Liu Shan (pronunciation, 207–271),[1][a] courtesy name Gongsi, was the second and last emperor of the state of Shu Han during the Three Kingdoms period. As he ascended the throne at the age of 16, Liu Shan was entrusted to the care of the Chancellor Zhuge Liang and Imperial Secretariat Li Yan. His reign of 40 years was the longest of all emperors in the Three Kingdoms era.[b] During Liu Shan's reign, many campaigns were led against the rival state of Cao Wei, primarily by Zhuge Liang and his successor Jiang Wei, but to little avail, due to their drastic mismatch in terms of population and geographic extent. Liu Shan eventually surrendered to Wei in 263 after Deng Ai led a surprise attack on the Shu capital Chengdu. He was quickly relocated to the Wei capital at Luoyang, and enfeoffed as "Duke Anle". There he enjoyed his last years peacefully before dying in 271, most probably of natural causes.

Liu Shan
劉禪
A Qing dynasty illustration of Liu Shan
Emperor of Shu Han
ReignJune 223 – December 263
PredecessorLiu Bei
Regent
Crown Prince of Shu Han
Tenure19 June 221 – June 223
SuccessorLiu Xuan
Duke of Anle (安樂公)
Tenure264–271
Born207
Xinye County, Henan
Died271 (aged 64)
Luoyang, Henan
Spouse
Issue
Detail
Names
  • Family name: Liu (劉)
  • Given name: Shan (禪)
  • Courtesy name: Gongsi (公嗣)
Era dates
  • Jianxing (建興; 223–237)
  • Yanxi (延熙; 238–257)
  • Jingyao (景耀; 258–263)
  • Yanxing (炎興; 263)
Posthumous name
  • Duke Si of Anle (安樂思公)
  • Emperor Xiaohuai (孝懷皇帝)
HouseHouse of Liu
DynastyShu Han
FatherLiu Bei
MotherEmpress Zhaolie
Liu Shan
Traditional Chinese劉禪
Simplified Chinese刘禅

Widely known to later generations by his infant name Adou" (阿斗), Liu Shan was commonly perceived as an incapable ruler. He was also accused of indulging in pleasures while neglecting state affairs, allowing corrupt officials to take power. Some modern scholars have taken a more positive view towards Liu Shan's capability, as Liu Shan's long reign in Shu Han was free of bloody court coups unlike its rivals. Nevertheless, the name "Adou" is today still commonly used in Chinese as an epithet for someone so incompetent at a task that no amount of assistance will help them succeed.[2]: 59 n. 2 

The main source of historical information about Liu Shan and his contemporaries is Records of the Three Kingdoms. Its author Chen Shou noted in his postface that Zhuge Liang did not employ scribes at Liu Shan's court, contrary to tradition.[3] This custom would never be established in Shu Han, so details of Liu Shan's rule are hazy in comparison to the richness of information available for Shu's rival states of Wei and Wu. Much of his reign is recorded in spare, terse synopsis.[4]

Early life edit

Liu Shan was the eldest son of the warlord Liu Bei and was born to Liu Bei's concubine Lady Gan.[5] In 208, Liu Bei's rival Cao Cao, who had by then occupied most of northern China, launched a campaign on Jing Province. During his retreat south, Liu Bei was caught up by an elite cavalry force led by Cao Cao at the Battle of Changban, and forced to leave behind Lady Gan and Liu Shan to resume his escape.[6] Liu Bei's general Zhao Yun stayed behind to protect the family members of Liu Bei. Holding the infant Liu Shan in his arms, Zhao Yun led the mother and child to safety.[c]

An alternative story of Liu Shan's early life was given in Yu Huan's Weilüe. It was said that Liu Shan, then already several years old, was separated from Liu Bei when the latter was attacked by Cao Cao in Xiaopei in 200. He somehow landed in Hanzhong and was sold by slave traders. Only when Liu Bei declared himself emperor in 221 was Liu Shan reunited with his father. Pei Songzhi included this account in his Annotated Records of the Three Kingdoms but refused to give it any credence.[8]

