Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan

Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), (Urdu: جماعتِ اسلامی, "Islamic Congress"), or simply known as Jamaat, is an Islamist political party based in Pakistan and the Pakistani successor to Jamaat-e-Islami, which was founded in colonial India in 1941.[2] Its objective is the transformation of Pakistan into an Islamic state, governed by Sharia law, through a gradual legal, and political process.[3] JI strongly opposes capitalism, communism, liberalism, socialism and secularism as well as economic practices such as offering bank interest. JI is a vanguard party: its members form an elite with "affiliates" and then "sympathizers" beneath them. The party leader is called an ameer.[4](p70) Although it does not have a large popular following, the party is quite influential and considered one of the major Islamic movements in Pakistan, along with Deobandi and Barelvi (represented by Jamiat Ulema-e Islam and Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan respectively).[5][6]

Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan

جماعتِ اسلامی
Islamic Congress
AmeerSiraj ul Haq[1]
General SecretaryAmeer ul Azeem
Naib AmeerKhurshid Ahmed
FounderSayyid Abul A'la Maududi
Founded26 August 1941 (1941-08-26) in British India
1947; 74 years ago (1947) in Pakistan
HeadquartersMultan Road, Mansoorah, Lahore
Student wingIslami Jamiat-e-Talaba
Youth wingShabab e Milli
Labour wingNational Labour Federation
Social conservatism
Islamic democracy
Political positionRight-wing to far-right
National affiliationMuttahida Majlis-e-Amal
International affiliationMuslim Brotherhood
JI (Hind)
JI (Bangladesh)
JI (Kashmir)
Colors    Green, white, cyan
1 / 100
National Assembly
1 / 342
Balochistan Assembly
0 / 65
KPK Assembly
3 / 145
Sindh Assembly
1 / 168
Punjab Assembly
0 / 371
GB Assembly
0 / 33
Azad Kashmir Assembly
2 / 49
Election symbol
Party flag
Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan Flag.svg
www.jamaat.org/en/ (in English)
www.jamaat.org/ur (in Urdu)

Jamaat-e-Islami was founded in Lahore, British India in 1941 by the Muslim theologian and socio-political philosopher, Abul Ala Maududi, who was widely influenced by the Sharia based reign of the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb.[7] At the time of the Indian independence movement, Maududi and the Jamaat-e-Isami actively worked to oppose the partition of India.[8][2][9] In 1947, following the partition of India, the Jamaat split into two organisations, Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan and Jamaat-e-Islami Hind (the Indian wing).[10][11] Other wings of Jamaat include Jamaat-e-Islami Kashmir, founded in 1953, and Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, founded in 1975.[12]

Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan came under severe government repression in 1948, 1953, and 1963.[13] But, during the early years of the regime of General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, it served as the "regime's ideological and political arm", with party members holding cabinet portfolios of information and broadcasting, production, and water, power and natural resources.[14][15] In order to provide a complete set of facts to the readers, It must be mentioned here that the ministers belonging to Jamaat soon resigned from their positions.

In 1971, during the Bangladesh Liberation War, JI opposed the independence of Bangladesh.[16] However, in 1975, it established Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh with Abbas Ali Khan (Joypurhat) as the first ameer.[12] Since the early 1980s, it has also developed close links with Jamaat-e-Islami Kashmir.


Growth of JIP[17]
Year Members
Sympathizers and workers
1941 75 (unknown)
1951 659 2,913
1989 5,723 305,792
2003 16,033 4.5 million
2017 37000 (unknown)
SOURCE: Encyclopedia of Islam & the Muslim World (2004)[17]

