Inland Northern American English
Inland Northern (American) English, also known in American linguistics as the Inland North or Great Lakes dialect, is an American English dialect spoken primarily by White Americans in a geographic band reaching from Central New York westward along the Erie Canal, through much of the U.S. Great Lakes region, to eastern Iowa. The most innovative Inland Northern accents are spoken in Chicago, Milwaukee, Detroit, Cleveland, Buffalo, Rochester, and Syracuse. A geographic corridor reaching from Chicago southwest along historic Route 66 into St. Louis, Missouri, has also been infiltrated by features of the Inland Northern accent, with the corridor today showing a mixture of both Inland Northern and Midland accents.
The early 20th-century accent of the Inland North was the basis for the term "General American", though the regional accent has since altered, due to its now-defining chain shift of vowels that began as late as the 1930s. A 1969 study first formally showed lower middle-class women leading the regional population in the first two stages (raising of the short-a vowel and fronting of the short-o vowel) of what, since the 1970s onward, has been documented as the five-stage "Northern cities" vowel shift. However, some recent evidence has suggested a reversal of some of the shift's features in certain locations.
The dialect region called the "Inland North" consists of western and central New York State (Utica, Syracuse, Rochester, Buffalo, Binghamton, Jamestown, Fredonia, Olean); northern Ohio (Akron, Cleveland, Toledo); Michigan's Lower Peninsula (Detroit, Flint, Grand Rapids, Lansing); northern Indiana (Gary, South Bend); northern Illinois (Chicago, Rockford); southeastern Wisconsin (Kenosha, Racine, Milwaukee); and, largely, northeastern Pennsylvania's Wyoming Valley/Coal Region (Scranton and Wilkes-Barre). This is the dialect spoken in part of America's chief industrial region, an area sometimes known as the Rust Belt.
Linguists identify the "St. Louis Corridor", extending from Chicago down into St. Louis, as a dialectally remarkable area, because young and old speakers alike have a Midland accent, except for a single middle generation born between the 1920s and 1940s, who have an Inland Northern accent diffused into the area from Chicago.
Erie, Pennsylvania, though in the geographic area of the "Inland North," never underwent the Northern Cities Shift and now shares more features with Western Pennsylvania English. Meanwhile, in suburban areas, the dialect may be less pronounced, for example, native-born speakers in Kane, McHenry, Lake, DuPage, and Will Counties in Illinois may sound slightly different from speakers from Cook County and particularly those who grew up in Chicago. Many African-Americans in Detroit and other Northern cities are multidialectal and also or exclusively use African American Vernacular English rather than Inland Northern English, but some do use the Inland Northern dialect, as do almost all people in and around the city of Detroit who are not African Americans.
The dialect's progression across the Midwest has, however, stopped at a general boundary line traveling through central Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois and then western Wisconsin, on the other sides of which speakers have continued to maintain their Midland and North Central accents. Sociolinguist William Labov theorizes that this separation reflects a political divide and a controlled study of his shows that Inland Northern speakers tend to be more associated with liberal politics than those of the other dialects, especially as Americans continue to self-segregate in residence based on ideological concerns. Former Democratic President Barack Obama, for example, has a mild Inland Northern accent.
History of the Northern Cities Vowel ShiftEdit
In the middle of the 19th century, according to William Labov, speakers around the Great Lakes began to pronounce the short a sound, // as in TRAP, as more of a diphthong and with a higher starting point in the mouth, causing the same word to sound more like "tray-ap" or "tray-up". After the Inland North's first vowel change—general // raising—the dialect remained largely stagnant for about a century, but around the 1960s, the region's speakers began to use the newly opened vowel space (i.e., previously occupied by [æ]) for the short o vowel // (or /ɑː/ in most of the U.S.) as in LOT or PALM, so words like bot, gosh, or lock then came to be pronounced with a tongue extended farther forward, thus making them sound more like how bat, gash, and lack sound in dialects without the shift. This vowel change was first reported in 1967. Contrary to Labov's hypothesis, however, real-time evidence of Chicagoans born between 1890 and 1920 shows that /ɑː/ fronting occurred first, starting by the year 1900 at the latest, and was only later on followed by /æ/ raising sometime in the 1920s.