After Liu Bei declared himself emperor of Shu Han in 221, Liu Shan was formally made the crown prince.[1] In the following year, Liu Bei left the capital Chengdu on a campaign against Sun Quan, who had sent his general Lü Meng to invade and seize Jing Province from Liu Bei in 219. Liu Bei was defeated at the Battle of Xiaoting and, having retreated to the city of Baidicheng, eventually died in 223. Before his death, Liu Bei entrusted the young Liu Shan to the care of his chancellor Zhuge Liang.[1] Liu Bei made an ambiguous deathbed statement to Zhuge Liang about the possibility of Liu Shan's fitness to rule. The statement meant at minimum that Zhuge Liang was empowered to replace Liu Shan if the crown prince proved incapable, and may have indicated permission for Zhuge Liang to take the throne himself.[9]

Reign edit

Zhuge Liang's regency edit

While Zhuge Liang was alive, Liu Shan treated him as a father figure, allowing Zhuge to handle all state affairs. Zhuge Liang recommended many trusted officials, including Fei Yi, Dong Yun, Guo Youzhi and Xiang Chong into key positions. Under Zhuge Liang's advice, Liu Shan entered into an alliance with the state of Eastern Wu, helping both states to survive against the much larger state of Cao Wei. During Zhuge Liang's regency, the government was largely efficient and not corrupt, allowing the relatively small state of Shu to prepare itself for military campaigns.

In 223, Liu Shan married Zhang Fei's daughter, Empress Zhang.

In the aftermath of Liu Bei's death, the southern Nanman tribes had peeled away from Shu dominion. In 225, Zhuge Liang headed south and was able to, by both military victories and persuasion, reintegrate the southern region into the empire. For the rest of Zhuge Liang's regency, the southern Nanman people would be key contributors to Shu's campaigns against Wei.

Starting in 227, Zhuge Liang launched his five Northern Expeditions against Wei. All but one were modest military failures, with the Shu forces exhausting their provisions before they were able to inflict significant damage on Wei. On one expedition in 231, Zhuge Liang faced a political crisis. Unable to supply the troops sufficiently, Zhuge Liang's co-regent Li Yan forged an edict by Liu Shan, ordering Zhuge Liang to retreat. When Zhuge Liang discovered this, he recommended that Li Yan be removed from his office and put under house arrest, and Liu Shan accepted the recommendation.

In 234, while Zhuge Liang was on his final campaign against Wei, he grew seriously ill. Hearing about Zhuge's illness, Liu Shan sent his secretary Li Fu (李福) to the front line to visit Zhuge Liang and request instructions on important state matters. Among other things, Zhuge Liang recommended that Jiang Wan succeed him, and that Fei Yi succeed Jiang Wan. Zhuge Liang refused to answer Li Fu's next question — who should succeed Fei Yi. Zhuge Liang died soon thereafter. Liu Shan followed these recommendations, installing Jiang Wan as the new regent.

Jiang Wan's regency edit

Jiang Wan was a capable administrator, and he continued Zhuge Liang's domestic policies, leaving the government largely efficient. He was also known for his tolerance of dissension and his humility. Not having much military aptitude, however, he soon abandoned Zhuge Liang's aggressive foreign policy towards Wei, and indeed in 241 withdrew most of the troops from the important border city of Hanzhong to Fu County (涪縣; in present-day Mianyang, Sichuan).[citation needed] From that point on, Shu was generally in a defensive posture and no longer posed a threat to Wei. According to histories of the Wu court, Shu's defensive posture was interpreted by many Wu officials as a sign that Shu was abandoning the alliance and had entered into a treaty with Wei; but Wu's emperor Sun Quan correctly identified it as merely a sign of weakness, not an abandonment of the alliance.

In 237, Empress Zhang died. That year, Liu Shan took her younger sister as a consort, and in 238 created her empress. Her title remained the same as her sister, Empress Zhang.

In 243, Jiang Wan grew ill and transferred most of his authority to Fei Yi and Fei's assistant Dong Yun. In 244, when Wei's regent Cao Shuang attacked Hanzhong, it was Fei Yi who led the troops against Cao Shuang and dealt Wei a major defeat in the Battle of Xingshi. Jiang Wan, however, remained influential until his death in 245. Soon after Jiang Wan's death, Dong Yun also died — allowing the eunuch Huang Hao, a favourite of Liu Shan's, whose power Dong Yun had curbed, to start aggrandising his power. Huang Hao was viewed as corrupt and highly manipulative in domestic matters, and the governmental efficiency that was achieved during Zhuge Liang's and Jiang Wan's regencies began to deteriorate.

