary conversion has been attributed to Thomas W. Arnold and modern Muslim historians such as Habib and Qureishi. They believe that the conquest was largely peaceful, and the conversion entirely so, and that the Arab forces enacted liberal, generous and tolerant policies.[23] These historians mention the "praiseworthy conduct of Arab Muslims" and attribute their actions to a "superior civilizational complex".[57]

Various polemical perceptions of Islam, Hinduism and Buddhism are also reflected in this debate.[58] Elliot perceived Islam as a religion of "terror, devastation, murder and rapine" where the conquering Arabs were characterized as "ruthless bigots" and "furious zealots" motivated by "plunder and proselytism".[23] The period of Qasim's rule has been called by U.T. Thakkur "the darkest period in Sind history", with the records speaking of massive forced conversions, temple destruction, slaughters and genocides; the people of Sindh, described as inherently pacifist due to their Hindu/Buddhist religious inclinations, had to adjust to the conditions of "barbarian inroad".[59] On one extreme, the Arab Muslims are seen as being compelled by religious stricture to conquer and forcibly convert Sindh, but on the other hand, they can be seen as being respectful and tolerant of non-Muslims as part of their religious duty, with conversion being facilitated by the vitality, equality and morals of the Islamic religion.[58] Citations of towns taken either violently or bloodlessly, reading back into Arab Sindh information belonging to a later date and dubious accounts such as those of the forcible circumcision of Brahmins at Debal or Qasims consideration of Hindu sentiment in forbidding the slaughter of cows are used as examples for one particular view or the other.[58]

Some historians strike a middle ground, saying that Qasim was torn between the political expediency of making peace with the Hindus and Buddhists; having to call upon non-Muslims to serve under him as part of his mandate to administer newly conquered land; and orthodoxy by refraining from seeking the co-operation of "infidels". It is contended that Qasim may have struck a middle ground, conferring the status of Dhimmi upon the native Sindhis and permitting them to participate in his administration, but treating them as "noncitizens" (i.e. in the Khilafat, but not of it).[27]


  • Qasim's presence and rule was very brief. His conquest for the Umayyads brought Sindh into the orbit of the Muslim world.[60]
  • After the conquest of Sindh, Qasim adopted the Hanafi school of Sharia law which regarded polytheists such as Hindus, Buddhists and Jains as "dhimmis" and "People of the Book", allowing them religious freedom as long as they continued to pay the tax known as "jizya". This approach would prove critical to the way Muslim rulers ruled in India over the next centuries.[14]
  • Coastal trade and a Muslim colony in Sindh allowed for cultural exchanges and the arrival of Sufi missionaries to expand Muslim influence.[61] From Debal, which remained an important port until the 12th century, commercial links with the Persian Gulf and the Middle East intensified as Sindh became the "hinge of the Indian Ocean Trade and overland passway."[60]
  • Muhammad Ali Jinnah claimed that the Pakistan movement started when the first Muslim put his foot on the soil of Sindh, the Gateway of Islam in India.[62]. He is often referred to as the first Pakistani according to Pakistan Studies curriculum.[63]
  • Yom-e Bab ul-Islam is observed in Pakistan, in honor of Muhammad bin Qasim.[64]
  • Port Qasim, Pakistan's second major port is named in honor of Muhammad bin Qasim.[65]
  • Bagh Ibne Qasim is the largest park in Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan named in honor of Muhammad bin Qasim.
  • Ibn-e-Qasim Bagh Stadium, Multan is a multi-use stadium named after Muhammad bin Qasim.
  • The Pakistan Naval Station Qasim, or PNS Qasim, is the major naval special operations base for the Amphibious Special Operations Forces in the Pakistan Navy named after Muhammad bin Qasim.
  • Bin Qasim Town in Karachi is named after Muhammad bin Qasim.
  • Muhammad bin Qasim Road/avenue in Karachi is named after Muhammad bin Qasim.
  • Mohammad Bin Qasim Library in Sujawal, Thatta is named after Muhammad bin Qasim.
  • Qasim Company in Pakistan Army is name after Muhammad bin Qasim.