Syed Abul A'la Maududi (1941–1972)Edit

Jamaat-e-Islami's founder and leader until 1972 was Abul A'la Maududi, a widely read Islamist philosopher and political commentator, who wrote about the role of Islam in South Asia.[18] His thought was influenced by many factors including the Khilafat Movement; Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's ascension at the end of the Ottoman Caliphate; and the impact of Indian Nationalism, the Indian National Congress and Hinduism on Muslims in India. He supported what he called "Islamization from above", through an Islamic state in which sovereignty would be exercised in the name of Allah and Islamic law (sharia) would be implemented. Mawdudi believed politics was "an integral, inseparable part of the Islamic faith, and that the Islamic state that Muslim political action seeks to build" would not only be an act of piety but would also solve the many (seemingly non-religious) social and economic problems that Muslims faced.[18][19]

Jamaat-e-Islami Headquarter in Lahore

Maududi opposed British rule but also opposed the Muslim nationalist movement (nationalism being un-Islamic) and their plan for a circumscribed "Muslim state". Maududi agitating instead for an "Islamic state" covering the whole of India[18]—this despite the fact Muslims made up only about one quarter of India's population.

Jamaat-e-Islami thus actively opposed the partition of India, with its leader Maulana Abul A'la Maududi arguing that concept violated the Islamic doctrine of the ummah.[8][2][9] The Jamaat-e-Islami saw the partition as creating a temporal border that would divide Muslims from one another.[8][2]

Founding of JI in colonial IndiaEdit

Jamaat-e-Islami was founded in colonial India on 26 August 1941, at Islamia Park in the city of Lahore, before the Partition of India.[20] JI began as an Islamist social and political movement. Seventy-five people attended the first meeting and became the first 75 members of the movement. Maulana Amin Ahsan Islahi, Maulana Naeem Siddiqui, Maulana Muhammad Manzoor Naumanai and Maula Abul Hassan Ali Nadwi (although he left after a few years) [21] were among the founders of Jamat e Islami along with Syed Abul Ala Maududi[22]

Maududi saw his group as a vanguard of Islamic revolution following the footsteps of early Muslims who gathered in Medina to found an Islamic state.[18][19] JI was and is strictly and hierarchically organised in a pyramid-like structure, working toward the common goal of establishing an ideological Islamic society, particularly though educational and social work, under the leadership of its emirs (commanders or leaders).[17] As a vanguard party, its fully-fledged members (arkan) are intended to be leaders and devoted to the party, but there is also a category of much more numerous sympathizers and workers (karkun).

The emir is obliged by the party constitution to consult an assembly called the shura. The JI also developed sub-organisations, such as those for women and students.[17] JI began by volunteering in refugee camps; performing social work; opening hospitals and medical clinics and by gathering the skins of animals sacrificed for Eid-ul-Azha.

JI had a number of unique features. All members, including its founder Mawdudi, uttered the shahadah—the traditional act of converts to Islam—when they joined. This was a symbolic gesture of conversion to a new Islamic perspective, but to some implied that "the Jamaat stood before Muslim society as Islam before jahiliyah", (pre-Islamic ignorance).[23] After Pakistan was formed, it forbade Pakistanis to take an oath of allegiance to the state until it became Islamic, arguing that a Muslim could in clear conscience render allegiance only to God.[24][25]

Abul ala Maududi


Creation and early years

Following the Partition of India, Maududi and JI migrated from East Punjab to Lahore in Pakistan. There they volunteered to help the thousands of refugees pouring into the country from India[26]—performing social work; opening hospitals and medical clinics; and by gathering the skins of animals sacrificed for Eid-ul-Azha.

During the prime-ministership of Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy (September 1956 – October 1957), JI argued for a separate voting system for different religious communities. Suhrawardy convened a session of the National Assembly at Dhaka and through an alliance with Republicans, his party passed a bill for a mixed voting system.