Fei Yi's regency edit

After Jiang Wan and Dong Yun's deaths, Liu Shan named Jiang Wei as Fei Yi's assistant, but both were largely involved only in military matters, as Liu Shan gradually became more self-assertive in non-military matters. It was also around this time that he became more interested in touring the countryside and increasing the use of luxury items, both of which added stress on the treasury, albeit not cripplingly so. Jiang Wei was interested in resuming Zhuge Liang's policies of attacking Wei aggressively, a strategy that Fei Yi partially agreed with — as he allowed Jiang Wei to make raids on Wei's borders, but never gave him a large number of troops, reasoning that Shu was in no position for a major military confrontation with Wei.

In 253, Fei Yi was assassinated by the general Guo Xun (郭循), a former Wei general who had been forced to surrender but who secretly maintained his loyalty to Wei. Fei Yi's death left Jiang Wei as the de facto regent, but with a power vacuum in domestic affairs, as Jiang Wei continued to be on the borders, conducting campaigns against Wei. Huang Hao's influence increased greatly as a result.

Jiang Wei's semi-regency edit

After Fei Yi's death, Jiang Wei assumed command of Shu's troops and began a number of campaigns against Wei—but while they were troubling to the Wei regents Sima Shi and Sima Zhao, the attacks largely inflicted no real damage against Wei, as Jiang Wei's campaigns were plagued by one problem that had plagued Zhuge Liang's—the lack of adequate food supply—and largely had to be terminated after a short duration. These campaigns instead had a detrimental effect on Shu, whose government no longer had the efficiency that it had during Zhuge Liang's and Jiang Wan's regencies, and therefore was unable to cope with the drain of resources that Jiang Wei's campaigns were having.

In 253, Jiang Wei made a coordinated attack on Wei, along with Wu's regent Zhuge Ke, but was eventually forced to withdraw after his troops ran out of food supplies — allowing Sima Shi to concentrate against Zhuge Ke, dealing Wu forces a devastating defeat that eventually caused so much resentment that Zhuge Ke was assassinated. This was the last of the coordinated attacks by Shu and Wu on Wei in the duration of the Shu-Wu alliance.

In 255, on one of Jiang Wei's campaigns, he dealt Wei forces a major defeat in the Battle of Didao, nearly capturing the important Wei border city Didao, but in 256, as he tried to again confront the Wei forces, he was instead dealt a defeat by Deng Ai, and this was a fairly devastating loss that left Jiang Wei with a weakened standing with the people. Many officials now openly questioned Jiang Wei's strategy, but Liu Shan took no actions to stop Jiang. Further, in 259, under Jiang Wei's suggestion, Liu Shan approved a plan where the main troops were withdrawn from major border cities to try to induce a Wei attack, with troops positioned in such a way as to intend a trapping of the Wei troops — a strategy that would be used several years later, in 263, when Wei did attack, but which would prove to be a failure.

By 261, Huang Hao's power appeared paramount. Among the key domestic officials, only Dong Jue and Zhuge Liang's son Zhuge Zhan were able to maintain their posts without flattering Huang Hao. In 262, Huang Hao would in fact try to remove Jiang Wei and replace him with his friend Yan Yu (閻宇). Upon hearing this, Jiang Wei advised Liu Shan to execute Huang Hao, but the emperor denied the request, saying that the eunuch was but a servant who ran errands. Fearing retaliation, Jiang Wei left Chengdu to garrison troops at Tazhong (沓中; northwest of present-day Zhugqu County, Gansu).