See alsoEdit



  1. ^ a b c Asani, Ali (2006), "Muhammad ibn Al-Qasim", in Josef W. Meri (ed.), Medieval Islamic Civilization: L-Z, Taylor & Francis, pp. 524–525, ISBN 978-0-415-96692-4
  2. ^ Durrani, Ashiq Muhammad Khān (1991), History of Multan: from the early period to 1849 A.D., Vanguard, p. 10
  3. ^ Limbert, John (2004), Shiraz in the Age of Hafez: The Glory of a Medieval Persian City, University of Washington Press, p. 4, ISBN 978-0-295-98391-2
  4. ^ The Silk Road Encyclopedia, Seoul Selection, 18 July 2016, p. 1622, ISBN 978-1-62412-076-3
  5. ^ a b MacLean1989, p. 126.
  6. ^ History of al-Tabari Vol. 39, pp. 228, under "Those Who Died in the Year 111", State University of New York Press, (1998).
  7. ^ Ibn Hajar al-‘Asqalani, "Tahdhib al-Tahdhib", Volume 7, narrator no. 413, page 226.
  8. ^ Friedmann, Yohann (1984), "The origins and significance of the Chach Nāma", Islam in Asia: South Asia, Magnes Press/Westview Press, pp. 23–37, ISBN 978-965-223-521-3
  9. ^ a b c d MacLean1989, p. 126
  10. ^ S. A. A. Rizvi, "A socio-intellectual History of Isna Ashari Shi'is in India", Volo. 1, pp. 138, Mar'ifat Publishing House, Canberra (1986).
  11. ^ S. A. N. Rezavi, "The Shia Muslims", in History of Science, Philisophy and Culture in Indian Civilization, Vol. 2, Part. 2: "Religious Movements and Institutions in Medieval India", Chapter 13, Oxford University Press (2006).
  12. ^ a b c d Wink 2002, p. 164
  13. ^ Wink 2002, pp. 51-52
  14. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n Nicholas F. Gier, From Mongols to Mughals: Religious violence in India 9th-18th centuries, Presented at the Pacific Northwest Regional Meeting American Academy of Religion, Gonzaga University, May 2006.
  15. ^ Shoeb, Robina (2016). "Female Sufism in Pakistan: A Case Study of Bibi Pak Daman". Pakistan Vision. 17 (1): 229. But this version of the story is almost absent and not accepted by many historians, because Muhammad bin Qasim attacked Sindh to punish the then ruler of Sindh Raja Dahir who captured some Muslim women, and to release them he attacked Sindh.
  16. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t Wink 2002, pp. 201-205
  17. ^ Wink 2002, p. 131
  18. ^ The Indus River during this time flowed to the east of Nerun, but a 10th-century earthquake caused the river to change to its course.
  19. ^ Sailendra Nath Sen (1999-01-01), Ancient Indian History and Civilization, New Age International, pp. 343–, ISBN 978-81-224-1198-0
  20. ^ MacLean 1989, pp. 37-39
  21. ^ a b MacLean 1989, pp. 37-39.
  22. ^ a b c d e f Wink 2002, pp. 204-206
  23. ^ a b c d e f g h i j MacLean 1989, pp. 22-29.
  24. ^ "The fall of Multan laid the Indus valley at the feet of the conqueror. The tribes came in, 'ringing bells and beating drums and dancing,' in token of welcome. The Hindu rulers had oppressed them heavily, and the Jats and Meds and other tribes were on the side of the invaders. The work of conquest, as often happened in India, was thus aided by the disunion of the inhabitants, and jealousies of race and creed conspired to help the Muslims. To such suppliants Mohammad Kasim gave the liberal terms that the Arabs usually offered to all but inveterate foes. He imposed the customary poll-tax, took hostages for good conduct, and spared the people's lands and lives. He even left their shrines undesecrated: 'The temples,' he proclaimed, 'shall be inviolate, like the churches of the Christians, the synagogues of the Jews, and the altars of the Magians.'" Stanley Lane-Poole, Medieval India under Mohammedan Rule, 712-1764, G.P. Putnam's Sons. New York, 1970. p. 9-10