In 1951 it ran candidates for office but did not do well. JI found it was more successful in promoting its cause in the streets.[27] The election also occasioned a split in the party with the JI shura passing a resolution in support of the party withdrawing from politics but Maududi arguing for continued involvement. Maududi prevailed and several senior JI leaders resigned in protest. All this strengthened Maududi's position still further and "a cult of personality began to grow up around him."[27]

In 1953, JI led "direct action" against the Ahmadiyya, who the JI believed should be declared non-Muslims. In March 1953 riots in Lahore started leading to looting, arson and the killing of at least 200 Ahmadis and the declaration of selective martial law. The military leader, Azam Khan had Maududi arrested and Rahimuddin Khan sentenced him to death for sedition (writing anti-Ahmadiyya pamphlets).Many JI supporters were imprisoned during this time.

The 1956 Constitution was adopted after accommodating many of the demands of the JI. Maududi endorsed the constitution and claimed it a victory for Islam.[28] In 1958, JI formed an alliance with Abdul Qayyum Khan (Muslim League) and Chudhary Muhammad Ali (Nizam-e-Islami party). The alliance destabilised the presidency of Iskander Mirza (1956–1958) and Pakistan returned to martial law. The military ruler, the president Muhammad Ayub Khan (1958–1964), had a modernising agenda and opposed the encroachment of religion into politics. He banned political parties and warned Maududi against continued religio-political activism. JI offices were closed down, funds were confiscated and Maududi was imprisoned in 1964 and 1967.[28]

JI supported the opposition party, the Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM). In the 1964–1965 presidential elections, JI supported the opposition leader, Fatima Jinnah, despite its opposition to women in politics.[28]

In 1965, during the Indo-Pakistani war, JI supported the government's call for jihad, presenting patriotic speeches on Radio Pakistan and seeking support from Arab and Central Asian countries. The group resisted Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Maulana Bhashani's socialist program of the time.

By the end of 1969, the Jamaat-e-Islami was spearheading a major "campaign for the protection of ideology of Pakistan," which it believed was under threat from atheistic socialists and secularists.[29]

JI participated in the 1970 general election. Its political platform advocated political freedom of the provinces and Islamic law based on the Quran and Sunnah. There would be separation of the powers (judiciary and legislature); basic rights for minorities (such as equal employment opportunities and the Bonus Share Scheme allowing factory workers to own shares in their employers' companies); and a policy of strong relationships with the Muslim world.[citation needed] Just prior to the election, Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan left the alliance leaving JI to run against the Pakistan Peoples Party and the Awami League.[citation needed] The party had a disappointing showing when it won only four seats in the national assembly and four in the provincial assembly after fielding 151 candidates.[30]

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto won the 1970 election campaign and was strongly opposed by JI who believed he and his socialist ideology were a threat to Islam.[31]


JI opposed the Awami League East Pakistani separatist movement.[32] Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba organised the Al-Badar to fight the Mukti Bahini (Bengali liberation forces). In 1971, during the Bangladesh liberation war, JI members may have collaborated with the Pakistani army.[33][34][35][self-published source?]

In 1968 Maulana Maududi took leave from Emarat of the Jamaat and Maulana Naeem Siddiqui became the Ameer of Jamat e Islami for One year, in 1969 Maulana took Charge of the Jumat again. In 1972, Maududi resigned citing poor health and Maulana Naeem Siddiqui refused to become the Ameer of the Jamaat due to his research activities. Thus in October 1972, the Majlis-e-Shoura (council) elected Mian Tufail Mohammad (1914–2009), the new leader of JI.Naeeem Siddiqui was chosen as the General secretary of Jamaat e Islami.

Mian Tufail Mohammad (1972–1987)Edit

After Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (1973–1977) was elected, the student wing of the Jamaat-e-Islami (Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba) burned effigies of him in Lahore and declared his election a "black day." In early 1973, the amir, of the JI even appealed to the army to overthrow Bhutto's government because of "its inherent moral corruption."[36]

JI "spearheaded" the anti-Bhutto political movement under the religious banner of Nizam-i-Mustafa (Order of the Prophet). Bhutto attempted to suppress JI through the imprisonment of JI and Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba members. There were electoral irregularities at the 1975 elections with JI members being arrested in order to prevent them from lodging their nomination papers.[37] However, by 1976, JI had 2 million registrants.

