France–Italy relations refers to international relations between the French Republic and the Italian Republic. Relations occur on the diplomatic, political, military, economic and cultural level between France and Italy, officially the Italian Republic (since 1946), and its predecessors, the Kingdom of Sardinia (Piedmont) (1814–1861) and the Kingdom of Italy (1861–1946). France played a major role in helping the unification of Italy, especially by the defeat of the Austrian Empire, as well as financial support. They were were rivals for control of Tunisia and North Africa in the late 19th century. France won out, which led Italy to join the Triple Alliance in 1882 with Germany and the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Tensions were high in the 1880s as expressed in a trade war. France needed allies against Germany, so it secretly negotiated a series of arrangements and treaties with Italy that by 1902 made sure that Italy would not support Germany in a war. When World War I broke out in 1914, Italy was neutral at first but bargained for territorial aggrandizement. The best offer was made by Britain and France, who promised Italy large swaths of Austria and the Ottoman Empire. The First World War went very poorly for Italy, which was vehemently angry at the terms of the peace treaties. It made some gains, but not nearly enough, and the intensity of resentment fuelled the fascist movement that led to the takeover by Benito Mussolini in 1922. In the interwar era, France tried to be friendly with Mussolini to avoid his support of Hitler's Nazi Germany. That failed and when Germany defeated France in 1940, Italy also declared war, and was given control Of an occupied zone near the common border' Corsica was added in 1942. Both nations were among the Inner six that founded the European Community, the predecessor of the European Union. They are also founding members of the G7/G8 and NATO. Since April 9, 1956 Rome and Paris are exclusively and reciprocally twinned with each other, with the popular saying:
- (in French) Seule Paris est digne de Rome; seule Rome est digne de Paris.
- (in Italian) Solo Parigi è degna di Roma; solo Roma è degna di Parigi.
- "Only Paris is worthy of Rome; only Rome is worthy of Paris."
The two countries share a 488-kilometre (303 mi) border. The border was largely determined in 1860 in the Treaty of Turin with minor rectifications performed during the 1947 Treaty of Paris. The kingdom of France had shared a border with the Duchy of Savoy since the incorporation of Provence into France under Charles VIII in 1486. The wider French-Italian border region had been part of the Kingdom of Arelat during the 11th to 14th centuries.
The border between France and Savoy had remained in flux since the Italian Wars. In the early modern period, it was fixed in the Treaty of Turin of 1696. After the War of the Spanish Succession, the House of Savoy made large territorial gains, becoming the 18th-century nucleus for the later Italian unification. Savoy was occupied by revolutionary France from 1792 to 1815. Savoy, along with Piedmont and Nice, was conjoined into the Kingdom of Sardinia at the Congress of Vienna in 1815, In 1860, under the terms of the Treaty of Turin, Savoie and Nice was annexed by France, while Lombardy passed to Italy. The last Duke of Savoy, Victor Emmanuel II, became King of Italy.
The border between the two countries does not match the linguistic border. Corsica, while traditionally Italian-speaking, is part of France, whereas the Valle d'Aosta, while traditionally French-speaking, is part of Italy.
There remains a territorial dispute over the ownership of the Mont Blanc summit, the highest mountain in Western Europe.
Impact of Emperor Napoleon IEdit
Emperor Napoleon I ruled most of Italy ( except Sicily and Sardinia), 1796-1814. Introduced a number of major reforms that permanently altered the political and legal systems of the multiple small countries on the Italian peninsula, and helped inspire Italian nationalism and a demand for unification. The feudal laws were repealed, and the administration became a matter of expertise rather than corruption and patronage. Government was no longer the preserve of the aristocracy, but was open up to the middle classes and professionals. Most church lands were sold off, systems of wealth. Conservatism returned with the Congress of Vienna 1814, but it failed to eliminate The new spirit introduced by Napoleon. Many secret societies were formed to transform and unify Italy; anticlericalism was an important new element, challenging the people rule over central Italy, and the Catholic Church is major role throughout the peninsula. The ideas of liberty led to "Risorgimento" which carried implications of unification, modernization and moral reform. 
