Informal learning

Informal learning is any learning that is not formal learning or non-formal learning, such as self-directed learning or learning from experience. Informal learning is organized differently than formal and non-formal learning because it has no set objective in terms of learning outcomes and is never intentional from the learner's standpoint. For all learners this includes heuristic language building, socialization, enculturation, and play. Informal learning is a pervasive ongoing phenomenon of learning via participation or learning via knowledge creation, in contrast with the traditional view of teacher-centered learning via knowledge acquisition.

Lao villagers assemble jigsaw maps of Southeast Asia. These maps were made by Big Brother Mouse, a literacy project in Laos. It was the first time any of them had seen a jigsaw puzzle of any sort.

The term is often conflated, however, with non-formal learning, and self-directed learning. It is widely used in the context of corporate training and education in relation to return on investment (ROI), or return on learning (ROL). It is also widely used when referring to science education, in relation to citizen science, or informal science education. The conflated meaning of informal and non-formal learning explicates mechanisms of learning that organically occur outside the realm of traditional instructor-led programs, e.g., reading self-selected books, participating in self-study programs, navigating performance support materials and systems, incidental skills practice, receptivity of coaching or mentoring, seeking advice from peers, or participation in communities of practice, to name a few. Informal learning is common in communities where individuals have opportunities to observe and participate in social activities.[1]


Open House Day at ESO’s Headquarters.[2]

Informal learning can be characterized as the following:

  • It usually takes place outside educational establishments;
  • It does not follow a specified curriculum and is not often professionally organized but rather originates accidentally, sporadically, in association with certain occasions, from changing practical requirements;
  • It is not necessarily planned pedagogically, systematically according to fixed subjects, test and qualification-oriented, but rather, either unconsciously incidental or consciously intended intuition, holistically problem-related, and related to actual situations and fitness for life;
  • It is experienced directly in its "natural" function of everyday life.
  • It is often spontaneous and creative.
  • It is a key component to an alternative learning system coined, Learning by Observing and Pitching In (LOPI),[3] which is based on the learning methods observed to be common in many Indigenous American communities.


The origin of informal learning has been traced back to John Dewey through his theories about learning from experience.[4] The term was later introduced by Malcolm Knowles when he published his work, Informal Adult Education in 1950.[4]

At first, informal learning was only delimited from formal school learning and nonformal learning in courses (Coombs/Achmed 1974). Marsick and Watkins take up this approach and go one step further in their definition. They, too, begin with the organizational form of learning and call those learning processes informal which are non-formal or not formally organized and are not financed by institutions (Watkins/Marsick, p. 12 et sec.). An example for a wider approach is Livingstone's definition which is oriented towards autodidactic and self-directed learning and places special emphasis on the self-definition of the learning process by the learner (Livingstone 1999, p. 68 et seq.). Livingstone explained that explicit informal learning is distinguished from tacit informal learning and socialization in the sense that the individual seeks learning in this setting and creates the conditions for it by putting himself in situations or engaging with others so that learning is possible.[5]

Differences between informal and non-formal learningEdit

As noted above, informal learning is often confused with non-formal learning. Non-formal learning has been used to often describe organized learning outside of the formal education system, either being short-term, voluntary, and having, few if any, prerequisites.[6] However they typically have a curriculum and often a facilitator.[7] As stated on the non-formal learning page, non-formal learning can be seen in various structured learning situations, such as swimming lessons, community-based sports programs and conference style seminars.