In the 1977 JI won nine of the 36 seats won by the opposition Pakistan National Alliance. The opposition considered the election rigged (Bhutto's PPP won 155 out of 200 seats) and Maududi, who had been arrested, called on Islamist parties to commence a campaign of civil disobedience. The Sunni led government of Saudi Arabia intervened to secure Maududi's release from prison warning of revolution in Pakistan. JI assisted the Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) to oust Bhutto and met with Zia-ul-Haq for ninety minutes on the night before Bhutto was hanged.[38]

Initially, JI supported General Zia-ul-Haq (1977–1987).[39] In turn, Zia's use of Islamist rhetoric gave JI importance in public life beyond the size of its membership.[40] According to journalist Owen Bennett Jones, JI was the "only political party" to offer Zia "consistent support" and was rewarded with jobs for "tens of thousands of Jamaat activists and sympathisers", giving Zia's Islamic agenda power "long after he died."[41]

However, Zia failed to deliver timely elections and distanced himself from the JI. When Zia banned student unions, Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba and pro-JI labour unions protested. However, JI did not participate in the Pakistan Peoples Party's Movement for the Restoration of Democracy. JI also supported Zia's Jihad against the Soviet–Afghan War and its sister party Jamiat-e Islami led by Burhanuddin Rabbani became part of the Peshawar Seven that received aid from Saudi Arabia, United States and other jihad supporters.[42] Such conundrums caused tension in JI based on conflict between ideology and politics.[40][43]

In 1987, Mian Tufail declined further service as head of JI for health reasons and Qazi Hussain Ahmad was elected.

Qazi Hussain Ahmad (1987–2008)Edit

In 1987, when Zia died, the Pakistan Muslim League formed the right-wing alliance, Islami Jamhoori Ittehad (IJI).[44] In 1990 when Nawaz Sharif came to power, JI boycotted the cabinet on the basis that the Pakistan Peoples' Party and the Pakistan Muslim League were problematic to equal degrees.

In the election of 1993, JI won three seats. In this year, JI was a member of the newly formed All Parties Hurriyat Conference (APHC) which promotes the independence of Jammu and Kashmir from India.[45] Prior to this, JI had allegedly set up the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen, a Kashmir liberation militia to oppose the Kashmir Liberation Front which fights for the complete independence of the Kashmir region.[46]

Ahmad left his position in the Senate in protest against corruption.

Successful long march against Bhutto's governmentEdit

On 20 July 1996, Qazi Hussain Ahmed announced to start protests against government alleging corruption. Qazi Hussain resigned from the Senate on 27 September and announced the start of a long march against Benazir government. The protest started on 27 October 1996 by Jamaat-e-Islami and opposition parties. On 4 November 1996, Bhutto's government was dismissed by President Leghari primarily because of corruption.[4] JI then boycotted the 1997 election and therefore lost representation in parliament. However, the party remained politically active, for example, protesting the arrival of the Indian prime minister, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, in Lahore.

In 1999, Pervez Musharraf took power in a military coup. JI, at first, welcomed the general but then objected when Musharraf began to make secular reforms and then again in 2001, when Pakistan joined the War on Terror, alleging Musharraf had betrayed the Taliban. JI condemned the events of 11 September 2001 but equally condemned the US when Afghanistan was entered.[4](p69) Some members of Al-Qaeda, for example, Khalid Sheik Mohammed, were arrested in Pakistan in homes owned by supporters of JI.[47][48]

In 2002, JI made an alliance of religious parties called Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) (United Council of Action) and won 53 seats, including most of those representing the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province.[49] JI continued its opposition to the War on terrorism, particularly the presence of American troops and agencies in Pakistan. JI also called for restoration of judiciary.

Qazi Hussain Ahmad gave his resignation from the National Assembly when visiting the camp of victims of an attack in Lal Masjid.