Unification of ItalyEdit
France played a central role as Emperor Napoleon III sponsored the unification of Italy in 1850s, and then blocking it by protecting the papal states in the 1860s. Napoleon had long been an admirer of Italy and wanted to see it unified, although that might create a rival power. He plotted with Cavour of the Italian kingdom of Piedmont to expel Austria and set up an Italian confederation of four new states headed by the pope. Events in 1859 ran out of Napoleon's control in the Second Italian War of Independence. Austria was quickly defeated, but instead of four new states a popular uprising a new sense of Italian nationalismunited all of Italy under Piedmont. The pope held onto Rome only because Napoleon sent troops to protect him. France's reward was the County of Nice (which included the city of Nice and the rugged Alpine territory to its north and east) and the Duchy of Savoy. Piedmont, known officially as the kingdom of Sardinia, worked closely with France to unify Italy-- militarily by pushing Austria out, and financially by providing over one billion gold francs in 1948-60, which was half the money Sardinia needed. Cavour used the Rothschild Bank in Paris extensively, but also plated off against British and other European financiers. He angered French and Italian Catholics when the pope lost most of his domains. Napoleon then reversed himself and angered both the anticlerical liberals in France and his erstwhile Italian allies when he protected the pope in Rome. When war with Prussia loomed in 1870, France withdrew its armies and the new Italian government absorbed the papal states and Rome.
Relations after 1870 saw episodes of diplomatic and economic hostility, originating primarily in competition for control of North Africa. Germany's Chancellor Otto von Bismarck was worried by French revanchism-- searching for revenge for the loss of Alsace Lorraine – so he sought to neutralize that by encouraging French expansion in Tunisia. Italy, a latecomer to imperialism also wanted Tunisia because many Italians lived there and especially because control of both Tunis and Sicily would make it a major Mediterranean power. France was closer and had many well-established business operations there. Italy was outmaneuvered, as Britain and Germany supported France. The French army invaded and took over Tunisia and Italians were furious.Franco-Italian relations were sharply negative through the 1880s. For example there were disputes over tariffs and trade between the two countries plunged. Francesco Crispi a leading politician on the left, was indefatigable in stirring up hostility toward France.
In a spirit of revenge against France, Italy formed a military alliance with Germany and Austria-Hungary in 1882, the Triple Alliance. The new Kaiser William II removed Bismarck from power in 1890, and engaged in reckless diplomatic adventurism in North Africa that disturbed Rome and Paris. Italy's solution was to secretly move much closer to France, especially in the secret treaty of 1892, which effectively annulled the Italian membership in the Triple Alliance as far as ever making war against France. Tariff issues were resolved and in 1900, France supported Italy's ambitions to take over Tripolitania (modern Libya), and Italy recognized French predominance in Morocco. In 1902 both sides came to an understanding that regardless of the Italian renewal of membership in the Triple Alliance, Italy would not go to war with France.
All the dealings were secret, and Berlin and Vienna did not realize it had lost an ally. As a consequence, when the First World War broke out in July 1914, Italy announced the Triple Alliance did not apply, declared itself neutral, and negotiated the best deal available. Britain and France thought Italian military manpower would be an advantage, and offered Italy large swaths of territory from Austria and the Ottoman Empire. Italy eagerly joined the Allies in early 1915, and proved a serious burden. During the war, the poorly organized and led Italian army fared very poorly in battle with the mediocre Austro-Hungarian army. The allies had to pour money, munitions, and send in Fresh infantry and artillery units to hold the Italian line. Peace negotiations with Austria were vetoed by Italy, which insisted on the maximum spoils of war from Austrian territory. Anger and dissatisfaction of the and the home front reached historic levels. The peace treaties were highly unsatisfactory to the Italians – they got much less than they wanted. The intense dissatisfaction, mobilized by veterans, led to the takeover of the Italian government by Fascists led by Benito Mussolini.