Other perspectiveEdit

Merriam et al. (2007) state: "Informal learning, Schugurensky (2000) suggests, has its own internal forms that are important to distinguish in studying the phenomenon. He proposes three forms: self-directed learning, incidental learning, and socialization, or tacit learning. These differ among themselves in terms of intentionality and awareness at the time of the learning experience. Self-directed learning, for example, is intentional and conscious; incidental learning, which Marsick and Watkins (1990) describe as an accidental by-product of doing something else, is unintentional but after the experience she or he becomes aware that some learning has taken place; and finally, socialization or tacit learning is neither intentional nor conscious (although we can become aware of this learning later through 'retrospective recognition') (Marsick & Watkins, 1990, p. 6)" (p. 36). More recently, Bennett (2012) extended Schugurenksky's (2000) conceptualization of informal by recommending four modes of informal learning: a) self-directed, which is conscious and intentional, b) incidental, which is conscious and unintentional, c) tacit, which replaces socialization and is both nonconscious and unintentional, and d) integrative, which is nonconscious and intentional. Drawing upon implicit processing literature, she further defined integrative learning as "a learning process that combines intentional nonconscious processing of tacit knowledge with conscious access to learning products and mental images" (Bennett, 2012, p. 4) and she theorized two possible sub-processes: knowledge shifting and knowledge sublimation, which describe limited access learners have to tacit knowledge.

In American Indigenous communitiesEdit

People in many Indigenous communities of the Americas often learn through observation and participation in everyday life of their respective communities and families. Barbara Rogoff, a professor of psychology, and her colleagues describe the ways in which children in Indigenous communities can learn by observing and participating in community endeavors, having an eagerness to contribute, fulfilling valuable roles, and finding a sense of belonging in their community.[8] These learning experiences rely on children's incorporation in the community and the child's attentiveness. This form of informal learning allows the children to collaborate in social endeavors, which grants the child the opportunity to learn by pitching in.

Learning occurs through socialization processes in one's culture and community.[9] Learning by observing and pitching in (LOPI) is an Informal learning model often seen in many Indigenous communities of the Americas. [10] Children can be seen participating alongside adults in many daily activities within the community. An example is the process where children learn slash-and-burn agriculture by being present in the situation and contributing when possible.[11] Noteworthy is children's own initiative and assumption of responsibility to perform tasks for the households' benefit. Many Indigenous communities provide self-paced opportunities to kids, and allow exploration and education without parental coercion. Collaborative input is highly encouraged and valued.[12] Both children and adults are actively involved in shared endeavors. Their roles as learner and expert are flexible, while the observer participates with active concentration.[13] Indigenous ways of learning include practices such as observation, experiential learning, and apprenticeship.[14]

Child work, alongside and combined with play, occupies an important place in American Indigenous children's time and development. The interaction of a Navajo girl assisting her mother weaving and who eventually becomes a master weaver herself illustrates how the child's presence and the availability of these activities allow the child to learn through observation.[15] Children start at the periphery, observing and imitating those around them, before moving into the center of activities under supervision and guidance. An example of 2-year-old Indigenous Mexican girl participating in digging-the-holes project with her mother highlights children's own initiation to help, after watching, and enthusiasm to share the task with family and community.[16] Work is part of a child's development from an early age, starting with simple tasks that merge with play and develop to various kinds of useful work.[17] The circumstances of everyday routine create opportunities for the culturally meaningful activities and sensitive interactions on which a child's development depends.[18] Children of the Chillihuani observe their environment as a place of respect, and learn from observation. Many of them become herders by informal learning in observation.[19]

Children in Nicaragua will often learn to work the land or learn to become street vendors by watching other individuals in their community perform it.[20] These activities provide opportunities for children to learn and develop through forms of social learning which are made up of everyday experiences rather than a deliberate curriculum, and contain ordinary setting in which children's social interaction and behavior occur. Informal learning for children in American Indigenous communities can take place at work where children are expected to contribute.[21]

Nonverbal communication as a learning toolEdit

In terms of the cultural variation between traditional Indigenous American and European-American middle class, the prevalence of nonverbal communication can be viewed as being dependent on each culture's definition of achievement. Often in mainstream middle-class culture, success in school and work settings is gained through practicing competitiveness and working for personal gain.[22] The learning and teaching practices of traditional Indigenous Americans generally prioritize harmony and cooperation over personal gain. In order to achieve mutual respect in teachings, what is often relied on in Indigenous American culture is nonverbal communication.[23]