In 2006, JI opposed the Women's Protection Bill saying it did not need to be scrapped but instead, be applied in a fairer way and more and be more clearly understood by judges. Ahmed said,

"Those who oppose [these] laws are only trying to run away from Islam. ... These laws do not affect women adversely. Our system wants to protect women from unnecessary worry and save them the trouble of appearing in court."[50]

Samia Raheel Qazi, MP and daughter of Ahmed stated,

"We have been against the bill from the start. The Hudood Ordinance was devised by a highly qualified group of Ulema, and is beyond question".

At least during the time of Ahmad, the position of JI on revolutionary action was that it was not ready to turn to extra-legal action but that its objectives are definite (qat'i) but its methods are "open to interpretation and adaptation (ijtihadi)" based on the "exigencies of the moment".[51]

Sayyed Munawer Hassan (2008–2014)Edit

In 2008, JI and Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf again boycotted the elections. Ahmad declined reelection and Syed Munawar Hassan became ameer.

Siraj ul Haq (2014–present)Edit

On 30 March 2014, Siraj ul Haq became ameer.[1] He resigned from his role as senior minister of the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province. This coincided with a drone attack on Madrassa, Bajour Agency.


JI provides unions for doctors, teachers, lawyers, farmers, workers and women, for example, Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba (IJT) and Islami Jamaat-e-Talibaat (its female branch)[52] a Students' union and JI Youth Pakistan, a youth group.

The party has a number of publications from affiliated agencies such as Idara Marif-e-Islami, Lahore, the Islamic Research Academy, Karachi, Idara Taleemi Tehqeeq, Lahore, the Mehran Academy, and the Institute of Regional Studies. Its print media publications number 22, including the daily Jasarat, weekly Friday Special, weekly Asia, monthly Tarjumanul Quran and fortnightly Jihad-e-Kashmir,[53] with Jasarat in particular having a circulation of 50,000.[54]

The Islami Nizamat-e-Taleem, led by Abdul Ghafoor Ahmed, is an educational body that includes 63 Baithak schools. Rabita-ul-Madaris Al-Islamia supports 164 JI madrasas. JI also operates the Hira Schools (Pakistan) Project and Al Ghazali Trust. The foundation administers schools, women's vocational centres, adult literacy programs, hospitals and mobile chemists and other welfare programs. In this respect, JI interacts with the general market.[55]

In total, there are around 1000 registered madrasas affiliated with the JeI in Pakistan, the province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa having most of them, with some 245 or nearly a quarter of the total.[56]

Connections with insurgentsEdit

Jama'ati is said to have close links to many banned outfits of Pakistan. The most notable connection is with the Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammadi. This militant organisation grew as an offshoot of Jammat e Islami and was founded by Sufi Muhammad in 1992 after he left Jamaat-e-Islami.[57][58][59] When the founder was imprisoned on 15 January 2002, Maulana Fazlullah, his son-in-law, assumed leadership of the group. In the aftermath of the 2007 siege of Lal Masjid, Fazlullah's forces and Baitullah Mehsud's Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) formed an alliance. Fazlullah and his army reportedly received orders from Mehsud.[60] After the death of Hakimullah Mehsud in a drone attack, Fazlullah was appointed as the new "Amir" (Chief) of the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan on 7 November 2013.[61][62][63] In a May 2010 interview, U.S. Gen. David Petraeus described the TTP's relationship with other militant groups as difficult to decipher: "There is clearly a symbiotic relationship between all of these different organizations: al-Qaeda, the Pakistani Taliban, the Afghan Taliban, TNSM [Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammadi]. And it's very difficult to parse and to try to distinguish between them. They support each other, they coordinate with each other, sometimes they compete with each other, [and] sometimes they even fight each other. But at the end of the day, there is quite a relationship between them." [62][64]