During the 1960s, several more vowels followed suit in rapid succession, each filling in the space left by the last, including the lowering of // as in THOUGHT, the backing and lowering of // as in DRESS, the backing of // as in STRUT (first reported in 1986), and the backing and lowering of // as in KIT, often but not always in that exact order. Altogether, this constitutes a chain shift of vowels, identified as such in 1972, and known by linguists as the "Northern Cities Vowel Shift" (NCS): the defining pattern of the current Inland Northern accent.
Explanations for the shiftEdit
Labov suggests that the general short-a raising was the simplified result of the mixture of diverse and incompatible short-a raising patterns of migrants from all over the Northeastern U.S. who came to the rapidly industrializing Great Lakes area in the decades after the Erie Canal opened in 1825. This huge wave of settlement to the Inland North specifically began around 1830, and Labov posits that the dialect-mixing event that preceded the Northern Cities Shift occurred by about 1860 in Upstate New York.
One theory for which factors initiated the Northern Cities Shift is the inherited pronunciation system of nineteenth-century Western New England English, whose speakers originally settled the Inland North and who today variably show NCS-like TRAP and LOT/PALM. A competing theory, however, is that German-accented English initiated the shift, since German speakers will tend to pronounce the English TRAP vowel as [ɛ] and the LOT/PALM vowel as [äː~aː], and Upstate New York was over 40% German by 1850. Another theory, which is not mutually exclusive, is that the Great Migration of African Americans to the Inland North region intensified white residents' participation in the NCS, in order to differentiate their accents from black ones.
Reversal of the shiftEdit
The shift, found throughout the Great Lakes cities, continues to exist today; however, recent evidence suggests a reversal of the shift in at least some of the Inland North, such as in Lansing, Michigan, and Ogdensburg and Syracuse, New York, in particular with regards to /ɑː/ fronting and /æ/ raising (though raising is persisting before nasal consonants, as is the General American norm).
Phonology and phoneticsEdit
|Pure vowels (Monophthongs)|
|English diaphoneme||Inland Northern realization||Example words|
|/æ/||eə~ɪə||bath, trap, man|
|/ɑː/||aː~äː||blah, bother, father, |
lot, top, wasp
|ɒː||all, dog, bought, |
loss, saw, taught
|/ɛ/||ɛ~ɜ||dress, met, bread|
|/ə/||ə||about, syrup, arena|
|/ɪ/||ɪ~ɪ̈||hit, skim, tip|
|/iː/||ɪi~iː||beam, chic, fleet|
|/ʌ/||ʌ~ɔ||bus, flood, what|
|/ʊ/||ʊ||book, put, should|
|/uː/||uː~ɵu||food, glue, new|
|/aɪ/||ae~aɪ~æɪ||ride, shine, try|
|ɐɪ~əɪ~ʌɪ||bright, dice, fire|
|/aʊ/||äʊ~ɐʊ||now, ouch, scout|
|/eɪ/||eɪ||lame, rein, stain|
|/ɔɪ/||ɔɪ||boy, choice, moist|
|/oʊ/||ʌo~oʊ~oː||goat, oh, show|
|/ɑːr/||äːɻ~ɐːɻ||barn, car, park|
|/ɪər/||iːɻ~iːɚ||fear, peer, tier|
|/ɛər/||eɪɻ||bare, bear, there|
|/ɜːr/||əɻ~ɚ||burn, doctor, first, |
herd, learn, murder
|/ɔːr/||ɔːɻ~oːɻ||hoarse, horse, war|
|/ʊər/||uːɻ~oːɻ||poor, tour, lure|
|/jʊər/||jɚː||cure, Europe, pure|
A Midwestern accent (which may refer to other dialectal accents as well), Chicago accent, or Great Lakes accent are all common names in the United States for the sound quality produced by speakers of this dialect. Many of the characteristics listed here are not necessarily unique to the region and are oftentimes found elsewhere in the Midwest.
Northern Cities Vowel ShiftEdit
The Northern Cities Vowel Shift or Northern Cities Shift is a chain shift of vowels and the defining accent feature of the Inland North dialect region, though it can also be found, variably, in the neighboring Upper Midwest and Western New England accent regions.