Nonverbal communication in Indigenous communities creates pathways of knowledge by watching and then doing.[24] An example where nonverbal behavior can be used as a learning tool can be seen in Chillihuani culture. Children in this community learn about growing crops by observing the actions and respect adults have for the land. They learn that caring for their crops is vital for them to grow and in turn for the community to thrive. Similarly, when children participate in rituals, they learn the importance of being part of the community by watching how everyone interacts. This again needs no explicit verbal communication, it relies solely on observing the world around. Chillihuani culture does not explicitly verbalize expectations. Their knowledge is experienced rather than explained through modeled behavior for community benefit.[25]

In the indigenous culture of the Matsigenka, infants are kept in close proximity to their mother and members of the community. The infant does not go far from the mother at any time. In this way, the child is encouraged to explore away from the mother and other family members who will still keep watch. As the child wanders he may come to a place that is unknown and potentially dangerous but the mother will not stop him, she will just watch as he explores. The lack of verbal reprimand or warning from an adult or elder enable the child to assimilate his surroundings more carefully.[26]

Formal and informal educationEdit

To fully understand informal learning it is useful to define the terms "formal" and "informal" education. Formal education can be defined as a setting that is highly institutionalized, can be possibly bureaucratic, while being curriculum driven, and formally recognized with grades, diplomas, or other forms of certifications.[27] Informal education is closely tied in with informal learning, which occurs in a variety of places, such as at home, work, and through daily interactions and shared relationships among members of society. Informal learning often takes place outside educational establishments, and does not follow a specified curriculum and may originate accidentally, or sporadically, in association with certain occasions, although that is not always the case. Informal education can occur in the formal arena when concepts are adapted to the unique needs of individual students.

Research and dataEdit

Merriam and others (2007) state: "studies of informal learning, especially those asking about adults' self-directed learning projects, reveal that upwards of 90 percent of adults are engaged in hundreds of hours of informal learning. It has also been estimated that the great majority (upwards of 70 percent) of learning in the workplace is informal (Kim, Collins, Hagedorn, Williamson, & Chapman, 2004), although billions of dollars each year are spent by business and industry on formal training programs" (p. 35–36). Both formal and informal learning are considered integral processes for Virtual Human Resource Development (Bennett, 2009), with informal learning the stronger form.

Experiences and examplesEdit

Informal knowledge is information that has not been externalized or captured and the primary locus of the knowledge may be inside someone's head. (Grebow, David, "At the Water Cooler of Learning" in Conner, M. L., & Clawson, J.G. (eds.) "Transforming Culture: An Executive Briefing on the Power of Learning", Charlottesville: University of Virginia, 2002). For example, in the cause of language acquisition, a mother may teach a child basic concepts of grammar and language at home, prior to the child entering a formal education system (Eaton, Sarah (2011). "Family Literacy and the New Canadian: Formal, Non-Formal and .Informal Learning: The Case of Literacy, Essential Skills and Language Learning in Canada"). In such a case, the mother has a tacit understanding of language structures, syntax and morphology, but she may not be explicitly aware of what these are. She understands the language and passes her knowledge on to her offspring.

Other examples of informal knowledge transfer include instant messaging, a spontaneous meeting on the Internet, a phone call to someone who has information you need, a live one-time-only sales meeting introducing a new product, a chat-room in real time, a chance meeting by the water cooler, a scheduled Web-based meeting with a real-time agenda, a tech walking you through a repair process, or a meeting with your assigned mentor or manager.

Experience indicates that much of the learning for performance is informal (The Institute for Research on Learning, 2000, Menlo Park). Those who transfer their knowledge to a learner are usually present in real time. Such learning can take place over the telephone or through the Internet, as well as in person.

In the UK, the government formally recognized the benefits of informal learning in "The Learning Revolution" White Paper published on March 23, 2009 (Department for Business, Innovation and Skills, 2009). The Learning Revolution Festival ran in October 2009 and funding has been used by libraries—which offer a host of informal learning opportunities such as book groups, "meet the author" events and family history sessions—to run activities such as The North East Festival of Learning.