According to another source, TNSM and Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) seem to have been locked in a turf war in the Malakand District of Pakistan, and the Jamaat-Ulema-e-Islam, JI, and TNSM are in conflict with each other in the tribal areas for power and influence.[65]


See alsoEdit


  1. ^ a b "Sirajul Haq replaces Munawar Hassan as chief of Jamaat-e-Islami". The Express Tribune. 30 March 2014. Retrieved 30 March 2014.
  2. ^ a b c d Rasheed, Nighat. A critical study of the reformist trends in the Indian Muslim society during the nineteenth century (PDF). p. 336. Retrieved 2 March 2020. The Jama'at -i-lslami was founded in 1941. Maulana Maududi being its founder strongly opposed the idea of creating Pakistan, a separate Muslim country, by dividing India, but surprisingly after the creation of Pakistan he migrated to Lahore. Again in the beginning he was opposed to and denounced the struggle for Kashmir as un-lslamic, for which he was imprisoned in 1950, but later on in 1965, he changed his views and endorsed the Kashmir war as Jihad. Maulana Maududi took an active part in demanding discriminative legislation and executive action against the Ahmadi sect leading to widespread rioting and violence in Pakistan. He was persecuted arrested and imprisoned for advocating his political ideas through his writings and speeches. During the- military regime from 1958 the Jama'at-iIslami was banned and was revived only in 1962, Maududi was briefly imprisoned. He refused to apologize for his actions or to request clemency from the government. He demanded his freedom to speak and accepted the punishment of death as the will of God. His fierce commitment to his ideals caused his supporters worldwide to rally for his release and the government acceded commuting his death sentence to a term of life imprisonment. Eventually the military government pardoned Maulana Maududi completely.
  3. ^ Haqqani, Pakistan between Mosque and Military (2005), p. 122.
  4. ^ a b c Salim, Muhammad Said (2012), "India: Jamaat-e-Islami", in Gholamali Haddad Adel; Mohammad Jafar Elmi; Hassan Taromi-Rad (eds.), Muslim Organisations in the Twentieth Century: Selected Entries from Encyclopaedia of the World of Islam, EWI Press, pp. 67–, ISBN 978-1-908433-09-1
  5. ^ Roy, Olivier (1994). The Failure of Political Islam. Harvard University Press. pp. 88. Islam in Pakistan is divided into three tendencies: the Jamaat, which is the Islamist party and which, although it does not have extensive popular roots, is politically influential; the deobandi, administered by fundamentalists and reformist ulamas; and the Barelvi, which recruits from popular and Sufi Islamic circles.
  6. ^ bin Mohamed Osman, Mohamed Nawab (2009). "The Ulama in Pakistani Politics". South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies. 32 (2): 230–247. doi:10.1080/00856400903049499. ISSN 0085-6401.
  7. ^ Jackson, Roy (2010). Mawlana Mawdudi and Political Islam: Authority and the Islamic State. Routledge. ISBN 9781136950360.
  8. ^ a b c Oh, Irene (2007). The Rights of God: Islam, Human Rights, and Comparative Ethics. Georgetown University Press. p. 45. ISBN 978-1-58901-463-3. In the debate over whether Muslims should establish their own state, separate from a Hindu India, Maududi initially argued against such a creation and asserted that the establishment of a political Muslim state defined by borders violated the idea of the universal umma. Citizenship and national borders, which would characterize the new Muslim state, contradicted the notion that Muslims should not be separated by one another by these temporal boundaries. In this milieu, Maududi founded the organization Jama'at-i Islamic. ... The Jama'at for its first few years worked actively to prevent the partition, but once partition became inevitable, it established offices in both Pakistan and India.