Tensing of /æ/ and fronting of /ɑː/Edit
The first two sound changes in the shift, with some debate about which one led to the other or came first, are the general raising and lengthening (tensing) of the "short a" (the vowel sound of TRAP), as well as the fronting of /ɑː/ (the "ah" vowel of PALM and also, in most American English, the same as the "short o" sound in LOT), in the direction of [aː]. Inland Northern /æ/ raising was first identified in the 1960s, with /æ/ coming to be articulated so that the tongue starts from a position that is higher and fronter than it used to be, and then often glides back toward the center of the mouth, thus producing a centering diphthong of the type [ɛə] or [eə] or at its most extreme [ɪə]; e.g. naturally /ˈnætʃɹəli/ as [ˈneətʃɹəli]. As for /ɑː/ fronting towards [aː], it may, for advanced speakers, even be close to /æ/—so that pot or sod come to be pronounced how a mainstream American speaker would say pat or sad; e.g. coupon /ˈkuːpɑːn/ as [ˈkuːpaːn].
Lowering of /ɔː/Edit
The fronting of /ɑː/ leaves a blank space in Inland North speakers' pronunciation that is filled by lowering /ɔː/ (the "aw" vowel in THOUGHT), which comes to be pronounced with the tongue in a lower position, closer to [ɑː] or [ɒː]. As a result, for example, people affected by the shift may pronounce caught the way speakers without the shift say cot, with both using the vowel [ɑː]. However, a cot–caught merger is robustly avoided in many parts of Inland North, due to the prior fronting of the /ɑː/. In other words, cot is [kaːt] and caught is [kɒːt]. Even so, however, there is a definite scattering of Inland North speakers who are in a state of transition towards a cot–caught merger; this is particularly evident in northeastern Pennsylvania. Younger speakers reversing the fronting of /ɑː/, for example in Lansing, Michigan, also approach a merger.
Backing or lowering of /ɛ/Edit
The movement of /æ/ to [ɛə], in order to avoid overlap, presumably initiates the further movement of the original /ɛ/ vowel (the "short e" in DRESS) towards either [ɐ], the near-open central vowel, or almost [æ]. As the vowel [ɐ] is pronounced with the tongue farther back and lower in the mouth than in the sound [ɛ], this change is called "lowering and/or backing".
Backing of /ʌ/Edit
The next change is the movement of /ʌ/ toward a very far back position [ɔ]. /ʌ/ is the "short u" vowel in STRUT. People with the shift pronounce bus so that it sounds more like boss to people without the shift.
Lowering and backing of /ɪ/Edit
The final change is lowering and backing of /ɪ/, the "short i" vowel in KIT, to a more central position in the mouth, perhaps [ɘ].
- Rhoticity: As in General American, Inland North speech is rhotic, and the r sound is typically the retroflex (or perhaps, more accurately, the bunched or molar) [ɻ].
- Mary–marry–merry merger: Words that formerly contained /æ/, /ɛ/, or /eɪ/ before an r and a vowel are all pronounced as [ɛ~eə] followed by r followed by the vowel, so that Mary, marry, and merry all sound the same, and have the same first vowel as Sharon, Sarah, and bearing. This merger is also widespread throughout the Midwest, West, and Canada.
- Canadian raising: Two phenomena typically exist, corresponding with identical phenomena in Canadian English, involving tongue-raising in the nuclei (beginning points) of gliding vowels that start in an open front (or central) unrounded position:
- The raising of the tongue for the nucleus of the gliding vowel // is found in the Inland North when the vowel sound appears before any voiceless consonant, just like in General American, thus distinguishing, for example, between writer and rider ( listen). However, unlike General American, the raising occurs even before certain voiced consonants, including in the words fire, tiger, iron, and spider. When it is not subject to raising, the nucleus of /aɪ/ is pronounced with the tongue further to the front of the mouth than most other American dialect, as [a̟ɪ] or [ae]; however, in the Inland North speech of Pennsylvania, the nucleus is centralized as in General American, thus: [äɪ].
- The nucleus of /aʊ/ may be more backed than in other common North American accents (towards [ɐʊ] or [äʊ]).