According to the Wu ambassador Xue Xu, who visited Shu in 261 at the order of the Wu emperor Sun Xiu, the status that Shu was in at this point was:

The ruler is incompetent and does not know his errors; his subordinates do the bare minimum to avoid punishment. When I entered their court, I heard no proper speech; when I toured their countryside, the people looked sallow from hunger. Your servant has heard that swallows and sparrows may nests atop a great hall, mother and child both content, believing themselves safe. Yet should the rafters suddenly ignite, the birds remain happy, unaware of the disaster about to befall them. The situation is analogous.[10]

Fall of Shu edit

In 262, aggravated by Jiang Wei's constant attacks, Wei's regent Sima Zhao planned to carry out a major campaign to terminate the Shu threat once and for all. Upon hearing rumours of this plan, Jiang Wei submitted a request to Liu Shan, warning him about the mustering of Wei troops under the generals Deng Ai, Zhuge Xu, and Zhong Hui near the border. However, Huang Hao persuaded Liu Shan with fortunetelling to take no action on Jiang Wei's requests for war preparations.

In 263, Sima Zhao launched his attacks, led by Deng Ai, Zhuge Xu, and Zhong Hui. Liu Shan followed Jiang Wei's previous plans and ordered the border troops to withdraw and prepare to trap Wei forces, rather than to confront them directly. The plan, however, had a fatal flaw — it assumed that Wei forces would siege the border cities, which, instead, Deng Ai and Zhong Hui ignored, and they advanced instead on Yang'an Pass (陽安關; in present-day Hanzhong, Shaanxi), capturing it. Jiang Wei was able to meet their troops and initially repel them, but Deng Ai led his army through a treacherous mountain pass and deep into Shu territory. There he launched a surprise attack on Jiangyou (江油; in present-day Mianyang, Sichuan). After defeating Zhuge Zhan there, Deng Ai had virtually no Shu troops left between his army and the Shu capital Chengdu. Faced with the prospect of defending Chengdu against Deng Ai's troops with no defences, Liu Shan took the advice of Secretary Qiao Zhou and promptly surrendered. This surrender was criticised by many: Chen Shou alone had sympathetic words, in a laconic coda to the biography of Qiao Zhou, his own former mentor.[11] It would be until the Qing dynasty that other nuanced or positive assessments were made.[12]: 93–94 

In March 264, Zhong Hui would carry out an attempt to seize power — which Jiang Wei, who had surrendered to Zhong Hui, tried to take advantage of to revive Shu. He advised Zhong Hui to falsely accuse Deng Ai of treason and arrest him, and, with their combined troops, rebel against Sima Zhao. Zhong Hui did so, and Jiang Wei planned to next kill Zhong Hui and his followers, and then redeclare Shu's independence under emperor Liu Shan, and had in fact written to Liu Shan to inform him of those plans. However, Zhong Hui's troops rebelled against him, and both Jiang Wei and Zhong Hui were killed in battle. Liu Shan himself was not harmed in the disturbance, although his crown prince Liu Xuan was killed in the confusion.

Life after the fall of Shu edit

In early 264, Liu Shan with Empress Zhang and his entire family was relocated to the Wei capital Luoyang. On 11 April 264,[d] he was enfeoffed as Duke of Anle (安樂公) while his sons and grandsons became marquises. This practice was referred to as èrwáng-sānkè [simple; zh] (二王三恪).

The Chronicle of Han and Jin [zh] by Xi Zuochi records an incident which has become the most famous tale to be associated with Liu Shan: One day, the Wei regent Sima Zhao invited Liu Shan and his followers to a feast, during which Sima Zhao arranged to have entertainers perform traditional Shu music and dance. The former Shu officials present were all saddened, but Liu Shan was visibly unmoved. When asked by Sima Zhao if he missed his former state, Liu Shan replied:

I am too happy here to think about Shu.
(此間樂不思蜀)[14]

This phrase has become a Chinese idiomlèbùsīshǔ (樂不思蜀), figuratively meaning "joyful and does not think of home / the past". The phrase has a negative connotation with regards to the person's character.

Former Shu official Xi Zheng then advised Liu Shan that the appropriate response was to lament how far he had been removed from his family tombs. Liu Shan followed the advice when he was asked the same question later, however Sima Zhao quickly guessed that he had been coached in his answer, and Liu Shan admitted as much. This was noted by Sima Zhao as a sign that Liu Shan was an incompetent fool; some later historians believed that it showed Liu Shan's wisdom in intentionally displaying a lack of ambition so that Sima Zhao would not view him as a threat.