In the 1920s There were several sources of friction, But they never escalated into a serious conflict. Italy demanded and received parity with the French Navy and terms of battleships at the Washington Conference of 1922. Tunisia remained a sore point, since it was a large Italian colony there. France considered itself the protector of the independent state of Ethiopia, which Italy had long coveted. However the Italian army was badly defeated at Adowa in 1896, so until 1935 Italy focused on its colonies in Eritrea and Italian Somaliland. In European affairs, Mussolini proposed that four powers, Britain, France, Italy, and Germany cooperate to dominate European affairs. France rejected the idea and the Four-Power Pact signed in July 1933 was vague and was never ratified by the four powers. After 1933 France tried to be friendly with Mussolini to avoid his support of Hitler's Nazi Germany.
When Italy invaded Ethiopia in 1935, the League of Nations condemned the action and imposed an oil boycott on Italy. British foreign minister Samuel Hoare and French Prime Minister Pierre Laval proposed a compromise satisfactory to Italy at the expense of Ethiopia, the Hoare–Laval Pact. They were both blasted at home for their appeasement of Italy. The catch phrase in Britain was, "No more Hoares to Paris!" and both lost their high posts.
Appeasement of Italy failed and when Germany defeated France in 1940, Italy also declared war and invaded southern France. Italy obtained control of an occupation zone near the common border. Corsica was added in 1942. The Vichy regime that controlled southern France was friendly toward Italy, seeking concessions of the sort Germany would never make in its occupation zone.
Both nations were among the Inner six that founded the European Community, the predecessor of the EU. They are also founding members of the G7/G8 and NATO. With a powerful Communist Party in Parliament, and a strong neutral elements among the people, Italy was at first hesitant to join NATO. Britain was opposed to Italian membership. So too was France at first but it began to realize that French security depended on a non-hostile Mediterranean region. Thus Paris became a supporter. Wanting closer ties to the United States, Italy did join but avoided deep involvement in military planning.
In the 1960s, France's Charles de Gaulle A leader in developing a foreign policy that will minimize the role of Britain and the United States, while trying to build up an independent European base. While not formally abandoning NATO, de Gaulle pulled France out of its main activities. Italy generally was reluctant to follow France, and insisted on the importance of the strong European Union that included Britain.
Historically strong relations between France and Italy have significantly deteriorated following the formation of a government coalition in Italy comprising the Five Star Movement and the League in June 2018. Points of contention between the countries have included immigration, budgetary constraints, the Second Libyan Civil War, the CFA Franc, and Italian support for opposition movements in France.
In June 2018, French President Emmanuel Macron accused Italy of "cynicism and irresponsibility" for turning away the Aquarius Dignitus migrant rescue ship. The Italian government summoned the French ambassador in response, with Italian Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte describing Macron's remarks as "hypocritical".
In September 2018, Italian Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini condemned France's foreign policy in Libya, including its advocacy for the 2011 military intervention in Libya and actions during the Second Libyan Civil War, accusing France of "putting at risk the security of North Africa and, as a result, of Europe as a whole" for "economic motives and selfish national interest".
On 9 October 2018, French Prime Minister Edouard Philippe accused Salvini of "posturing" on immigration and urged Italy to coordinate with other European countries prior to a meeting between the two men. Immediately following the meeting, Salvini praised the leader of the French opposition National Rally party, noting that he feels "closer to the views of Marine Le Pen".
On 21 October 2018, Salvini accused France of "dumping migrants" on Italian soil.
On 7 January 2019, both Italian Deputy Prime Ministers, Salvini and Luigi Di Maio, announced their support for the yellow vests movement in France, which has been involved in widespread protests against the French government.
In January 2019, Di Maio accused France of causing the migrant crisis by having "never stopped colonising Africa" through the CFA Franc. France responded by summoning the Italian ambassador. Salvini subsequently backed Di Maio by accusing France of being among people who "steal wealth" from Africa, and added that France had "no interest in stabilising the situation" in Libya due to its oil interests.