- The nucleus of // (as in go and boat), like /aʊ/, remains a back vowel [oʊ], not undergoing the fronting that is common in the vast American southeastern super-region. Similarly, the traditionally high back vowel /uː/ tends to be conservative and less fronted in the North than in other regions, though it still undergoes some fronting after coronal consonants.
- // (as in bar, sorry, or start) is centralized or fronted for many speakers in this region, resulting in variants like [äːɻ~ɐːɻ].
- Working-class th-stopping: The two sounds represented by the spelling th—// (as in thin) and // (as in those)—may shift from fricative consonants to stop consonants among urban and working-class speakers: thus, for example, thin may approach the sound of tin (using [t]) and those may merge to the sound of doze (using [d]). This was parodied in the Saturday Night Live comedy sketch "Bill Swerski's Superfans," in which characters hailing from Chicago pronounce "The Bears" as "Da Bears."
- Caramel is typically pronounced with two syllables as carmel.
Note that not all of these terms, here compared with other regions, are necessarily unique only to the Inland North, though they appear most strongly in this region:
- Boulevard as a synonym for island (in the sense of a grassy area in the middle of some streets)
- Crayfish for a freshwater crustacean
- Devil's Night for the night before Halloween (not Northeastern Mischief Night)
- Expressway as a synonym for highway
- Faucet for an indoor water tap (not Southern spigot)
- Goose pimples as a synonym for goose bumps
- Pit for the seed of a peach (not Southern stone or seed)
- Pop for a sweet, bubbly soft drink (not Eastern and Californian soda, nor Southern coke)
- The "soda/pop line" has been found to run between Western New York State (Buffalo residents say "pop", Syracuse residents who used to say "pop" until sometime in the 1970s now say "soda", and Rochester residents say either. Lollipops are also known as "suckers" in this region. Eastern Wisconsinites around Milwaukee and some Chicagoans are also an exception, using the word soda.)
- Teeter totter as a synonym for seesaw
- Tennis shoes for generic athletic shoes (not Northeastern sneakers, except in New York State and Pennsylvania)
Individual cities and sub-regions also have their own terms; for example:
- Bubbler, in a large portion of Wisconsin around Milwaukee, for water fountain (in addition to the synonym drinking fountain, also possible throughout the Inland North)
- Cash station, in the Chicago area, for ATM
- Doorwalls, in Detroit, for sliding glass doors
- Gapers' block or gapers' delay, in Chicago, Milwaukee and Detroit; or gawk block, in Detroit, for traffic congestion caused by rubbernecking
- Gym shoes, in Chicago, for generic athletic shoes
- Party store, in Michigan, for convenience store
- Rummage sale, in Wisconsin, as a synonym for garage sale or yard sale
- Treelawn, in Cleveland and Michigan; devilstrip or devil's strip in nearby Akron, Ohio; and terrace in Wisconsin for the grass between the sidewalk and the street
- Yous(e) or youz, in northeastern Pennsylvania around its urban center of Scranton, for you guys; in this sub-region, there is notable self-awareness of the Inland Northern dialect (locally called by various names, including "Coalspeak")
Notable lifelong native speakersEdit
- Hillary Clinton – "playing down her flat Chicago accent"
- Joan Cusack — "a great distinctive voice" she says is due to "my Chicago accent... my A's are all flat"
- Richard M. Daley — "makes no effort to tame a thick Chicago accent"
- Kevin Dunn — "a blue-collar attitude and the Chicago accent to match"
- David Draiman – "distinct Chicago accent"
- Rahm Emanuel – "more refined (if still very Chicago)"
- Siobhan Fallon Hogan
- Dennis Farina — "rich Chicago accent"
- Chris Farley – "beatific Wisconsin accent"
- Dennis Franz — "tough-guy Chicago accent"
- Gerald Ford — "Ford's unremarkable and r-ful accent is from Michigan"
- Sean Giambrone — "Sean, whose Chicago accent is thick enough to cut with a knife"
- John Goodman - "Goodman delivered a completely authentic Inland North accent" 
- Susan Hawk — "a Midwestern truck driver whose accent and etiquette epitomized the stereotype of the tacky, abrasive, working-class character"
- Bill Lipinski – "I could live only 100 miles from the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Lipinski) and he would have an accent and I do not"
- Jim "Mr. Skin" McBride — "a clipped Chicago accent"
- Michael Moore — "a Flintoid, with a nasal, uncosmopolitan accent" and "a recognisable blue-collar Michigan accent"
- Suze Orman — "broad, Midwestern accent"
- Iggy Pop — "plainspoken Midwestern accent"
- Paul Ryan – "may be the first candidate on a major presidential ticket to feature some of the Great Lakes vowels prominently"
- Michael Symon — "Michael Symon's local accent gives him an honest, working-class vibe"
- Lily Tomlin — "Tomlin's Detroit accent"
- Kortmann, Bernd, Kate Burridge, Rajend Mesthrie, Edgar W. Schneider and Clive Upton (eds) (2004). A Handbook of Varieties of English. Volume 1: Phonology, Volume 2: Morphology and Syntax. Berlin / New York: Mouton de Gruyter. p. xvi.