  9. ^ a b Gupta, Shekhar. "Why Zakir Naik is dangerous". Rediff. Retrieved 29 April 2020.
  10. ^ Ahmad, Irfan (2004), "The Jewish hand: the response of the Jamaat-e-Islami Hind", in Peter van der Veer; S. Munshi (eds.), Media, War, and Terrorism: Responses from the Middle East and Asia, Psychology Press, p. 138, ISBN 9780415331401
  11. ^ Guidere, Islamic Fundamentalism (2012), p. 223.
  12. ^ a b Haqqani, Pakistan between Mosque and Military (2005), p. 171.
  13. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism (1996), p. 97.
  14. ^ Kepel, Jihad, (2002), pp.98, 100, 101
  15. ^ Haqqani, Pakistan between Mosque and Military (2005), p. 138.
  16. ^ Schmid (2011), p. 600; Tomsen (2011), p. 240
  17. ^ a b c d Encyclopedia of Islam & the Muslim World| By Richard C. Martín| Granite Hill Publishers|2004|p.371
  18. ^ a b c d Kepel, Gilles (2002). Jihad: on the Trail of Political Islam. Belknap Press. p. 34. ISBN 9781845112578.
  19. ^ a b Nasr, Vanguard of Islamic Revolution (1994), p. 7.
  20. ^ Guidere, Islamic Fundamentalism (2012), p. li.
  21. ^ (PDF) https://abulhasanalinadwi.org/books/Biography.pdf. Missing or empty |title= (help)
  22. ^ Edara Manshoraat, Mansora Lahore 1980, pp5-25
  23. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism (1996), p. 110: "All members, including Mawdudi, uttered the shahadah when they joined, in a symbolic gesture of conversion to a new Islamic Perspective."
  24. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism (1996), p. 42.
  25. ^ Nasr, Vanguard of Islamic Revolution (1994), pp. 119-120.
  26. ^ Adams, Charles J., "Mawdudi and the Islamic State," in John L. Esposito, ed., Voices of Resurgent Islam, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983, p.102)
  27. ^ a b Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism (1996), p. 43.
  28. ^ a b c Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism (1996), p. 44.
  29. ^ Haqqani, Pakistan between Mosque and Military (2005), p. 46.
  30. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism (1996), p. 45.
  31. ^ Haqqani, Pakistan between Mosque and Military (2005), p. 69.
  32. ^ Haqqani, Pakistan between Mosque and Military (2005), p. 100.
  33. ^ Arefin S. "Muktijuddho '71: Punished War Criminals Under Dalal Law." Bangladesh Research and Publications.
  34. ^ [1] Bangladesh Genocide Archive website. Accessed 9 March 2013.
  35. ^ Nabi N. "Bullets of '71: A Freedom Fighter's Story." AuthorHouse, 2010 p.108 ISBN 1452043833, 9781452043838.
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  37. ^ Haqqani, Pakistan between Mosque and Military (2005), p. 120.
  38. ^ Haqqani, Pakistan between Mosque and Military (2005), p. 139.
  39. ^ Haqqani, Pakistan between Mosque and Military (2005), p. 123.
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  41. ^ Jones, Owen Bennett (2002). Pakistan : eye of the storm. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. pp. 16–7. ISBN 9780300097603. ... Zia rewarded the only political party to offer him consistent support, Jamaat-e-Islami. Tens of thousands of Jamaat activists and sympathisers were given jobs in the judiciary, the civil service and other state institutions. These appointments meant Zia's Islamic agenda lived on long after he died.
  42. ^ Guidere, Islamic Fundamentalism (2012), p. 272.
  43. ^ Kepel, Gilles (2002). Jihad: on the Trail of Political Islam. Belknap Press. p. 104. ISBN 9781845112578.
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  50. ^ Haqqani, Pakistan between Mosque and Military (2005), p. 145.
  51. ^ Based on interviews with a number of JI leaders, especially Khalil Ahmadu'l-Hamidi by Seyyed Vali Reza Nasr (in Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism, p. 76)
  52. ^ Guidere, Islamic Fundamentalism (2012), p. 181.
  53. ^ Journal of the International Relations and Affairs Group, Volume V, Issue II, Issue 2, p. 250
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