Liu Shan died in 271 in Luoyang, and was given the posthumous name "Duke Si of Anle" (安樂思公; "the deep-thinking duke of peace and happiness"). This landless sinecure lasted several generations during Wei's successor state, the Jin dynasty, before being extinguished in the turmoils caused by the Wu Hu.[e] Liu Yuan, the founder of Han Zhao, one of the states in the Sixteen Kingdoms, claimed to be a legitimate successor of the Han Dynasty. In that capacity, he bestowed Liu Shan the posthumous name "Emperor Xiaohuai" (孝懷皇帝; "the filial and kind emperor").

Assessment edit

Contemporary edit

 
Statue of Zhuge Liang, whose employment is responsible for most of the contemporary praises toward Liu Shan.

Liu Shan had a very negative reputation among his contemporaries. He was seen as an incompetent ruler, more interested in satisfying his desires than looking after his country and was held responsible for appointing corrupt officials to position of power.

Both Xue Xu and Lu Kai, officials from the allied State of Eastern Wu described him as a mediocre ruler with Xue Xu further remarking that when he travelled to Shu for his mission as emissary in 261, he saw corruption among the officials and hunger among the people.[16] Lu Kai noted that the natural defences of Sichuan along with a strong army were enough to protect his State yet Liu Shan allowed disorder and corruption in his court, failed to recognize honest officials from dishonest more interested in luxury which is how his State and subordinates became prisoners from another.[17]

This statement about the impressive natural defenses of the region is repeated by Li Te, when he led his clan back to Yi Province. While passing through Jian'ge Pass (劍閣關, in modern Guangyuan, Sichuan), he exclaimed that with such an impressive barrier, only a lesser man like Liu Shan could have been submitted by someone else.[18]

As previously stated, Sima Zhao thought of Liu Shan's attitude as pleasure seeker, saying that even someone as talented as Zhuge Liang couldn't assist and safeguard him forever so even less Jiang Wei. Jia Chong answered to Sima Zhao that this was the same behaviour that allowed them to conquer Shu Han.[19] A resounding anecdote when comparing with the events preceding the Wei invasion. When he was Emperor, Liu Shan repeatedly wanted to expand his harem however Dong Yun prevented him from doing so. Liu Shan was too afraid to act against him and for this disliked him.[20] After Dong Yun's death, with the flattery of Chen Zhi and influence of Huang Hao, Liu Shan's hatred for Dong Yun grew each day.[21] After Chen Zhi's death in 258, Huang Hao was controlling the politics of the State and none among the people of Shu did not miss Dong Yun.[22]

Li Mi, a former official of Shu gave a mixed appraisal praising him for the employment of Zhuge Liang which allowed him to stabilize his power but also criticizing him for the employment of Huang Hao which allowed the later corruption of his court.[23] Sun Sheng evaluated Liu Shan as a mediocre and ignorant ruler and denounced him for surrendering so quickly during the Conquest of Shu by Wei in 263 rather than use the local rugged terrain along with other armies in his government to resist the invaders.[24] Pei Songzhi qualified him (along with Fei Yi) as an average individual who had no weight on the existence of his State.[25]

Chang Qu, who wrote extensively about the history of the Sichuan region in the Chronicles of Huayang (Huayang Guo Zhi), greatly praised Zhuge Liang but lamented that his lord, Liu Shan wasn't the kind of man that could unite a country.[26] In the volume 7 of the Huayang Guo Zhi, he ends Liu Shan's biography with Wang Chong's eulogy toward his former State of Shu Han where Wang Chong comments that Liu Shan was a mediocre ruler without ambition toward the world and was in part responsible for the decline of his State.[27]

Chen Shou, who wrote Liu Shan's biography in the Records of the Three Kingdoms (Sanguozhi), in his appraisal commends Liu Shan when he appointed Zhuge Liang for following reason but condemns him for the employment of Huang Hao as being ignorant. He noted that when something is without substance, it reflects what's around. And this expression fits Liu Shan perfectly.[28]

Modern edit

However, modern historians have taken a revisionist view, challenging the common portrayal of Liu Shan seeing him in a far more positive light.