On 5 February 2019, Di Maio met with leaders of the French yellow vests movement, saying "The wind of change has crossed the Alps,".
On 7 February 2019, France recalled its ambassador from Rome in order to protest Italian criticism of French policies, which it described as "repeated accusations, unfounded attacks and outrageous declarations" that were "unprecedented since the end of the war".
France is Italy's second-largest trading partner and, symmetrically, Italy is also the second-largest trading partner of France.
Italian culture in FranceEdit
Italian Renaissance had a great influence on France during the 16th century.
Many Italian artists of the 19th and 20th century (Giuseppe De Nittis, Boldini, Gino Severini, Amedeo Modigliani, Giorgio de Chirico) went to France to work, at a time when Paris was the international capital of arts.
Many Italian immigrated to France during the first part of the 20th century: in 1911, 36% of foreigners living in France were Italian. Immigrants have sometime suffered a violent anti-Italianism like the Vêpres marseillaises (Marseilles vespers) in June 1881 or Aigues-Mortes massacre on 17 August 1893. Today, it is estimated that as many as 5 million French nationals have Italian ancestry going back three generations.
Nowadays 340,000 Italian nationals live in France, while 130,000 French citizens live in Italy. In the French Departement of Alpes-Maritimes at least 80% of the population can trace some ancestry back to Italy and 40% can claim it as solely Italian and Italian is the mother language of 30% of the population.
French culture in ItalyEdit
The Norman and the Angevin dynasties that ruled the Kingdom of Sicily and the Kingdom of Naples during the Middle Ages came from France. The Normans introduced a distinct romanesque art and castle architecture imported from Northern France. At the end of the 13th century, the Angevin introduced gothic art in Naples, giving birth to a peculiar gothic architecture style inspired by Southern French gothic.
During the 17th and 18th century many French artists lived and worked in Italy, especially in Rome, which was the international capital of arts. These include Simon Vouet, Valentin de Boulogne, Nicolas Poussin, Claude Lorrain and Pierre Subleyras.
The Villa Medici in Rome hosts the French Academy in Rome. The Academy was founded in 1666 by Louis XIV to train French artists (painters, sculptors, architects) and make them familiar with Roman and Italian Renaissance art. Today the Academy is responsible for promoting French culture in Italy.
From 1734 to 1861, the Kingdom of Naples and of Sicily were under the domination of the Spanish branch of the Bourbon dynasty, originating from France. Charles III, king of Naples was the grand son of Louis, Dauphin de France, son of Louis XIV.
During the Napoleonic era, large parts of Italy were under French control and some were annexed to the First French Empire. The Kingdom of Naples was ruled by Joseph Bonaparte, brother of Napoleon Bonaparte, and then by Marshall Joachim Murat : it was under Joseph Bonaparte's rule that feudalism was abolished, in 1806.
The Prime minister of the Kingdom of Sardinia Camillo Benso was able to take Napoleon III on his side after the Orsini affair during the Italian Unification: The French army was allied with Victor Emmanuel II of Italy during the Second Italian War of Independence and defeated the Austrians at the Battle of Magenta and the Battle of Solferino. After that, France opposed Italy during the Capture of Rome (but did not do anything to prevent it), that represented the end of the Papal temporal power.
The last military conflict was the Second Battle of the Alps in April 1945.
Notes and referencesEdit
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- Wells, H. G., Raymond Postgate, and G. P. Wells. The Outline of History, Being a Plain History of Life and Mankind. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1956. p. 723–753.
- Martin Collier, Italian Unification 1820-71 ( Heinemann, 2003) pp 1-31.
- William E. Echard, "Louis Napoleon and the French Decision to Intervene at Rome in 1849: A New Appraisal." Canadian Journal of History 9.3 (1974): 263-274. excerpt
- Rondo E. Cameron, "French Finance and Italian Unity: The Cavourian Decade." American Historical Review 62.3 (1957): 552-569. online
- Harry Hearder, Cavour (1994) 99-159.