Trends in formal and informal learningEdit

40% of adults have self-taught themselves at some point and respondents in a survey indicated that they were twice as likely to participate in independent learning as traditional learning.[28] The average adult spends 10 hours a week (500 hours a year) on informal learning practices.[29] As a whole, this type of knowledge is more learner-centered and situational in response to the interests or needed application of the skill to a particular workforce. Formal training programs have limited success in increasing basic skills for individuals older than age 25, therefore, these individuals rely mostly on on-the-job training.

Although rates of formal education have increased, many adults entering the workforce are lacking the basic math, reading and interpersonal skills that the “unskilled” labor force requires.[30] The lines between formal and informal learning have been blurred due to the higher rates of college attendance. The largest increase in population for manual or low-skilled labor is in individuals who attended college but did not receive a degree. A recent collection of cross-sectional surveys were conducted and polled employers across the United States to gauge which skills are required for jobs which do not require college degrees. These surveys concluded that 70% require some kind of customer service aspect, 61% require reading or writing paragraphs, 65% require math, 51% require the use of computers. In regards to training and academic credentials, 71% require a high school diploma, 61% require specific vocational experience.[31] The rates of men entering the low-skilled labor force have remained static over the last fifty years, indicating a shift of less than 1%. Women's participation in the unskilled labor force has steadily increased and projections indicate that this trend will continue.

Business perspectiveEdit

The majority of companies that provide training are currently involved only with the formal side of the continuum. Most of today's investments are on the formal side. The net result is that companies spend the most money on the smallest part—25%—of the learning equation. The other 75% of learning happens as the learner creatively "adopts and adapts to ever changing circumstances". The informal piece of the equation is not only larger, it's crucial to learning how to do anything.


Lifelong learning, as defined by the OECD, includes a combination of formal, non-formal and informal learning. Of these three, informal learning may be the most difficult to quantify or prove, but it remains critical to an individual's overall cognitive and social development throughout the lifespan.