- Garn-Nunn, Pamela G.; Lynn, James M. (2004). Calvert's Descriptive Phonetics. Thieme, p. 136.
- Gordon, Matthew J. (2004). "New York, Philadelphia, and other northern cities: phonology." Kortmann, Bernd, Kate Burridge, Rajend Mesthrie, Edgar W. Schneider and Clive Upton (eds). A Handbook of Varieties of English. Volume 1: Phonology, Volume 2: Morphology and Syntax. Berlin / New York: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 297.
- Labov et al., Chapter 19, p. 276.
- Labov et al., p. 190.
- ""Talking the Tawk", ''The New Yorker''". Newyorker.com. Retrieved 2018-04-09.
- Gordon, Matthew J. (2005). "Vowel Shifting". Do You Speak American? MacNeil/Lehrer Productions.
- Wagner, S. E.; Mason, A.; Nesbitt, M.; Pevan, E.; Savage, M. (2016). "Reversal and re-organization of the Northern Cities Shift in Michigan" (PDF). University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics 22.2: Selected Papers from NWAV 44.
- Driscoll, Anna; Lape, Emma (2015). "Reversal of the Northern Cities Shift in Syracuse, New York". University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics. 21 (2).
- Friedman, Lauren (2015). A Convergence of Dialects in the St. Louis Corridor. Volume 21. Issue 2. Selected Papers from New Ways of Analyzing Variation(NWAV). 43. Article 8. University of Pennsylvania.
- Sedivy, Julie (March 28, 2012). "Votes and Vowels: A Changing Accent Shows How Language Parallels Politics". Discover. Retrieved January 24, 2016.
- McCarthy, Corrine (2010) "The Northern Cities Shift in Real Time: Evidence from Chicago". University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: Vol. 15 : Iss. 2, Article 12.
- Labov, William (2008). "Yankee Cultural Imperialism and the Northern Cities Shift". PowerPoint presentation for paper given at Yale University, October 20, 2008. Online at University of Pennsylvania. Slide 94.
- Labov, William. (2007). Transmission and Diffusion. Language. 83. 344-387. p. 42 of this PDF.
- Castro Calle, Yesid. (2017). "German Echoes in American English: How New-dialect Formation Triggered the Northern Cities Shift". Stanford University Department of Linguistics (Undergraduate Honors Thesis). pp. 34, 48.
- Castro Calle, Yesid. (2017). "German Echoes in American English: How New-dialect Formation Triggered the Northern Cities Shift". Stanford University Department of Linguistics (Undergraduate Honors Thesis). pp. 49.
- Van Herk, Gerard (2008) "Fear of a Black Phonology: The Northern Cities Shift as Linguistic White Flight," University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: Vol. 14 : Iss. 2, Article 19. Available at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol14/iss2/19
- Dinkin, Aaron (2017). "Escaping the TRAP: Losing the Northern Cities Shift in Real Time (with Anja Thiel)". Talk presented at NWAV 46, Madison, Wisc., November 2017.
- Hillenbrand, James M. (2003). "American English: Southern Michigan". Journal of the International Phonetic Association. 33 (1): 122. doi:10.1017/S0025100303001221.
- Fasold, Ralph (1969). A Sociolinguistic Study of the Pronunciation of Three Vowels in Detroit Speech. Washington: Center for Applied Linguistics.
- Labov et al., Chapter 14, p. 189.
- Labov et al., p. 61.