Among them, Yi Zhongtian argued that even competent emperors like Emperor Wu of Han had evil courtiers beside him; Liu Shan is not the only case. Moreover, surrounding Liu Shan were not only evil courtiers, but also many competent and talented officers like Jiang Wan, Fei Yi and Dong Yun. Secondly, Liu Shan surrendering without much fighting is blameworthy, but the fall of Shu Han was actually due to many reasons. Thirdly, for the case of Zhao Yun, Zhao's official position during his life was actually lower than Guan Yu, Zhang Fei, Ma Chao and Huang Zhong. Hence, Liu Shan's awarding of posthumous Marquis titles to the latter four but not timely to Zhao Yun was understandable. Finally, Liu Shan's behavior in front of Sima Zhao was purposeful: he pretended to be stupid and despicable so that Sima Zhao would ignore him and spare his family, and Liu Shan was successful. Being able to fool the distrustful Sima Zhao meant Liu Shan was actually not a fool.[29]

Moreover, there were notable signs of Liu Shan's competence during his reign. He cleverly retook direct control of state affairs after the death of Zhuge Liang and appointed Jiang Wan and Fei Yi so that the two could keep each other in check. In 238, Cao Wei made war with Gongsun Yuan and many people in Shu Han believed it was a good chance for northern expansion. However, Liu Shan carefully instructed Fei Yi to attack only in combination with Eastern Wu, and only when Cao Wei was unprepared. Several historical commentators thus compare Liu Shan's caution favorably with that of Liu Bei and Zhuge Liang's costly and ineffective campaigns. Finally, Liu Shan's surrender in 262-263 has been viewed with sympathy as an inevitable choice by commentators in both historical records and contemporary times, due to the vast difference in population and military capability between the two states, as well as the tendency of victors to massacre the citizens of enemy states that had refused to surrender. In particular, Liu Shan's surrender is often compared favorably with that of Gongsun Yuan, a regional warlord who attempted to retake power by allying with Eastern Wu, which eventually resulted in the extermination of his clan, and a bloody massacre of his population base at Liaodong. In contrast, Liu Shan's surrender led to a peaceful transfer of power to the Wei kingdom, with most of the population unharmed, except during the week of unrest caused by Jiang Wei's plotting.[29]

Family edit

  • Empress Jing'ai, of the Zhang clan (敬哀皇后 張氏; d. 237)[30]
  • Empress Zhang, of the Zhang clan (張皇后 張氏; fl. 237–264)
  • Noble Lady Wang, of the Wang clan (王貴人 王氏)
  • Li Zhaoyi, of the Li clan (李昭儀 李氏)
  • Unknown:
    • Liu Yao, Prince of Anding (安定王劉瑤; d. 311), second son
    • Liu Cong, Prince of Xihe (西河王劉琮; d. 262), third son
    • Liu Zan (劉瓚; d. 311), fourth son
    • Liu Chen, Prince of Beidi (北地王劉諶; d. 263),[31] fifth son
    • Liu Xun, Prince of Xinxing (新興王劉恂; d. 311), sixth son; later succeeded the peerage of Duke of Anle
    • Liu Qian (劉虔; d. 311), seventh son

In popular culture edit

Romance of the Three Kingdoms edit

Liu Shan appears as a character in the historical novel Romance of the Three Kingdoms by Luo Guanzhong, which romanticises the historical events before and during the Three Kingdoms period. In the novel, Liu Shan is generally portrayed as an incapable ruler who was easily swayed by words, especially those from the eunuch Huang Hao, whom he favoured.

In modern works edit

Liu Shan is a playable character in Koei's Dynasty Warriors video game series, first available in the seventh instalment, as well as in Warriors Orochi 3, also by Koei.