See alsoEdit


  1. ^ Paradise, Ruth; Barbara Rogoff (2009). "Side by side: Learning by observing and pitching in". Journal of the Society for Psychological Anthropology: 102–138.
  2. ^ "Open House Day 2015 – Long Night of Science at ESO's Headquarters". Retrieved 30 June 2015.
  3. ^ Rogoff, Barbara. "Learning by Observing and Pitching-In Overview". Retrieved May 22, 2014.
  4. ^ a b Messmann, Gerhard; Segers, Mien; Dochy, Filip (2018-01-22). Informal Learning at Work: Triggers, Antecedents, and Consequences. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-315-44194-8.
  5. ^ English, Leona (2005). International Encyclopedia of Adult Education. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan. p. 311. ISBN 9780230201712.
  6. ^ Baumgartner, Sharan B. Merriam, Rosemary S. Cafarella, Lisa M. (2007). Learning in adulthood : a comprehensive guide (3rd ed.). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. ISBN 978-0787975883.
  7. ^ Baumgartner, Sharan B. Merriam, Rosemary S. Cafarella, Lisa M. (2007). Learning in adulthood : a comprehensive guide (3rd ed.). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. ISBN 978-0787975883.
  8. ^ Rogoff, B; L. Alcala; A. Coppens; A. Lopez; O. Ruvalcaba; K. Silva (2012). "Pitching in and catching on: Learning through intent community participation". Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  9. ^ Pewewardy, Cornel (2002). "Learning styles of American Indian/Alaska native students: A review of the literature and implications for practice". Journal of American Indian Education. 41 (3): 22–56.
  10. ^
  11. ^ Gaskins, S (2000). "Children's Daily Activities in a Mayan Village: A Culturally Grounded Description". Cross-Cultural Research. 34 (4): 375–389. doi:10.1177/106939710003400405. S2CID 144751184.
  12. ^ Alcala; et al. (2014). "Children's Initiative in Contributions to Family Work in Indigenous-Heritage and Cosmopolitan Communities in Mexico". Human Development. 57 (2–3): 96–115. doi:10.1159/000356763. S2CID 143672802.
  13. ^ Paradise, R; B. Rogoff2 (2009). "Side-by Side: Learning by Observing and Pitching In". Journal of the Society for Psychology and Anthropology: 102–138.
  14. ^ Hart, M (2020). "Indigenous Knowledge and Research: The Míkiwáhp as a Symbol for Reclaiming Our Knowledge and Ways of Knowing". The First Peoples Child & Family Review. 3 (1): 83–90. doi:10.7202/1069528ar.
  15. ^ Göncü, A. (1999). "Children's and researchers' engagement in the world". Library of Congress Catalog: 3–23.
  16. ^ Chavajay, Pablo; Rogoff, Barbara (Jan 2002). "Schooling and traditional collaborative social organization of problem solving by Mayan mothers and children". Developmental Psychology. 38 (1): 55–66. doi:10.1037/0012-1649.38.1.55. PMID 11806702.
  17. ^ Bourdillon, M.; D. Levison; D. White; W. Myers (2009). "A place for work in children's lives?". Plan: 1–37.
  18. ^ Farver, J.A.M. (1999). "Activity setting analysis: A model for examining the role of culture in development". Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge: 99–127.
  19. ^ Bolin, Inge (2006). Growing Up in a Culture of Respect. University of Texas Press. ISBN 978-0-292-70982-9.
  20. ^ Liebel, M. (2001). "The dignity of the working child: What children in Nicaragua, El Salvador and Guatemala think about their work". Working Children's Protagonism: Social Movements and Empowerment in Latin America, Africa and India: 53–66.
  21. ^ Gaskin, S. (2000). "Children's Daily Activities in a Mayan Village: A Culturally Grounded Description". Cross-Cultural Research. 34 (4): 375–389. doi:10.1177/106939710003400405. S2CID 144751184.
  22. ^ Wynia, E. A. (2000). Teach the way the student learns: Culturally relevant teaching strategies appropriate to the Native American student in the speech communication classroom. North Dakota Journal of Speech and Theatre, 14.
  23. ^ Hwang, C. Philip, Michael E. Lamb, and Irving E. Siegel. "Learning Respect for Everything: Navajo Images of Development." Images of Childhood. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1996. 167-83.
  24. ^ Paradise, Ruth (1994). "Interactional Style and Nonverbal Meaning: Mazahua Children Learning How to be Separate-but-Together". Anthropology & Education Quarterly. 25 (2): 156–172. doi:10.1525/aeq.1994.25.2.05x0907w. JSTOR 3195944.
  25. ^ Ennew, J (2010). "Growing up in a culture of respect: child rearing in highland Peru – By Bolin, Inge". Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute. 16: 168–169. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9655.2009.01604_5.x.
  26. ^ Ochs, E., & Izquierdo, C. (n.d.). Responsibility in childhood: Three developmental trajectories.
  27. ^ Baumgartner, Sharan B. Merriam, Rosemary S. Cafarella, Lisa M. (2007). Learning in adulthood : a comprehensive guide (3rd ed.). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. ISBN 978-0787975883.
  28. ^ Livingstone, D.W. (2006). "Informal Learning: Conceptual Distinctions and Preliminary Findings". Counterpoints. 249: 203–227.
  29. ^ Livingstone, D.W. (2006). "Informal Learning: Conceptual Distinctions and Preliminary Findings". Counterpoints. 249: 203–227.
  30. ^ Lerman, Robert I.; Schmidt, Stefanie R. "The Low-Skilled Labor Market". US Department of Labor. Archived from the original on 2017-09-21. Retrieved 2017-04-20.
  31. ^ Lerman, Robert I.; Schmidt, Stefanie R. "The Low-Skilled Labor Market". US Department of Labor. Archived from the original on 2017-09-21. Retrieved 2017-04-20.

Further readingEdit

External linksEdit