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  26. ^ The Evolution of the Artillery in India quoting Ibid 342
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  28. ^ H. M. Elliot and John Dowson, The History of India, as Told by Its Own Historians, (London, 1867-1877), vol. 1, p. 203. "Kaksa took precedence in the army before all the nobles and commanders. He collected the revenue of the country and the treasury was placed under his seal. He assisted Muhammad ibn Qasim in all of his undertakings..."
  29. ^ The Chach-Nama. English translation by Mirza Kalichbeg Fredunbeg. Delhi Reprint, 1979. Online version, last accessed 3 October 2006
  30. ^ Chapter by S Jabir Raza Passages in the Chachnama, Zainul-Akhbar And Tarikh-i-Baihaqi, Text and Translation, from the book The Jats, Their Role and contribution to the socio-Economic Life and Polity of North and North-West India, Volume 2, pp. 43–52
  31. ^ Valour and Sacrifice: Famous Regiments of the Indian Army, page 152.
  32. ^ page 358 Volume 11 A Glossary of the Tribes and castes of the Punjab and North -West Frontier Province compiled by H. A. Rose and based on the Census Report for the Punjab 1883. Published By the Asian Educational Services
  33. ^ Medieval India by Stanly Lane-Poole, Pub 1970, Page 10.
  34. ^ Habib Tiliouine, Richard J. Estes, 2016, "The State of Social Progress of Islamic Societies", Springer, page 338.
  35. ^ John Powell, 2010, "Weapons & Warfare: Warfare : culture and concepts", Salem Press, page 884.
  36. ^ a b Nabeel Qureshi, 2016, "Answering Jihad and Seeking Allah", page: see "Question 6"
  37. ^ Bjørn Olav Utvik, 2006, "The Pious Road to Development: Islamist Economics in Egypt", Hurst & Company, page 101.
  38. ^ The French scholar Gustave Le Bon (the author of La civilisation des Arabes) writes "the incidence of taxation fell more heavily on a Muslim than a non-Muslim." Mun'im Sirry (2014), Scriptural Polemics: The Qur'an and Other Religions, p.179. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0199359363.
  39. ^ a b Iqtidar Hisain Siddiqui, 2010, Indo-Persian historiography up to thirteenth century, Primum Books, Delhi.
  40. ^ Glenn, H. Patrick (2007). Legal Traditions of the World. Oxford University Press. pp. 218–219.
  41. ^ H. Patrick Glenn, Legal Traditions of the World. Oxford University Press, 2007, p. 219.
  42. ^ Clinton Bennett (2005). Muslims and Modernity: An Introduction to the Issues and Debates. Continuum International Publishing Group. p. 163. ISBN 082645481X. Retrieved 7 July 2012.
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  45. ^ a b Mohammad Yunus, Aradhana Parmar, 2003, "South Asia: A Historical Narrative", Oxford University Press, page 123.
  46. ^ Wink 2002, p. 53
  47. ^ a b Keay, pg. 185
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  55. ^ Medieval India by Stanley Lane-Poole, Published by Haskell House Publishers Ltd. NY 1970. Page 10
  56. ^ A Book of Conquest, p. 169, authored by Manan Ahmed Asif, published by Oxford University Press, 19-Sep-2016.
  57. ^ MacLean, 1989 & 31-33
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  59. ^ Sindhi Culture by U.T. Thakkur, University of Bombay 1959
  60. ^ a b Markovits, Claude The Global World of Indian Merchants, 1750-1947: Traders of Sind from Bukhara to Panama, Cambridge University Press, June 22, 2000, ISBN 0-521-62285-9, pg. 34.
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