See also edit

References edit

Notes edit

  1. ^ Liu Shan's name is commonly mispronounced as "Liu Chan". See Lü Youren (吕友仁) (1988). 阿斗的大名怎样读 [How to pronounce Adou's name]. Zhonghua Shuju Wenshi Zhishi 中华书局《文史知识》. No. 11. Archived from the original on November 29, 2006.
  2. ^ Sun Quan ruled his state for 52 years (200–252). However, he only declared himself emperor in 229, and was emperor for 23 years.
  3. ^ It appears likely that Lady Gan had died sometime before 209, because when Liu Bei's wife Lady Sun effectively divorced Liu Bei in 211, Liu Shan was in her custody.[7]
  4. ^ Cao Huan's biography in the Sanguozhi recorded that Liu Shan was made the Duke of Anle on the dinghai day of the 3rd month of the 1st year of the Xianxi era of Cao Huan's reign.[13] This date corresponds to 11 April 264 in the Julian calendar.
  5. ^ Liu Bei's line did not completely die out. In his Shu Shi Pu, Sun Sheng indicated that he met Liu Shan's younger half-brother Liu Yong's grandson Liu Xuan (劉玄). They met in Chengdu during an expedition against Li Shi, the last ruler of the Cheng Han regime, in 347 (3rd year of the Yonghe era). Sun claimed that Li Xiong, founder of the Cheng Han regime, created Liu Xuan as his Duke of Anle, after Liu fled to Shu during the chaos of the Yongjia era. [15]