- Mark I. Choate, "'The Tunisia Paradox': Italy’s Strategic Aims, French Imperial Rule, and Migration in the Mediterranean Basin.” California Italian Studies 1, (2010): 1-20." (2010). online
- Christopher Andrew, Théophile Delcassé and the Making of the Entente Cordiale: A Reappraisal of French Foreign Policy 1898–1905 (1968) pp 20, 82, 144, 190.
- William A. Renzi, "Italy's neutrality and entrance into the Great War: a re-examination." American Historical Review 73.5 (1968): 1414-1432. online
- Margaret MacMillan (2007). Paris 1919: Six Months That Changed the World. pp. 428–30.
- Giovanna Procacci, "Italy: From Interventionism to Fascism, 1917-1919." Journal of contemporary history 3.4 (1968): 153-176. online
- Jacques Néré, The foreign policy of France from 1914 to 1945 (2002) pp 132-154.
- Andrew Holt, "‘No more Hoares to Paris’: British foreign policymaking and the Abyssinian Crisis, 1935." Review of International Studies 37.3 (2011): 1383-1401.
- Emanuele Sica, Mussolini's Army In the French Riviera, the Italian occupation of France (2016)
- Karine Varley, "Vichy and the Complexities of Collaborating with Fascist Italy: French Policy and Perceptions between June 1940 and March 1942." Modern & Contemporary France 21.3 (2013): 317-333.
- E.Timothy Smith, The United States, Italy and NATO, 1947-52 (2015) pp 56-61, 67-72; excerpts.
- Alessandro Brogi, A Question of Self-Esteem: The United States and the Cold War Choices in France and Italy, 1944-1958 (2002) online
- W.W. Kulski, De Gaulle and the world: the foreign policy of the fifth French Republic (1966) pp 145, 166, 257.
- Luca Ratti, Italy and NATO expansion to the Balkans: An examination of realist theoretical frameworks (2004). pp 66-67.
- Madrid, Angela Giuffrida Sam Jones in; agencies (13 June 2018). "Italy summons French ambassador in row over migrant rescue boat". Retrieved 8 February 2019 – via www.theguardian.com.
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- "France tells Italy to stop 'posturing' on immigration and find a solution". www.thelocal.fr. 9 October 2018. Retrieved 8 February 2019.
- "Border tensions boil over as France 'dumps' migrants in Italy". www.aljazeera.com. Retrieved 8 February 2019.
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- Corti, Paola (2003), L'emigrazione italiana in Francia: un fenomeno di lunga durata, Altreitalie, no. 26, janvier-juin 2003
- "L'immigration italienne en Provence au XIXe siècle". 24 December 2006. Retrieved 8 February 2019.
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- "Résultats de la recherche - Insee". www.insee.fr. Retrieved 8 February 2019.
- Cameron, Rondo E. "French Finance and Italian Unity: The Cavourian Decade." American Historical Review 62.3 (1957): 552-569. online
- Choate, Mark I. "Identity politics and political perception in the European settlement of Tunisia: the French colony versus the Italian colony." French Colonial History 8.1 (2007): 97-109. online
- Choate, Mark I. "Tunisia, Contested: Italian Nationalism, French Imperial Rule, and Migration in the Mediterranean Basin." California Italian Studies 1.1 (2010). online
- Echard, William E. , "Louis Napoleon and the French Decision to Intervene at Rome in 1849: A New Appraisal." Canadian Journal of History 9.3 (1974): 263-274. excerpt
- Langer, William L. The Diplomacy of Imperialism, 1890-1902 (1951)
- Pearce, Robert, and Andrina Stiles. Access to History: The Unification of Italy 1789-1896 (4th ed., Hodder Education, 2015) Undergraduate textbook.
- Ward, Patrick J. Relations Between France and Italy. (1934) 50pp online
- "France and Italy", The French Foreign Ministry