- Herold, Ruth (1990). "Mechanisms of Merger: The Implementation and Distribution of the Low Back Merger in Eastern Pennsylvania." Ph.D. diss., Univ. of Pennsylvania.
- Labov et al. (2006), pp. 203-204.
- Labov et al. (2006), pp. 161.
- Labov et al. (2006), p. 187
- van den Doel, Rias (2006). How Friendly Are the Natives? An Evaluation of Native-Speaker Judgements of Foreign-Accented British and American English (PDF). Landelijke onderzoekschool taalwetenschap (Netherlands Graduate School of Linguistics). pp. 268–269.
- Salmons, Joseph; Purnell, Thomas (2008 draft). "[bris.ac.uk/german/hison/reading/salmonsandpurnell.pdf Contact and the Development of American English]". Handbook of Language Contact, ed. Ray Hickey. Blackwell.
- Vaux, Bert and Scott Golder. 2003. The Harvard Dialect Survey. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Linguistics Department.
- Metcalf, Allan A. (2000). How We Talk: American Regional English Today. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. p. 104.
- Metcalf, Allan A. (2000). How We Talk: American Regional English Today. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. p. 97.
- Feather, Kasey. "NEPAisms overlooked in new dictionary entries". The Times-Tribune. Times-Shamrock Communications. Retrieved 27 November 2016.
- Chozick, Amy (December 28, 2015). "How Hillary Clinton Went Undercover to Examine Race in Education". The New York Times. Retrieved February 2, 2016.
- Gostin, Nick (2011). "Joan Cusack on 'Mars Needs Moms,' Raising Kids and Her Famous Brother". Parentdish (AOL Inc.)republished at http://www.childcarequest.com/Parent-Dish/joan-cusack-on-mars-needs-moms-raising-kids-and-her-famous-brother.html Missing or empty
- Stein, Anne (2003). "The über-mayor: what's behind Daley's longevity". Christian Science Monitor.
- Wawzenek, Bryan. "10 Actors Who Always Show Up on the Best TV Shows." Diffuser.
- "Disturbed? not if you're David Draiman". Today. June 15, 2006. Retrieved April 5, 2016.
- Moser, Whet (March 29, 2012). "Where the Chicago Accent Comes From and How Politics is Changing It". Chicago Mag. Retrieved December 27, 2015.
- Dennis Farina, 'Law & Order' actor, dies at 69. NBC News. 2013.
- Desowitz, Bill (October 16, 2009). "'Fantastic Mr. Fox' Goes to London". Animation World Network. Retrieved January 7, 2016.
- "Dennis Franz". Encyclopædia Brittanica. 2014.
- Metcalf, Allan (2004). Presidential Voices: Speaking Styles from George Washington to George W. Bush. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. p. 156.
- Crowder, Courtney (December 9, 2014). "'Normal kid' from Park Ridge lifts 'Goldbergs'". Chicago Tribune. Retrieved January 6, 2018.
- Mcclelland, Edward (November 15, 2016). "The St. Louis Accent: An Explainer". Citylab. Retrieved August 29, 2018.
- Media Literacy: A Reader. Peter Lang. 2007. p. 55.
- "Congressional Record, V. 150, Pt. 17, October 9 to November 17, 2004". Books.google.com. Retrieved 2018-04-09.
- Brooks, Jake (2004). "Mr. Skin Invades Sundance". The New York Observer. Observer Media.
- McClelland, Edward (2013). Nothin' but Blue Skies. Bloomsbury Publishing USA. p. 85.
- "Bush fears Moore because he speaks to the heart of America". The Independent (UK). 2004.
- Dominus, Susan (2009). "Suze Orman Is Having a Moment". The New York Times.
- AFP (October 14, 2014). "Iggy Pop's advice for young rockers". Sydney Morning Herald. Retrieved April 1, 2016.
- Landers, Peter (October 11, 2012). "Paul Ryan Sounds Radical to Linguists". The Wall Street Journal. Retrieved January 24, 2016.
- "Michael Symon: 2007 winner of 'The Next Iron Chef'". Chicago Tribune. 2015.
- Maupin, Elizabeth (1997). "'Signs': Still Briming With Intelligent Life." Orlando Sentinel.