Citations edit

  1. ^ a b c de Crespigny (2007), p. 541.
  2. ^ Hu Shih (2022) [1934]. "Do We Need Or Want Dictatorship?". In Chou, Chih-p’ing; Lin, Carlos Yu-Kai (eds.). Power of Freedom: Hu Shih's Political Writings. China Understandings Today. University of Michigan Press. pp. 55–61. doi:10.3998/mpub.12258711. JSTOR 10.3998/mpub.12258711.5.
  3. ^ Chen and Pei (429), p. i.
  4. ^ Chen and Pei (429), 33.896–899.
  5. ^ Chen and Pei (429), 34.905.
  6. ^ Chen and Pei 429, 32.878: "曹公以江陵有軍實,恐先主據之,乃釋輜重,輕軍到襄陽。聞先主已過,曹公將精騎五千急追之,一日一夜行三百餘里,及於當陽之長坂。先主棄妻子,與諸葛亮、張飛、趙雲等數十騎走,曹公大獲其人衆輜重。"
  7. ^ Xi, Han–Jin Chunqiu: "先主入益州,吳遣迎孫夫人。夫人欲將太子歸吳,諸葛亮使趙雲勒兵斷江留太子,乃得止。" Cited in Chen and Pei 429, 34.906 n. 1.
  8. ^ Yu, Weilüe, cited in Chen and Pei 429, 33.893–894 n. 2.
  9. ^ Chen and Pei 429, 35.918: "謂亮曰:「君才十倍曹丕,必能安國,終定大事。若嗣子可輔,輔之;如其不才,君可自取。」"
  10. ^ Xi, Han–Jin Chunqiu: "主闇而不知其過,臣下容身以求免罪,入其朝不聞正言,經其野民皆菜色。臣聞燕雀處堂,子母相樂,自以為安也,突決棟焚,而燕雀怡然不知禍之將及,其是之謂乎!" Cited in Chen and Pei 429, 53.1255 n. 1, biography of Xue Zong.
  11. ^ Chen and Pei (429), 42.1031.
  12. ^ Farmer, J. Michael (2008). "Rotten Pedant! The Literary and Historical Afterlife of Qiao Zhou" (PDF). Asia Major. Third Series. 21 (2). Academica Sinica: 59–99. JSTOR 41649956.
  13. ^ Chen and Pei 429, 4.150: "[咸熈元年三月]丁亥,封劉禪為安樂公。"
  14. ^ Chen and Pei 429, 33.902 n 1.
  15. ^ Sun, Shu shi pu: "唯永孫玄奔蜀,李雄偽署安樂公以嗣禪後。永和三年討李勢,盛參戎行,見玄於成都也。" Cited in Chen and Pei 429, 34.908 n. 1.
  16. ^ (「主闇而不知其過,臣下容身以求免罪,入其朝不聞正言,經其野民皆菜色。臣聞燕雀處堂,子母相樂,自以為安也,突決棟焚,而燕雀怡然不知禍之將及,其是之謂乎!」) Han Jin Chunqiu annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 53.
  17. ^ (近者漢之衰末,三家鼎立,曹失綱紀,晉有其政。又益州危險。兵多精強,閉門固守,可保萬世,而劉氏以奪乖錯,賞罰失所,君恣意於奢侈,民力竭於不急,是以為晉所伐,君臣見虜,此目前之明驗也。) Sanguozhi vol. 61.
  18. ^ (元康中,氐齊萬年反,關西擾亂,頻歲大饑,百姓乃流移就穀,相與入漢川者數萬家。特隨流人將入於蜀,至劍閣,箕踞太息,顧眄險阻曰:「劉禪有如此之地而面縛於人,豈非庸才邪!」) Jin Shu vol. 120.
  19. ^ (司馬文王與禪宴,為之作故蜀技,旁人皆為之感愴,而禪喜笑自若。王謂賈充曰:「人之無情,乃可至於是乎!雖使諸葛亮在,不能輔之久全,而況姜維邪?」充曰:「不如是,殿下何由並之。」) Han Jin Chunqiu annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 33.
  20. ^ (後主常欲採擇以充后宮,允以為古者天子后妃之數不過十二,今嬪嬙已具,不宜增益,終執不聽。後主益嚴憚之。) Sanguozhi vol. 39.
  21. ^ (自祗之有寵,後主追怨允日深,謂為自輕,由祗媚茲一人,皓構間浸潤故耳。) Sanguozhi vol. 39.
  22. ^ (祗死後,皓從黃門令為中常侍、奉車都尉,操弄威柄,終至覆國。蜀人無不追思允。) Sanguozhi vol. 39.
  23. ^ (司空張華問之曰:「安樂公何如?」密曰:「可次齊桓。」華問其故,對曰:「齊桓得管仲而霸,用豎刁而蟲流。安樂公得諸葛亮而抗魏,任黃皓而喪國,是知成敗一也。」) Jin Shu vol. 88.
  24. ^ (孫盛曰:...禪雖庸主,實無桀、紂之酷,戰雖屢北,未有土崩之亂,縱不能君臣固守,背城借一,自可退次東鄙以思後圖。是時羅憲以重兵據白帝,霍弋以強卒鎮夜郎。蜀土險狹,山水峻隔,絕巘激湍,非步卒所涉。若悉取舟楫,保據江州,徵兵南中,乞師東國,如此則姜、廖五將自然雲從,吳之三師承命電赴,何投寄之無所而慮於必亡邪?...禪既闇主,周實駑臣,方之申包、田單、范蠡、大夫種,不亦遠乎!) Sun Sheng's annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 42.
  25. ^ (且劉禪凡下之主,費禕中才之相,二人存亡,固無關於興喪。) Pei Songzhi's annotation in Sanguozhi vol. 4.
  26. ^ (諸葛亮雖資英霸之能,而主非中興之器,) Huayang Guo Zhi vol. 7.
  27. ^ (蜀郡太守王崇論後主曰:「昔世祖內資神武之大才,外拔四「屯」〔七〕之奇將,猶勤而獲濟。然乃登天衢,車不輟駕,坐不安席。非淵明弘鑒,則中興之業何容易哉。後主庸常之君,雖有一亮之經緯,內無附之謀,外無爪牙之將,焉可包括天下也。」) Huayang Guo Zhi vol. 7.
  28. ^ (後主任賢相則為循理之君,惑閹堅則為昏暗之後,傳曰‘素絲無常,唯所染之’,信矣哉!) Sanguozhi vol. 33.
  29. ^ a b Yi Zhongtian (2010). Analysis of the Three Kingdoms 品三國. Vol. 2 (Vietnamese ed.). Publisher of People's Public Security.
  30. ^ Chen and Pei (429), 33.897.
  31. ^ Xi, Han–Jin Chunqiu, cited in Chen and Pei 429, 33.900–901 n. 1.

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Emperor Xiaohuai of Shu Han
Born: 207 Died: 271
Regnal titles
Preceded by Emperor of Shu Han
223–263
with Zhuge Liang (223–234)
Jiang Wan (234–245)
Dong Yun (245–246)
Fei Yi (245–253)
Jiang Wei (253–263)
Abolished
Royal titles
New creation Duke of Anle
264–271
Unknown
Titles in pretence
Preceded by — TITULAR —
Emperor of China
Royal descent claimant
223–263
Reason for succession failure:
Conquest of Shu by Wei
Succeeded by